PM/NR/Globalisation + Policies in Education Flashcards
How did the New Right use the National Curriculum to promote competition in education?
The National Curriculum, introduced in 1988 under Conservative education reforms, standardised subjects to allow exam-based comparison. According to Chubb & Moe, this promoted competition by encouraging parental choice and school accountability.
What is parentocracy, and how does open enrolment reflect New Right principles?
Ball (1994) describes parentocracy as a system where parents become consumers of education. Open enrolment allowed parents to apply to multiple schools, increasing competition and pushing schools to meet consumer expectations.
How do Chubb & Moe support consumer choice in education?
Chubb & Moe (1990) found that low-income students in private schools in the USA performed 5% better than peers in state schools. They argued a voucher system would empower parents and improve standards through market incentives.
How does Peter Saunders (1996) link meritocracy and marketisation?
Peter Saunders claims society is meritocratic, with social mobility driven by natural ability. He argues marketisation rewards talent and that inequality is justified, similar to Davis & Moore’s Functionalist role allocation theory.
How do Marxists critique the National Curriculum and meritocracy?
Althusser sees education as an ideological state apparatus transmitting ruling class values. Bowles & Gintis argue the idea of meritocracy is a myth, masking the reproduction of class inequality.
How do sociologists like Ball critique parentocracy and school choice?
Ball (1994) argues that parentocracy benefits m/c families who can use cultural and economic capital to secure places in top schools, often through ‘selection by mortgage’ in expensive catchment areas.
What are the limitations of the voucher system proposed by Chubb & Moe?
The Sutton Trust (2013) found that students from poorer backgrounds who accessed private education via scholarships outperformed similar students in state schools. However, critics argue vouchers may stigmatise and segregate working-class pupils.
What are postmodernist criticisms of New Right marketisation policies?
According to Thompson (1992), standardisation through policies like the National Curriculum undermines individualism. Postmodernists argue league tables and Ofsted turn education into a performance system, reducing creativity and diversity.
What was the impact of the introduction of the National Curriculum (1988)?
Introduced by the Conservative government under the 1988 Education Reform Act, the National Curriculum required all state schools to teach the same core subjects from ages 5 to 16. It aimed to standardise content and enable comparison via league tables. Chubb & Moe support standardisation to raise standards.
What are the criticisms of the National Curriculum?
Critics argue the National Curriculum, introduced in 1988 by the Conservatives, is ethnocentric. Ball and Troyna say it promotes white, middle-class culture. Postmodernists add that it limits student creativity by enforcing a ‘one size fits all’ approach.
What was the impact of introducing Sure Start centres under New Labour?
Introduced by the Labour government in 1999, Sure Start centres aimed to tackle child poverty by offering early years education, parenting classes, and health services. Sylva et al. (2004) found they improved cognitive and social development among children in deprived areas.
What were the limitations of Sure Start centres?
Though introduced by New Labour in 1999, many Sure Start centres were closed during the Coalition’s austerity programme post-2010. Ofsted and the National Audit Office found closures harmed school readiness for children in deprived communities.
What was the purpose and impact of the introduction of academies (2000 onwards)?
Introduced by New Labour in 2000 and expanded by the Coalition from 2010, academies are state-funded schools run by sponsors with greater autonomy over budget and curriculum. Mossbourne Academy improved attainment in Hackney (Gillborn, 2008).
What are the critiques of academies as a policy?
Critics like Ball argue academies, first introduced under Labour in 2000, promote privatisation and reduce democratic accountability. Some studies show inconsistent performance, with some academies underperforming compared to maintained schools.
What was the purpose of the Pupil Premium (2011), and how successful was it?
Introduced by the Coalition government in 2011, the Pupil Premium gave schools £900 per year per pupil on free school meals to reduce the attainment gap. Ofsted (2012) praised its potential but found only 1 in 10 headteachers changed their support strategy.
What are the limitations of the Pupil Premium policy?
While introduced by the Coalition in 2011 to reduce disadvantage, critics argue it was often misused. Ofsted (2012) found the funding was sometimes absorbed into general budgets, failing to improve outcomes for the poorest students.
What is formula funding, and how is it a policy of marketisation?
Introduced in 1988 under the Education Reform Act by the Conservative government, formula funding allocates money to schools based on pupil numbers. Chubb & Moe (New Right) support this marketisation tool, arguing it increases school efficiency through competition.
What are league tables, and how do they promote marketisation?
Introduced in the 1990s under Conservative reforms, league tables rank schools by exam results to foster accountability. Ball (1994) argues they reflect marketisation, where schools compete for high-performing pupils in a quasi-market system.
How does open enrolment reflect parentocracy?
Introduced in 1988 by the Conservative government, open enrolment lets parents apply to any school, not just local ones. Ball (1994) links this to parentocracy, where middle-class parents use their cultural capital to access the best schools.
What role does Ofsted play in the policy of parentocracy?
Established in 1992, Ofsted inspects and publishes school reports. Gewirtz (1995) argues this supports parentocracy by helping ‘skilled chooser’ parents make informed decisions, though it reinforces middle-class advantage in the education market.
How does postmodernism view education in a consumer society?
Postmodernists argue we now live in a consumer society where individuals are free to choose their lifestyle, including education. The system reflects this with a wide range of school types and qualifications (e.g., free schools, academies). Education is now shaped by individual choice, not uniformity. Bauman supports this ‘pick and mix’ culture.
What is a key critique of the consumer-based view of education?
Critics argue that the apparent choice in education mainly benefits the middle class. Marxists like Bourdieu say cultural capital allows m/c families to exploit parentocracy. Additionally, postmodernism ignores ongoing inequalities in access to high-performing schools.
How does postmodernism explain the rise in cultural diversity and hybridity in education?
Postmodernists argue globalisation has led to cultural hybridity, with schools embracing multiculturalism (e.g., language support, Black History Month). Education now prepares pupils to be global citizens. Faith schools and diverse curricula reflect this shift. Supported by Ball and Gewirtz.
What are the limitations of postmodernist views on cultural diversity in education?
Marxists like Troyna & Williams argue postmodern policies (like multicultural education) are tokenistic and fail to address institutional racism. They argue real inequalities stem from structural issues, not just cultural representation.
