The rise of new state donors Flashcards

1
Q

How has FDI changed from 2000 to 2012?

A

FDI rose from US$7 billion in 2000 to US$126 in 2012

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2
Q

Why should new donors be called (re)emerging donors?

A
  • Until the late 19th Century China & India were world’s two biggest economies
  • In 1970s Saudi Arabia were third largest donors in the world (Mawdsley, 2012)
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3
Q

How is China characteristed in relation to the BRICS?

A
  • Without China, the BRICs are just the BRI, a bland, soft cheese. China is the muscle of the group, they are the biggest potential market (Rothkopf, 2009)
  • China’s economy is larger than other three original BRICs economies combined (Power, 2015)
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4
Q

What is a useful framework posed by Mawdsley (2017) to unpack hegemonic development?

A
  • Material
  • Ontological
  • Ideational
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5
Q

What is the material element to Mawdsley’s framework?

A

‘Aid’ and ‘aid-like’ flows of finances, gods and technical assistance

Mawdsley (2017)

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6
Q

What is the ontological element to Mawdsley’s framework?

A
  • Re-making of national identity that has come with global recognition and respect for Southern states as development partners
  • Move from ‘closed spaces’ to ‘invited spaces
  • Ontological hierarchy of Northern donor and Southern recipients has been upset

Mawdsley (2017)

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7
Q

What is the ideational element to Mawdsley’s framework?

A
  • Discursive construction and projection of development ‘norms’
  • Southern states have been successfully projected ideational power in international development

Mawdsley (2017)

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8
Q

How was there a soft wiring of development since the 1990s?

A

Soft wiring of development that growth as the ideological way to achieve poverty reduction

Mawdsley (2017)

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9
Q

What is being an aid donor historically pegged to?

A

Aid donor historically pegged to notion of a shift to more advanced economic and political status

Mawdsley (2017)

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10
Q

Why are many of (re)emerging powers cautious about label of ‘donor’?

A
  • Cautious about label of ‘donor’ –> burdened associations of paternalism, hierarchy and necolonialism
  • Superiority of Western ideas, models and norms and their right to intervene

Mawdsley (2012)

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11
Q

How is India and Africa’s relationship characterised by?

A
  • Since 2000, Indian foreign policy is to seek geopolitical partnership in multiple directions
  • Pledged increase aid to Africa, duty-free access to Indian markets for world’s 50 LDCs – 34 of which are in Africa
  • Development discourse built upon shared colonial oppression:
    • India-Africa linked across Indian Ocean and have been partners for thousands of years, advent of colonial period disturbed these interactions but could not disrupt them (Tharoor, 2009)
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12
Q

How is Brazil’s relationship with Africa characterised by?

A
  • In 2001, Brazil’s exports to Africa were US$64 billion, in 2017 they were US$580.9 billion
  • Special relationship around African heritage within Brazilian culture –> historical debt to Africa for slavery for centuries
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13
Q

What do Chinese principles of development cooperation from 1963 focus around?

A
  • Around a discourse mutual benefit and solidarity (Mawdsley, 2012)
  • Remained remarkably durable as states principle so foreign policy engagement regardless of underlying motivations and agendas
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14
Q

How do China view Africa?

A
  • Chinese think more long term do not see Africa as ‘basket case’ but a region of economic possibilities
  • Chinese finance around soft loans and collateralizing minerals rather than aid –> commercially, project orientated strategy

Mohan et al. (2009)

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15
Q

How like Africa is China not a homogenous bloc?

A

Just like Africa is not a homogenous bloc, the Chinese “state” and Chinese “business” does not exist in a singular, unitary form with a standardized position

Gu et al. (2016)

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16
Q

How are China criticised in their relation to environemnt standards?

A

Although China and other emerging donors are members of World Bank and IMF they do not apply the environmental standards and procurement rules do not apply to their bilateral aid programmes

Woods (2008)

17
Q

How are Chinese mining standards in Zambia

A
  • Mining Chinese standards are very low – conditions in Chinese-developed Chambishi mines in Zambia are poor with 46 miners dying n an explosion in 2005
  • Meanwhile China benefiting greatly, importing 63 per cent of its base metals from Zambia alone Woods (2008)
18
Q

How are China not adding to current development theory?

A

Not expanding ideological space of development theory – China’s economic vision and emerging capitalistic similar to neoliberal strategy of dominate international development

Mohan et al. (2009)

19
Q

How are China criticised for creating rogue aid?

A
  • Criticise China’s rogue aid for lack of transparency, democracy and conditionality
  • Western aid constructed as ideologically and morally ‘better’
  • Do not interfere in political affairs of other countries

Nye (2006)

20
Q

What common aspects do Southern development actors share and what is the effect of this?

A
  • Not unitary
  • Shared experience of colonial exploitation or present vulnerability to uneven neoliberal globalization –> shared identity of ‘developing nations’
  • Explicit rejection of hierarchical relations
  • Alterative expertise in development approaches and technologies
  • Win-win outcomes

Mawdsley (2012)

21
Q

How is South-South cooperation characterised by?

A

Constructed as site of promise and opportunity

Mawdsley (2012)

22
Q

How do emerging powers harness recongition and value?

A
  • Emerging powers seek recognition and value of being treated with respect within international community of states (Nel, 2010)
  • “I find that the Chinese treat us as equals. The West treats us as former subjects” – Prime Minister of Botswana
23
Q

What are some of the critiques to South-South Cooperation?

A
  • Shared colonial/postcolonial identity hides ever-widening differences within global South
  • Naïve to thing that there is no danger of imperialism from the East. In world power politics the East has as much design on Africa as the West and serve their own interests
  • ‘Toxic aid’ – promote national self-interest at expense of poor people and countries, while undermining liberal good governance

Mawdsley (2012)

24
Q

What are the benefit and negatives of (re)emerging powers becoming active partners in international development according to the mainstream aid community?

A

Benefit: specific expertise and additional resources they provide

Negative: Proliferation of new actors and low levels of transparency and different approaches undermine fragile gains around good governance, aid effectiveness and poverty reduction

Mawdsley (2012)

25
Q

Why is important to be careful of how you describe actors in the development aid industry?

A
  • Traditional or Western development community implies others are ‘non-traditional’
  • Mainstream development community legitimizes the Western ideologies

Mawdsley (2012)

26
Q

How does aid reinforce binaries?

A

Aid reinforces Orientalist binaries of superior/inferior and donor/recipient

Mawdsley (2012)

27
Q

How do (re)emerging powers demand greater equality?

A

(Re)emerging powers demands for greater equality between states with development governance regimes not inflected inwards to support more progressive or just politics within states

Mawdsley (2012)