Theories and concepts of security Flashcards
what is an essentially contested subject
- Essentially contested concepts are said to be so value-laden that no amount of argument or evidence can ever lead to agreement on a single version as the ‘correct or standard use’.
Buzan’s definition of security
essentially contested subject
disavows any intention of formulating a precise definition and suggests that to attempt to do so is to misunderstand the function of essentially contested concepts in social science
strong variants of this position lead to a radical sceptical nihilism in which there are no grounds for preferring one conception of security to another.
issue with security as essentially contested - appraisive terms
o In the first place, the concept must be ‘appraisive in the sense that it signifies or accredits some kind of valued achievement.
W. B. Gallie uses the concept of a ‘champion’ in sports to illustrate the point, i.e., to label a team as champion is to say that it plays the game better than other teams. Is the concept of security similar to the concept of a champion? Neorealists seem to imply that it is. For them security is the most important goal a state can have in the same way that winning a championship is presumably the goal of all teams in Gallie’s example…. so states with more security than other states are better at playing the neorealist version of the ‘game’ of international politics. From the neorealist perspective, then, it is plausible to treat security as an appraisive concept.
But Wolfers contends that states vary widely in the value they place on security and that some states may be so dissatisfied with the status quo that they are more interested in acquiring new values than in securing the values they have
issue with security as essentially contested - contested nature
it must actually generate vigorous disputes as to the nature of the concept and its applicability to various cases.
Gallie deliberately rules out policy disputes in ‘practical life’ that reflect conflicts of ‘interests, tastes, or attitudes’. These, he suggests, are more likely to involve special pleading and rationalization than deep-seated philosophical disagreement. Thus, much of the contemporary public policy debate over whether to treat the environment, budget deficits, crime or drug traffic as national security issues does not qualify as serious conceptual debate by Gallie’s standards
Baldwin’s definition of security
- Wolfers’ characterization of security as ‘the absence of threats to acquired values’.
- Since there is some ambiguity in the phrase ‘absence of threats’, Wolfers’ phraseology will be reformulated by Baldwin as “a low probability of damage to acquired values”- also allows for inclusion of events such as earthquakes which Ulman thinks should be included.
Baldwin - security as contested subject
Security is more appropriately described as a confused or inadequately explicated concept than as an essentially contested one.
Baldwin - things ideas of security need to clarify
Security for whom?
Security for which values?
How much security?
from what threats?
by what means?
at what cost
in what time period
Baldwin - security for whom is important
- As Buzan rightly points out, a concept of security that fails to specify a ‘referent object’ makes little sense.
Baldwin- meaning of security for which values
- The concept of national security has traditionally included political independence and territorial integrity as values to be protected; but other values are sometimes added. The former American Secretary of Defense Harold Brown, for example, includes the maintenance of ‘economic relations with the rest of the world on reasonable terms
Baldwin - importance of how much security
- One reason it is important to specify the degree of security a country has or seeks is that absolute security is unattainable.
- If security is conceived of as a matter of degree, Buzan observes, ‘then complicated and objectively unanswerable questions arise about how much security is enough’.This, of course, is precisely why security should be so conceived.
Baldwin - use of from what threats
- Those who use the term security usually have in mind particular kinds of threats. Home security systems, for example, are usually directed at potential burglars; and national security systems are often directed at other states. Since threats to acquired values can arise from many sources, it is helpful if this dimension is clearly specified. Vague references to the ‘Communist threat’ to national security during the Cold War often failed to specify whether they referred to ideological threats, economic threats, military threats, or some combination thereof, thus impeding rational debate of the nature and magnitude of the threat
Baldwin - importance of clarifying by what means
- The tendency of some security studies scholars to define the subfield entirely in terms of ‘the threat, use, and control of military force’ can lead to confusion as to the means by which security may be pursued. It can also prejudice discussion in favour of military solutions to security problems.
Baldwin - importance of clarifying at what cost
- The pursuit of security always involves costs, i.e., the sacrifice of other goals that could have been pursued with the resources devoted to security. From the standpoint of a rational policy-maker, however, costs always matter
- Wolfers argues against those who would place national security policy beyond moral judgment, he contends that the sacrifice of other values for the sake of security inevitably makes such policies ‘a subject for moral judgment’. Given the crimes that have been committed in the name of ‘national security’, this is a helpful reminder.
Baldwin - importance of clarifying in what time period
- The most rational policies for security in the long run may differ greatly from those for security in the short run. In the short run, a high fence, a fierce dog, and a big gun may be useful ways to protect oneself from the neighbours. But in the long run, it may be preferable to befriend them. Short-run security policies may also be in conflict with long-run security policies.
prime value approach to security
- One way of determining the value of security is to ask what life would be like without it. The most famous answer to this question is that by Thomas Hobbes to the effect that life would be ‘solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short’ – so assert the ‘primacy of the goal of security’
issue with prime value approach
- The fallacy in this line of argument is exposed by asking the Hobbesian question with respect to breathable air, potable water, salt, food, shelter or clothing. The answer is roughly the same for each of these as it is for security; and a plausible case for the ‘primacy’ of each can be made.
To the extent that the prime value approach implies that security outranks other values for all actors in all situations, it is both logically and empirically indefensible. Logically, it is flawed because it provides no justification for limiting the allocation of resources to security in a world where absolute security is unattainable. Empirically it is flawed because it fails to comport with the way people actually behave. Prehistoric people may have lived in caves for security, but they did not remain there all the time. Each time they ventured forth in pursuit of food, water or adventure, they indicated a willingness to sacrifice the security of the cave for something they presumably valued more.
core value approach
- The core value approach allows for other values by asserting that security is one of several important values.
issue with core value approach
Although this approach mitigates the logical and empirical difficulties associated with the prime value approach, it does not eliminate them. One is still confronted with the need to justify the classification of some values as core values and other values as non-core values. And if core values are always more important than other values, this approach cannot justify allocating any resources whatsoever to the pursuit of non-core values.
marginal value approach
favoured by Baldwin
the law of diminishing marginal utility is as applicable to security as it is to other values. Asserting the primacy of security is like asserting the primacy of water, food, or air. A certain minimum amount of each is needed to sustain life, but this does not mean that the value of a glass of water is the same for a person stranded in a desert and a person drowning in a lake. The value of an increment of something depends on how much of it one has…. the more security one has, the less one is likely to value an increment of security
security is only one of many policy objectives competing for scarce resources and subject to the law of diminishing returns. Thus, the value of an increment of national security to a country will vary from one country to another and from one historical context to another.
Human security
- Although definitions of human security vary, most formulations emphasize the welfare of ordinary people. They refer to the individual not the state.
“Human security can be said to have two main aspects. It means, first, safety from such chronic threats as hunger, disease and repression. And second, it means protection from sudden and hurtful disruptions in the patterns of daily life-whether in homes, in jobs or in communities.
Paris - issue with human security
human security-lacks precision. The scope of this definition is vast: Virtually any kind of unexpected or irregular discomfort could conceivably constitute a threat to one’s human security.
Policymakers and scholars face problems in attempting to put these definitions of human security into practical use.
o The observation that all human and natural realms are fundamentally interrelated is a truism and does not provide a very convincing justification for treating all needs, values, and policy objectives as equally important. Nor does it help decisionmakers in their daily task of allocating scarce resources among competing goals.
support for keeping human security vague
o the most ardent backers of human security appear to have an interest in keeping the term expansive and vague. The idea of human security is the glue that holds together a jumbled coalition of “middle power” states, development agencies, and NGOs-all of which seek to shift attention and resources away from conventional security issues and toward goals that have tradition- ally fallen under the rubric of international development.
o According to the government of Japan, for example, the concept of human security “comprehensively covers all the measures that threaten human survival, daily life, and dignity-for example, environmental degradation, violations of human rights, transnational organized crime, illicit drugs, refugees, poverty, anti-personnel land- mines and…infectious diseases such as AIDS-and strengthens efforts to confront these threats.”
King and Murray’s attempt to narrow concept of human security
offer a definition of human security that is intended to include only “essential” elements, meaning elements that are “important enough for human beings to fight over or to put their lives or property at great risk.” Using this standard, they identify five key indicators of well-being-poverty, health, education, political freedom, and democracy-that they intend to incorporate into an overall measure of human security for individuals and groups.
Paris’s issue with King and Murray’s narrowing of human security
o But they neglect to offer evidence that their five indicators are, in fact, closely related to the risk of violent conflict. In other words, they favour certain values as representative of human security without offering a clear justification for doing so
o their decision to exclude indicators of violence from their composite measure of human security creates a de facto distinction between human security and physical security, thereby purging the most familiar connotation of security- safety from violence-from their definition of human security.