Sociolinguistics

Question 1

Describe covert prestige.

Answer 1

Prestige: a set of extralinguistic traits that are associated with a linguistic variant and make it more likely to be imitated (Penny).
Two types:
1. Overt: from the top, can work its way down
(e.g. /-s/ maintenance in Mexico, northern Spain)
2. Covert: from the bottom, can work its way up
- Tied to factors like language loyalty and solidarity
- Doesn’t have to spread upwards (e.g. Murcian Spanish)
- When it does move up, it does so in a zig-zag fashion. Often is found with men who are trying to sound more masculine.
(e.g. /-s/ aspiration in Madrid (Penny), Belfast workers (Milroy & Milroy), velarized /r/ in Puerto Rico (Lopez Morales))

Question 2

Linguistic variable v. sociolinguistic variable

Answer 2

1. Linguistic variable: a set of equivalent realizations of the same underlying element (e.g. /s/ > [s, h…). It is important that they are semantically equivalent.
2. Linguistic variables can definitely be found at the phonological (/s/, /b, d, g/) and morphological (-ito, -illo) levels. At the syntactic and lexical levels it is more confusing (e.g. dequeismo, simple v. periphrastic future, synonymy, mar v. playa).
3. Sociolinguistic variables are linguistic variables that covary with social and stylistic factors (Lopez Morales) (e.g. /s/ in Caribbean dialects, zeismo in Argentina).
4. At the phonological level, sociolinguistic variation is fairly easy to deal with. It gets more complicated outside of that, especially in the area of syntax. There may be important semantic differences.

Question 3

Difficulties of analyzing sociolinguistic variation through syntax

Answer 3

Silva-Corvalan points out four important problems:
1. In any language there is less syntactic variation. The same holds true for Spanish.
2. Syntactic variation is harder to measure and quantify. Whereas with phonetics you can make physical measurements, how do you measure the degree of difference between two constructions?
3. Syntactic variation may represent underlying semantic differences.
4. The contexts in which syntactic variation occurs is harder to identify. It is determined by a mix of discourse and pragmatic features, and two constructions may in one instance have unique meanings and in another be completely interchangeable.
Schwenter points out another important and more practical problem. To analyze syntactic variation, researchers have to use large corpora, most of which are not coded to allow for a detailed analysis of extralinguistic factors.

Question 4

Linguistic insecurity

Answer 4

Definition: When there is a gap between what a speaker asserts is the right or most correct form and the form the speaker actually uses (e.g. personalization of "haber", -mos v. -nos, -ste v. -stes in Puerto Rico (Lopez Morales)).
Different authors have found linguistic insecurity to be prevalent at different social class levels (e.g. Lopez Morales, lower class; Labov, middle-lower class; Serrano, university educated). 
Linguistic insecurity can occur both at an individual level and also at a group level (e.g. Dominican Spanish v. other forms of Spanish (Alba)).

Question 5

Diglosia and bilingualism

Answer 5

By way of preface, it is important to note that there is still not a consensus on the exact definition of diglossia. In 2002, Hudson remarked that 40 years after its introduction, we still don’t really know what we are talking about.
Diglossia
1. Originally introduced by Ferguson to deal with situations found in classical languages like Greek and Arabic. Two variants of the same language, one high and one low, that were used for completely separate functions. No one learned the high language as their mother tongue. Low language varies, high language doesn’t.
2. Fishman later expanded the concept of diglossia to include situations in which two different languages were used for different functions. Identified four different categories (diglossia w/out bilingualism, diglossia w/ bilingualism…) (e.g. Spanish and Guarani in Paraguay)
3. The debate still continues. Penny seems to support Fishman’s expansion, Lopez Morales seems to support Ferguson. Some have suggested that the term should be used to also discuss normal social stratification…
Bilingualism
1. Basically, two languages that compete for the same functions in a community. There is less stability than in diglossic situations (e.g. Spanish and Catalan in Spain).
The problem
1. It is extremely difficult to disentangle the two concepts. Perhaps the easiest way to distinguish between them is to look at stability and separation of function, though neither of those is permanent (Lopez Morales, e.g. Spanish and Quechua in the Andes, languages in India).

Question 6

Code switching. What is it? Where does it happen? What motivates it?

Answer 6

What is it?
When a speaker changes codes within the same discourse.

Where does it happen?
According to Poplack, there are three types of switches:
1. Single expression (e.g. Ave María! Which English!)
2. Inter-sentence (e.g. It’s on the radio. Se me olvida en…)
3. Intra-sentence (e.g. Eres puertorriqueno, your father is…)
These switches normally follow the following two rules:
1. No switching from a lexical entry to a dependent morpheme (e.g. runeando). Only occurs if lexical entry has already been adopted.
2. Switching has to follow correct order of both languages (e.g. I told him that para que la trajera ligero). Silva-Corvalan has noted exceptions to this in which speakers are more loyal to one language than the other (e.g. He’s the man quien trabajo para)

Why?
1. It is not
Topic shift
Codifying emotion
Rhetorical function
Quoting (Le dije, "You look so upset"

In some communities it is the norm and to not code switch shows lack of awareness

Question 7

Social Networks

Answer 7

Lax tend to follow general norms (national, etc.)

Question 8

Stigmatized

Answer 8

Qualitative: vocalization of /r/
Quantitative: lateralization of /r/ in PR, -s aspiration, loss of /-d-/ in DR