social policy and the welfare state revision

Question 1

Key characteristics of nation states

Answer 1

• Sovereignty: Nation-states have full authority over their territory and can govern themselves without interference from external entities.
• Defined Territory
• Centralized Government:
• Common Identity: The population of a nation-state usually shares a common cultural, linguistic, ethnic, or historical identity that binds them together.
• International Recognition

Question 2

industrialisation

Answer 2

• Industrialization is the process of transforming an economy based on agriculture and handcrafted goods into one dominated by manufacturing, mechanization, and factory production

Question 3

role of class struggle in creation of the welfare state

Answer 3

Enlightened’ capitalists were prepared not only to concede some of the demands advanced by organised labour, but to promote measures that would compensate for the foreseeable failures and correct the inherent insta¬bilities of free-market capitalism. The extension of state welfare, therefore, was implicated in the transition from industrial to post-industrial or ‘advanced’ capitalism in which both the state and the market play a role.

Question 4

Russia and China as examples of class struggle in creation of welfare state

Answer 4

• There were in the course of the twentieth century examples of socialist revolutions – most notably in Russia in 1917 and China in 1949. The societies that resulted were called ‘communist’ regimes, despite the fact that in none of them did the state wither away. On the contrary, what characterised such societies was a highly centralised and enduring form of state planning.

Question 5

withering away of class’ explanatory power

Answer 5

• a new politics of identity has tended to displace the old politics of class. The past few decades have witnessed the emergence of new social movements, which address issues hitherto neglected in class-based struggles over the distribution of power and resources. These movements address human rights, global poverty and ecologi¬cal issues, but significantly they also include second-wave feminism, the black power and anti-racist movements and, for example, move¬ments of disabled people, older people, gays and lesbians….. They are concerned with social injustices arising from social divisions other than class.

Question 6

formation of the welfare state and patriarchy

Answer 6

• The post-war welfare settlement in the UK was built upon the male breadwinner model, rooted in the principle of cohabitation based on a family wage system, where benefits were paid to men for the support of their wives and children. Thus, where a woman cohabited with a man her benefits were withdrawn. This system created, supported and maintained a structured dependency between men and women.

Question 7

social investment states and welfare

Answer 7

• By the late 1990s, feminists had capitalised on discourses around ‘social investment’ to argue for the positive contribution of care and the caring role within welfare and society as a whole. So-called ‘social investment states’ developed more gender inclusive ‘citizen-worker-carer’ models directed towards investment in children and young people as the future of economic stability and growth, resulting in more child-, family- and mother-friendly policy.

Question 8

New Labour and female inclusive Labour policies

Answer 8

• In the UK the New Labour Government pur¬sued similar policies (to Scandinavian countries), such as:
  o the National Care Strategy committing to the universal right to child care;
  o the National Carer’s Strategy for those pro¬ viding various forms of home care;
  o Sure Start support for parents and family, and more generous parental leave rights.

Question 9

Men’s health and welfare

Answer 9

• Debates over men’s health, such as their higher mortality rates, including suicide, and particular forms of ill-health, relate these phenomena to certain ‘inappropriate’ or risky masculine behav¬iours, for example, the reluctance to seek medical help or an apparent propensity to violence. Another prominent debate since the late 1990s has been over the disproportionately lower edu¬cational attainment of boys:
  o asking schools to send children’s reports to fathers who live outside the family home;
  o a drive to encourage fathers to read to their children;
  o training for professionals who work with children to communicate with fathers;
  o the promotion of childcare services to black and ethnic minority fathers.

Question 10

feminist activism and welfare

Answer 10

• Even within the more paternalist context of UK welfare, feminist activism’s challenging of women’s economic dependency on men had early success with the introduction of family allowances payable directly to women

In 1929 Rathbone, now an independent MP, took her campaign to parliament. She convinced Lord Beveridge, on whose 1942 report the postwar welfare state was based, to recognise the work of the housewife with “family allowances in cash”. He later commented that it was “a new idea” that “part of the total national income … should be assigned to those individual citizens who were undertaking the rearing of the citizens of the future”. It became the first measure of the welfare state. Rathbone was disappointed. The small amount, paid only for the second and subsequent children

When Edward Heath, in 1972, tried to incorporate family allowance into the father’s wage, the Wages for Housework campaign pulled a national network together to prevent it happening. (tax credits for breadwinners)

o Wages for housework’campaign- single mothers on benefits. They had a lower standard of living than women with male partners but they were freer because the money they had was their own.

1995 we won the UN commitment to measure and value unwaged work in national accounts

Universal family allowance paid for first time 1946, now known as child benefit and no longer universal

o The Women’s Budget Group has also been actively scrutinising the budgets of UK governments since the early 1990s;

Question 11

inequality in post war welfare state

Answer 11

• Post-war expansion of the welfare state drew its workforce from the reserve army of cheap labour – Black and white women and Black men.
• As well as constituting the low paid workers in the welfare system, they have been the unpaid welfare workers in the home and in the community. In addition to this, the British state has shown at best an ambivalence about bearing the social costs of black immigrant workers.
• Doyal, Hunt and Mellor show clearly how, since the 1950s, the NHS has been dependent on overseas workers – one third of the doctors in Britain in 1981 were born overseas.
• Post-war gov: Because they were British citizens, commonwealth workers were deemed to have come ‘individually and on their own initiative’ and thus there was no need to make welfare provision for them. When Black immigrants did use welfare services they were seen as scroungers.

Question 12

critique of shifting care into the community

Answer 12

• When care is shifted to the ‘community’ this means shifting it to women. – important critique of communitarian vision of the welfare state

Question 13

Power resources theory

Answer 13

Social policy is created by interest groups using their power to make a difference and advocate for their interests. Not necessarily separate from industrialist theory- can work together. Once we have democracy and working class vote, politics is now about competing control. Is the state a neutral actor or an actor in itself?

Question 14

social movements

Answer 14

• Social movements are in conflict with some opponent.
• Social movements are made up of informal networks.
• Social movements display a collective identity.
• The central aims of many social movements in the past have been based on this ability to secure recognition and full inclusion of a certain group within a society’s definition of citizenship.
• they do not field candidates for elec¬ tions and cannot therefore influence policy directly through the ballot box

Question 15

Marshall on the power of social movements

Answer 15

• Writing in 1950, Marshall saw the efforts of the labour (or trade union) movement as necessary for securing the rights of ‘industrial citizenship’, including, for example, sick pay and better working conditions. Moving back in time, the suffragette and suffragist movements can also be understood in this way. Campaigning for universal suffrage was essen¬ tially a demand for women to be fully included in the definition of citizenship, of which the right to vote is an essential part.

Question 16

example of power of social movements globally

Answer 16

• First, they argue, the threats to ordinary peo¬ple posed by the cuts of the austerity agendas – particularly in European countries subject to ‘bailouts’ – manifest themselves locally. Thus, the movement in Spain is very active in preventing the repossession of homes, while the Occupy movement in the USA has bought up debt sold off cheaply by banks, subsequently clearing those that owed money
• The 18th century saw the introduction of groups, such as friendly societies which would provide social welfare benefits such as support in old age and other provisions.

Question 17

earliest form of social welfare

Answer 17

• The earliest form of social welfare were the poor laws in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. (Pre-dates the industrial revolution.)

Question 18

poor laws

Answer 18

Statute of Labourers (1349): During the Black Death and its aftermath, the Statute of Labourers was enacted to regulate wages and prevent laborers from demanding higher pay. It also included provisions for providing relief to the poor.

(1601): Commonly known as the Elizabethan Poor Law, this legislation established the framework for poor relief in England and Wales. It introduced the concept of the parish as the primary administrative unit responsible for providing relief to the poor.

Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834, often referred to as the New Poor Law, was a major reform that aimed to centralize and standardize poor relief, reduce costs, and discourage dependency on welfare. It established the Poor Law Commission and implemented stricter eligibility criteria for relief recipients

Question 19

Industrialisation - refocused attention

Answer 19

• Percival highlighted poor working conditions, due to the increase in industrial works, which led to employment regulation, such as the Factory Acts.
• Buildings labelled insanitary were also now allowed to be demolished by councils and acts were introduced which led to the first council house projects post WWI.
• Social investigations by individuals like Booth, 1886, raised concern for the high levels of destitution in inner city areas where tax levels were low.
• These areas were overcrowded and mainly contained the working class, therefore low tax base.
• Unemployment bred employability. This led to a want for intervention to end this cycle. This is known as the social question.

Question 20

industrialisation and welfare policy changes

Answer 20

• 1848 General Board of Health was set up due to urbanisation. Grants for education funding in 1833, first made compulsory in 1870.
• Compulsory education and the demands this placed on families led to the creation of public education funding. Elementary school fees waived in 1891.

Question 21

industrialisation and mobilisation

Answer 21

• Led to economic decline and lowering of labour standards. This led to the growth of trade unions and increasing levels of strikes.
• This led to disruption in the economy, meaning less innovation and growth.
• Organisations such as trade unions and socialist groups formed the Labour Representation Committee in 1900, which then became the Labour Party.

Question 22

global policy changes in accordance with industrialisation

Answer 22

• thirty-two countries in the world had introduced some kind of legislation on insurance or compensation for industrial accidents or occupational hazards by the end of the First World War, eighteen countries had introduced some kind of sickness insurance or benefit scheme. Some kind of old-age, disability, or survivors’ insurance or assistance scheme was in place in thirteen countries, and only seven countries had introduced unemployment benefit schemes.

Question 23

sequence of welfare policies

Answer 23

• The United Kingdom (including Ireland) manifested the sequence accidents—old age—sickness—unemployment, while the Danish sequence was old age—sickness—accidents—unemployment. No country introduced a scheme for unemployment insurance as its first social insurance law, but Finland and Norway exceptionally introduced measures of unemployment protection as their second laws. – perhaps not only employment related

Question 24

how did old age and sickness fit into industrialisation and welfare

Answer 24

• Old age or sickness had been perceived as a threat to the well-being of individuals from time immemorial. Now, however, a new-found understanding of unemployment and of the operation of the business cycle made for a rethinking of the whole notion of welfare

Question 25

state intervention not just cash benefits- industrialisation

Answer 25

• Social insurance was the core element of an emerging new role of the state, but governments also increasingly began to take an interest in many other social issues, such as public education; public health; health and hygiene conditions at the workplace; worker protection; factory inspection and protection against child labour; length of working hours; and relations between employers and workers. State responsibility for the well-being of citizens other than through cash benefits had started to develop even before major social insurance initiatives, as exemplified, for instance, by the first national Factory Act in England (1802) and by the Prussian law (1839) restricting child and juvenile employment.

Question 26

globsalisation and emergence of welfare

Answer 26

• In the period from 1884 to 1888, for example, and with clear references to German social insurance legislation, the governments of Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and Finland all established public commissions to investigate what could be done on the ‘social question’ in their own countries and what lessons could be drawn from the German example – globalisation as a result of industrialisation

Question 27

globalisation and welfare

Answer 27

• In the period from 1884 to 1888, for example, and with clear references to German social insurance legislation, the governments of Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and Finland all established public commissions to investigate what could be done on the ‘social question’ in their own countries and what lessons could be drawn from the German example – globalisation as a result of industrialisation

Question 28

Interwar period welfare expansion

Answer 28

• In the interwar period, state social insurance and protection was extended in three ways: in terms of the scope of risks, in terms of the coverage of population, and through an increase in compulsory provision
  o industrial accident/occupational injury insurance, as well as pension insurance were expanded to cover more groups of workers and employees and to cover family dependents. Germany was first to introduce survivors’ pension benefits in 1911 and most Western countries followed suit in the 1930s. Norway pioneered the provision of medical bene ts for family members in its rst sickness insurance law of 1909 and most countries extended their laws to include family members after 1930. New Zealand became the rst country to develop a scheme for family allowances—in the mid-1920s. Such laws were passed in many countries during the 1930s, and the Second World War, and immediately thereafter.

Question 29

welfare as pragmatic in a worker based economy

Answer 29

• Briggs- The need to find acceptable incentives for workers, to avoid labour disputes and to secure continuous production, to raise output in phases of technical change and (more recently) to hold labour “permissively” in a period of full employment has often driven where “human relations” philosophies have failed to inspire.

Question 30

commodification

Answer 30

ChatGPT
Commodification is the process by which goods, services, or even ideas are treated as commodities or objects of trade, subject to market exchange and valuation. It involves assigning economic value to something that may not have had a market value previously, often resulting in the transformation of social relationships and cultural practices into commercial transactions

Question 31

Conservative response to commodification

Answer 31

Esping-Anderson
Conservatives are wary of the commodification process as they believe it undermines traditional power structures and relationships. They prefer a paternalistic approach where employers have obligations to support and care for their employees.

Question 32

liberal approach to commodification

Answer 32

Esping-Anderson
: Liberals generally support the commodification process and believe that the market should operate with minimal intervention. However, they are willing to intervene when there are market failures or to assist the commodification process. They prefer conditional rights, such as means-tested assistance, where benefits are provided based on specific criteria

Question 33

Social democratic approach to commodification

Answer 33

Esping-Anderson

Social democrats are cautious about the commodification process as they see it as a source of social alienation and exploitation. They advocate for rights that are emancipatory and aim to empower individuals and reduce class inequalities.

Question 34

Neo-liberal critique of war and welfare

Answer 34

• neo-Liberals believe that nation-states were undermined economically during the post-war period (roughly 1945–80) because governments diverted resources away from productive, entre¬preneurial firms and individuals operating in the free market to the systematic state-based protec¬tion of vulnerable sections of their populations. The high taxation required to sustain levels of welfare provision that went beyond a basic ‘safety¬ net’ for the worst off reduced the scope for private sector investment.

Question 35

WW2 and welfare

Answer 35

• It was the shared experience of “total war,” that, according to Asa Briggs among others, “forced politicians to consider the ‘community’ as a whole” and to deploy communal resources “to abate poverty and to assist those in distress
• There was a housing shortage post-war and the promise to build 4 million new homes by 1951 was not reached, only 1 million were built.

Question 36

conditions not parties led to welfare

Answer 36

• fifty social insurance laws were passed before any labour or social democratic party for the first time formed a majority national government (Australia in 1910).

Question 37

Empire and welfare post war

Answer 37

• In the post WWII period Britain was in large amounts of debt and committed to the idea of the welfare state, which it used the empire to pay for. They did this by cancelling large amounts of their debt to India.
• Bhambra makes argument that welfare was facilitated by empire
• Britain emerged from the Second World War owing more than £3 billion to her creditors while also being com- mitted to the construction of the welfare state. The two primary ways in which Britain fixed this was: first, it ran down the amount it owed to India and Pakistan after independence; and second, it sub- ordinated the economies of its remaining colonies to its national concerns. In other words, the imperial dividend continued after the end of empire and was integral to the construction of the post-war welfare state.

Question 38

Imperial goods and welfare

Answer 38

Colonial socialism is aimed at developing the resources to expand the production of foodstuffs and raw materials which Britain needs badly to carry out her socialism at home” – A Nigerian newspaper.

Question 39

Imperial economic contribution to welfare

Answer 39

• As Temple (1884) had noted in his earlier presentation of the “General Statistics of the British Empire,” of the £203 million at the disposal of the British state for general government £89 million came from the UK, £74 million from India, and £40 million from territories and colonies in the rest of empire. Over half the money at the disposal of the government at Westminster came from the labor, resources, and taxes of those within empire and beyond the national state.

Question 40

How do nation states lead to welfare policies

Answer 40

• Nation-states aim to create a cohesive society with a shared sense of identity among its citizens. Social welfare policies and programs can help foster this cohesion by promoting social solidarity and reducing inequalities. By providing social security, healthcare, education, and other services, nation-states can create a sense of community and belonging among their citizens.
• State-Building and Governance: The development of welfare states often coincided with the consolidation of state power and the expansion of government responsibilities. As nation-states grew in size and complexity, there was an increasing recognition of the state’s role in addressing social and economic challenges, such as poverty, unemployment, and public health. Welfare policies became essential tools for state-building and governance, helping to legitimize and strengthen the authority of the state

Question 41

nation states- economics and welfare state

Answer 41

• Economic Development and Social Stability: Welfare policies can also play a crucial role in promoting economic development and maintaining social stability within nation-states. By investing in human capital through education and healthcare, welfare states can enhance productivity, reduce poverty, and create more equitable opportunities for economic advancement. Moreover, social safety nets provided by welfare states can help cushion the impact of economic downturns, reducing social unrest and instability.

Question 42

nation states and national identity and the welfare state

Answer 42

• Until the end of the Middle Ages, poverty had been a matter of only local concern.
• During the nineteenth century, persistent problems of poverty and problems related to poverty, plus population growth, urbanization, and spread of industrialization, all contributed to the increasing salience of social problems in many European countries. The two traditional methods of dealing with social problems, philanthropy and poor laws, were increasingly seen by authorities and people alike as being inadequate.

Question 43

state structure- veto players and welfare state strength

Answer 43

• more veto players (groups that are capable of blocking legislation). This empowers opponents of welfare state growth and perhaps all welfare state change

Question 44

Federalism and welfare state strength

Answer 44

o The problem with this argument is that the number of veto players in a state can obviously vary independently of its territorial organisation. Switzerland’s referenda, the major obstacle to welfare state expansion that Immergut identifies, are not a function of its federalism.
o The veto points in the US federal government are elsewhere – in the separation of powers within the federal government. Nothing in the vast literature explaining why the US lacks universal health care makes the role of the states a major explanation. Instead, scholars focus on the multiplicity of veto players within the federal government.

Question 45

centralisation of the state and welfare- overall argument

Answer 45

The cross-national quantitative evidence on the welfare state is consistent: decentralised countries have lower levels of welfare state provision than centralised ones. There is also gathering evidence that it impedes retrenchment: that decentralised states are also less able to reduce welfare expenditures

Question 46

decentralisation - why does it permit divergence

Answer 46

Decentralisation permits greater divergence in standards, with regions able to go above and below the level of provision that a unitary government might provide. In other words, decentralisation produces divergence.

Question 47

centralised welfare funding and welfare state divergence

Answer 47

o Even when centrally funded, welfare may not be implemented universally- Of course, those intergovernmental financial systems can also impose new obligations. So financial limitations, or legal obligations born of financial limitations, can exist because of ‘earmarked’ or ‘ring-fenced’ funding that central states require regions spend on certain tasks, or they can exist because regions lack tax- raising capacity and cannot set part or all of their budgets. The sources of money and the legal constraints that come with them constrain and shape welfare policies

. For example, Canadian provinces that violate the Canada Health Act lose federal monetary support for their health systems (Maioni, 2002) and US states that do not fulfil co-financing or policy obligations can lose federal fun

Question 48

decentralisation and federalism and the welfare state

Answer 48

Greer

go beyond simple ‘decentralisation’ or ‘federalism’ and instead look to the mechanisms that they identify:
o the allocation and number of veto players in the central state, which is relevant to territorial politics principally if regional leaders are veto players in central state politics;
o the intergovernmental relations that govern the legal autonomy of the regions;
o and the financial system that constrains regional spending.

Question 49

decentralisation and welfare in UK

Answer 49

o highly asymmetric system- Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, which have a total of about 15 per cent of the population, each have their own elected governments with responsibility for a substantial range of social policy issues, including health, education, local government and social care

o The Scottish Parliament’s powers are set out in a ‘negative list’: the Scotland Act 1998 lists the powers held by Westminster and leaves the rest to Scotland. The Northern Ireland Assembly has a similar arrangement, but is bound into complex relationships with the Republic of Ireland and UK that constrain its politicians’ freedom relative to Scotland- eg assembly can be suspended in NI- Wales has a less stable, more cumbersome, and more constraining, regime in which the National Assembly can make secondary legislation and can receive additional powers subject to Westminster’s agreement (Trench, 2006).

Question 50

welfare funding and the welfare state in UK

Answer 50

o Barnett formula allocates money new money to the devolved administrations on an unadjusted per-capita basis, so if another pound is spent in England, the Scots get about 10p added to their block grant. The formula should thereby (very) slowly erode the historically higher per-capita spending in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. They are then free to spend it as they like eg Scotaland could abolish NHS and spend money on roads or culture

Question 51

Freedom of the devolved nations and welfare

Answer 51

o the largest differences are in higher education (Trench, 2008). No devolved administration followed England in introducing variable tuition fees for university students; higher education remains cheaper at devolved institutions
o The devolved governments are free to develop new forms of social policy organisation, and are in large part social services providers, but are less able to develop new social citizenship rights because of their constrained fiscal positions. The result is that they altered the organisation of social services substantially, and their entitlements at the margins – devolved administrations create slightly better entitlement to services

Question 52

US versus UK State form

Answer 52

• The Westminster system is a strong government system that minimises veto players vs. The US system started with many veto players

the United States has a very fragmented political system and a much less egalitarian, comprehensive and coherent welfare state than the UK.

Question 53

US funding of welfare

Answer 53

o The United States, uniquely among the rich countries, does not have a system of formal redistribution between governments. States with weak tax capacities or lower taxes simply have less money than states with strong taxing capacities or higher taxes. Individual federal programmes (grants-in-aid) have adjustment formulas built in that give more money to poorer or more troubled states, but that is specific to each programme. There is no overall effort to equalise the fiscal resources of states.
o The states’ permanent fiscal constraint, and the obvious attractiveness of outside money, means that the federal government has an enormous ability to use its spending power to shape state policy.

Question 54

example of funding and welfare control in the US

Answer 54

decision in the Federal National Minimum Drinking Age Act 1984 to deny highway matching funds to states that did not raise their drinking age to 21. The states complied.

Question 55

territorial variation in US

Answer 55

o there is enormous territorial variation. The striking fact about American educational performance is less its averages than its staggering variance, with Iowa and North Dakota tied with South Korea and Taiwan as the most numerate jurisdictions in the world, Missouri tied with Canada and Scotland, and Mississippi students scoring below those of Jordan. The percentage of the under-65 population without health insurance in the states ranges from 11 per cent in Minnesota to 30.4 per cent in Texas.

Question 56

effect of federalism in US on welfare

Answer 56

nothing as simple as ‘federalism’. The history of major welfare reforms has often been one of problems in Washington, not intergovernmental relations. States historically sign up for, and lobby for, federal welfare programmes (Smith and Evans, 2004 [2002]). Medicare, Social Security and the Veterans’ Administration are all examples of federal- only programmes whose fate was always determined in Washington.

Question 57

welfare state dependence on external factors

Answer 57

rather than being a separate and autonomous source of well-being which provides incomes and services as a citizen right, is itself highly dependent upon the prosperity and continued profitability of the economy.

Question 58

Marshall’s citizenship

Answer 58

• According to Marshall (1950) one of the three aspects of citizenship are social rights which include rights to social services and income supports. It is a recognition of the equality of people regardless of their origin or condition.
• According to Marshall and in the republican view, ‘Citizenship, therefore, is a form of pooling individual sovereignty so as to promote social order and collective wellbeing’.

Question 59

citizenship and welfare state

Answer 59

• The conception of citizenship that is used by a country is closely related to the type of welfare state that country has.
• Marshall’s classification can map and show us that the more developed the social rights in a country the more developed the welfare state.

Question 60

social citizenship and welfare state in the UK

Answer 60

• Nicola McEwen’s powerful argument is that the symbols of a common (social) citizenship in the welfare state helped to bind together the nations of the United Kingdom (2002). Mrs. Thatcher’s attack on these symbols helped to generate pressure for devolution. Beyond symbols, her policies had other consequences, unpicking regional policy and privatizing public corporations. Her marketization of welfare policy no doubt contributed to a social “zip code lottery.”

Question 61

Hegel- social rights and welfare

Answer 61

• origins of social rights in the writing of Hegel (1821) who argued that the ultimate freedom is personal ownership but also that as, citizens are mutually independent, public provision must be made for healthcare, poor relief, and education. ‘… the security of the individual’s subsistence and happiness, his particular well-being, should be regarded and actualised as a right.’
• Rights and equality under law are only universal in the sense that in society everyone must respect and relate to everyone else as a proprietor, or owner of property. Therefore, it is suggested that property rights are analogous to social rights.

Question 62

Marshall social citizenship and the foundation of the welfare state

Answer 62

• According to Marshall (1950) social rights, that being the entitlement to basic standards of healthcare, education, social care, and social insurance, was the achievement of the 20th century welfare state. Social citizenship has developed hand in hand with social security, redistributive benefits, cash entitlements, and social services
• Citizenship became institutionalised: Civil rights -> Political rights -> Social rights (linked with welfare state development).

Question 63

Marshall- welfare and stability

Answer 63

• Marshall’s starting point for thinking about citizenship is the question of how to reconcile the status of the citizen—who, as such, is recognized as a member of a single community and as being equal in terms of rights and obligations to other citizens—with the inequality observed in a class-based society. Universal entitlements do not eradicate inequality entirely but they do mitigate it, as class divisions take on the character of status differences and as, in a democracy, social policy presents opportunities to advance toward equality.
• For Marshall, civil, political, and social rights and freedoms are interdependent and reinforce one another. Democracy must be built on individual civil rights; it requires social rights, and in turn, welfare arrangements help to stabilize democracy.

Question 64

Marshall’s welfare

Answer 64

• Marshall’s vision of universalism allowed for unconditional access to health and education services but acknowledged that other social rights could be extended conditionally, with criteria such as prior contributions, age, or means being considered + a minimum level in things like health and education

conditionality - social citizenship has duties to get rights eg you can’t be beaten but you also can’t beat others

there is a minimum level which you cannot fall below even if you don’t do your duties, but this is bare bare min

• The citizenship of Marshall is associated with equality of status and horizontal redistribution more than vertical redistribution

Question 65

Marshall and the market economy

Answer 65

• Marshall argues that citizenship in the form he conceptualised it does not need to interfere with the market economy if an equilibrium can be reached within ‘democratic-welfare-capitalism’. That is the relationship between democratic polity, the welfare state and the mixed economy.

access your rights through taxes

Question 66

Breakdown of USSR and citizenship

Answer 66

the USSR can be seen as a crisis of citizenship. This is because the social rights that had long been secure were removed but the political rights that had been denied were massively increased while civil rights were not properly laid out.

Under the Soviet system, there was a guarantee of employment for citizens by the state. With the transition to market economies, many state-owned enterprises were privatized or closed, leading to mass unemployment in some regions.
The Soviet Union had a system of universal healthcare, where healthcare services were provided free of charge to all citizens. Following the collapse, many countries faced challenges in maintaining the quality and accessibility of healthcare services due to economic difficulties and restructurin

Question 67

market based critique of Marshall

Answer 67

• his account of the state against the market it not the case. The market can in fact fulfil social needs and the state can in some ways frustrate this.

Question 68

critique of social rights

Answer 68

• Neo-liberals argue that social rights are not actually rights at all and in fact necessarily take away from real rights, those of private property and they also detract from human rights. liberals prioritize civil rights that protect individuals from state intervention and view social rights as potentially in tension with civil and democratic rights.
  *

Question 69

critique of Marshall- importance of not just the state in welfare

Answer 69

• Doesn’t apply to contemporary day - there is also increasing agreement that both sides do have to contribute to welfare arrangements. Both points are leading to a new conception of an active welfare state that is primarily concerned with social investment. The mainly redistributive role of the past is being replaced by a state that gives priority to a social investment strategy

Question 70

critique of Marshall- the state and inequality

Answer 70

Does it apply in contemporary day - Those in support of minority groups, such as feminists or disability activists, argue that social rights can exclude minority groups and mainly are used to serve white, able-bodied men. There are critiques related to this the social uniformity.
* The title of Marshall’s famous essay quite deliberately linked citizenship with social class. Inequality was, by and large, identical with the inequalities that separated the working class from the better off
* With growing migration and reduced membership of citizenry for migrants, Policies also need to tackle inequalities that have a strong cultural and sometimes ethnic dimension, and this involves more than simple redistribution. As mentioned above, discrimination and a lack of recognition goes beyond social citizenship, touching on issues of civil and democratic rights

Question 71

Critique of Marshall - beyond nation states

Answer 71

• the process of European unification has brought about tensions in the inherited construction of citizenship, which used to be strictly confined to the territory of the nation- state. The building of a large EU domestic market and the adoption of the principle of the free circulation of merchandise, people, capital, and services are undermining the welfare state’s mechanisms for redistributing income and services.

Question 72

positive v negative rights

Answer 72

• We come to the difference between positive and negative rights. The right to be free from hunger may be seen as a basic social right but this is in fact a positive right, it not only requires inaction in the form of interference but also requires action on the part of another to provide food of some form.

Question 73

4 different agents responsible for welfare today

Answer 73

the state, religious bodies, mutual aid or self-help, and the market. (Deakin 2004).

Question 74

. Bismarck’s introduction of social insurance in Germany

Answer 74

ChatGPT
Otto von Bismarck, the Chancellor of the German Empire, is often credited with introducing the first modern social insurance programs in the late 19th century- response to social and political challenges posed by industrialization, urbanization, and the rise of socialism

Bismarck’s government passed the Health Insurance Act in 1883, which established the world’s first national health insurance system. The law required workers and employers to contribute to a health insurance fund

Old Age and Disability Insurance Act of 1889- pensions and disability benefits

Question 75

Neo liberals and the state in welfare

Answer 75

• neo-Liberals argue that comprehensive social protection does not work anyway. For one thing, public money is wasted on vast welfare bureaucracies that appear keener to preserve their own budgets than to provide a good level and choice of services; for another, welfare recipients tend to become ‘welfare dependent’ and so fail to act as responsible individuals earning in the marketplace and looking after themselves and their families.
• believes state intervention in market activities to be inherently destructive. Smith argued that the market can secure individual and social welfare, and, most importantly, human liberty.

the selfish desire to prosper and make a profit is constrained by market competition because free competition among producers inevitably leads to falling prices and thus a ‘natural’ balance between supply and demand

Question 76

Hayek’s view of freedom

Answer 76

freedom meant ‘indepen¬dence of the arbitrary will of another’. Individuals were ‘free’ as long as they were not coerced into decisions or actions that they would not otherwise take. Indeed, like Smith, the only form of ‘coercion’ that Hayek countenanced was from a minimal state dedicated to ensuring, through an agreed impersonal legal framework, that private individuals could not arbitrarily limit others’ actions and choices. – negative liberty

Question 77

Neo liberal and coercive state

Answer 77

• For neo-Liberals, ‘welfare states’ with their large, complex public welfare bureaucracies are inher¬ently coercive. Coercion comes through monop¬olistic state provision of social services, which has the effect of ‘squeezing out’ private and voluntary alternatives, thus limiting both consumer choice and the freedom of individuals to supply welfare goods and services

civil servants have an interest in expanding the size of their budgets ‘because their salaries and frills of office vary directly with the size of the budgets they administer’. This tendency is compounded by politicians, who collude with budget maximisation strategies because they believe that voters respond positively to public spending on key services. But politicians are less keen on imposing the taxes required to pay for these services,

Question 78

social rights

Answer 78

Social rights are a category of rights that pertain to the social and economic well-being of individuals and groups within a society. These rights are often enshrined in laws eg right to education, right to healthcare

Question 79

social citizenship

Answer 79

Social citizenship refers to the concept that citizenship entails not only political and civil rights but also social and economic rights. It emphasizes the idea that individuals are entitled to certain social benefits and protections as members of a society, beyond merely being recognized as legal citizens. Social citizenship encompasses rights such as access to education, healthcare, housing, social security, and other social services that contribute to the well-being and equality of all members of society

Question 80

Minford’s view of welfare

Answer 80

the state should guarantee only a minimal ‘safety-net’ for the poorest, provided through a Negative Income Tax (NIT) to subsidise low wages and maintain work incentives. This system would replace costly means-testing with effectively one ‘payment’ cov¬ering housing costs and other recognised needs associated with, for instance, family size. Else¬ where, health and education services would have to be ‘paid for’ by vouchers, which could be exchanged at surgeries and schools of choice. For Minford, there would be no extra help for vulnerable groups such as retired people, who should have made provision for their old age during their working life.

Question 81

socialists and welfare

Answer 81

• For socialists, welfare state is a capitalist tool- According to this explanation, the shape and nature of the welfare state are deliberately contrived to accord with the economic requirements of capital. The welfare state has become both the handmaiden of capitalism and its henchman. Through health and education policies, the state ensures an orderly supply of workers for industry and commerce, so reducing the costs of reproduc¬ing labour power. Through a range of social services the state ensures that the costs of the weak and vulnerable do not fall on industry. Through social security and labour market poliies the state manages those workers who are unemployed or temporarily unproductive.

may advocate for policies that promote socialized ownership and control of key industries and resources, as well as democratic decision-making processes that give workers and communities greater control over their economic destinies.

Question 82

positive freedom critique of Neo- liberals

Answer 82

o appreciate the potential of ‘positive’ freedom; Hayek’s definition of human liberty focuses exclusively on individuals and, as men tioned, is conceived negatively as ‘freedom from’ constraint. This understanding dismisses a ‘positive’ conception of liberty cast in terms of various social groups’ ‘freedom to’ enhance their potential and prospects. Women, disabled people and minority ethnic populations, for example, typi¬cally have less access to resources and suffer from greater discrimination than others. To offset these disadvantages, it may be that they need to pursue specific political objectives and demand particular policies that can increase their collective opportunities to add to their liberty

Question 83

Neo liberals fail to distinguish between freedom and ability

Answer 83

The free market distributes income and resources neither fairly nor equally, and those with less earning power and few other advantages have less ability to use their liberty than wealthier individuals. Lacking access to particular goods (the best education and healthcare) they are not in a position to make the most of their notional freedom.

Question 84

Neo-liberals and coercive nature of institutions

Answer 84

pri¬vate sector service providers can also ‘coerce’ consumers by creating price cartels, thus restricting choice, or by providing ‘selective information’ about the benefits of their products.

, state institutions can at least be called to account through the democratic process if service provision is unsatisfactory

Question 85

Neo liberals fail to understand that the socio-cultural dimensions of welfare are important

Answer 85

The USA and the UK favour low taxation on the grounds that it stimulates entrepreneurial behaviour and encourages personal responsibility. Scandinavian countries, however, despite some adjustments in recent years, tax highly and provide comprehen¬ sive social services as a basic citizenship right. High tax rates and an extensive welfare state do not appear to have reduced Swedish economic competitiveness or created unsustainably high levels of welfare dependency. Might it be that attitudes to taxation, incentives and responsibility have a socio-cultural dimension, which influences individuals’ decision-making and the kind of rationality they deploy?

Question 86

use of state in welfare as pragmatic

Answer 86

While the Thatcher governments made significant changes in some areas of social policy, the extent of real cuts and change in the welfare state should not be overstated. In addition, despite the anti- state and anti-public expenditure rhetoric, the Thatcher governments were not particularly suc¬cessful at cutting public expenditure, in part because high levels of unemployment led to higher expenditure on welfare benefits. Major continued such a tradition.

Question 87

social democrats and positive freedom

Answer 87

• All social democrats are committed to maximising personal freedom for all, which is deemed to require positive action on the part of an elected government to ensure that individual liberty is not undermined by the adverse effects of unregulated free market activity + are strong advocates of democracy - deal with conflict peacefully

, the welfare state is seen as a key means of providing security and opportunity for all citizens, enhancing equality and fostering social solidarity

Question 88

liberal social democrats and welfare

Answer 88

o Liberal social democrats, with their emphasis on ‘progressive’ outcomes, have accepted that it is possible to tackle injustice and pursue equality by diverse configurations of public, private, volun¬tary and informal provision. This has led to a focus on ‘progressive’ outcomes rather than adherence to a particular principle (universalism), method (public provision) or ‘form’ of government (national rather than local).

Question 89

unfeasibility of social democracy today

Answer 89

• One of the major critiques levelled at social democracy is that it is a doctrine better suited to the second half of the twentieth century rather than the twenty-first century. The primacy that social democrats accord to democratic state action as an effective bulwark against the inequities arising from a dynamic capitalist economic system is seen as being particularly suited to an era in which it was still possible for governments to provide effective macroeconomic management, oversee steady economic growth and provide welfare protection to a culturally homogeneous citizenry.

Question 90

relative conception of welfare

Answer 90

• The relative conception holds that welfare is desire satisfaction. We can link it heavily to a utilitarian conception of welfare in this way. Welfare is entirely dependent on time and context.

Question 91

universal conception of welfare

Answer 91

the universal conception attempts to find a list of needs that fit all people, one example of an attempt is Maslow’s hierarchy. We focus on needs rather than preference or want. Once we have this list of needs we may then be able to provide them to individuals outside of the market, leading to a ‘better’ society for all.

Question 92

issue with universal concept of welfare

Answer 92

• But even if we could do this, it is likely that some of the needs that we would create would be based on relationships with others, something which the government can encourage but is unable to directly provide.
  o Another problem with universal needs is that they are relative in other ways too. What has been decided as a need is socially constructed. Needs must be interpreted. The welfare state is key in this process of need interpretation, different welfare states interpret needs in different ways, leading to different approaches to their provision.

Question 93

attack on welfare state from right

Answer 93

First, the welfare state apparatus imposes a burden of taxation and regulation upon capital which amounts to a disincentive to investment. Second, at the same time, the welfare state grants claims, entitlements and collective power positions to workers and unions which amount to a disincentive to work- lead into a dynamic of declining growth and increased expectations, of economic ‘demand overload’ (known as inflation) as well as political demand overload (‘ungovernability’), which can be satisfied less and less by the available output.

Question 94

critique of welfare state from left

Answer 94

The huge machinery of redistribution does not work in the vertical, but in the horizontal direction, namely, within the class of wage earners. A further aspect of its ineffectiveness is that the welfare state does not eliminate the causes of individual contingencies and needs (such as work-related diseases, the disorganization of cities by the capitalist real estate market, the obsolescence of skills, unemployment, etc.), but compensates for (parts of) the consequences of such events

Question 95

Gough - 3 main goals of welfare under capitalism

Answer 95

o Accumulation: maintaining conditions favourable for the accumulation of capital.

Reproduction: the most important goal, ensuring a healthy, educated and housed workforce, but at the same time disciplining and controlling through that provision.

Legitimation/repression: maintaining pol stability, social harmony and social control. The growth of the welfare state in post-war Britain is identified as an important way governments have maintained credibility.

Question 96

abandoning the welfare state

Answer 96

• nowhere is the welfare state believed any longer to be the promising and permanently valid answer to the problems of the socio-political order of advanced capitalist economies
• Neither of the two approaches to the welfare state could and would be prepared, in the best interest of its respective clientele, to abandon the welfare state, as it performs essential and indispensable functions both for the accumulation process as well as for the social and economic well-being of the working class.

Question 97

Gough on how the welfare state should be seen

Answer 97

welfare should not be seen simply as a function of the state to maintain capitalism but as the outcome of class struggles to improve social and econ conditions of the working class.

Question 98

Dean - two variations in welfare policy creation

Answer 98

liberal-republican axis where we move between a focus on individual liberty and a focus on social solidarity and community membership on the other.

The second axis is between conservative and egalitarian approaches where we move between maintaining the social order and addressing inequalities.

o The liberal-egalitarian approach translates to the social liberal conception of welfare governance. This approach was prominent in the post-War period with proponents being people like Beveridge. This approach attempts to soften the edges of capitalism but still sees the market as the best way to organise the economy.

Question 99

Day - two strains of political conception of welfare

Answer 99

o In the egalitarian conception there is an argument for collective provision of welfare. There are three. arguments for this. The first is that it will help protect the vulnerable such as the old and the young. The second is that it will help reduce inequality. The third is the argument that welfare is greater than an individual issue and that collective welfare therefore must be organised by the government.

o The liberal view of citizenship is that it is a protection of individual status and freedom of action. What is central is protecting individuals from the harms caused by others.

Question 100

6 aims of the welfare state

Answer 100

Goodin

efficiency - health and education of workforce for economic efficiency

reduction of poverty - moral justifications + citizenship argument

liberal notion of equality- TH Marshall- concerned with class, doesn’t want to disturb natural hierarchy

integration- the collective ‘us’. The idea that the state is a home- you become a citizen by interacting with the state. People have been left behind and so social policy is bringing these people back in

stability - economic, social stability, political stability

Question 101

Williams - 4 perspectives on welfare

Answer 101

Anti-collectivism

non-socialist welfare collectivism

Fabian socialism.

radical social administration.

Question 102

anti collectivism ideal of welfare

Answer 102

a belief in the maintenance of capitalism and free enterprise along with individual liberty
o Fundamental belief in the freedom of the individual
o comprises the now various strands of econ liberalism which emphasise distribution through the free market and minimise the state role in providing welfare. – 19th century laissez-faire, neo-liberalism and the new right.

Question 103

nonsocialist welfare collectivism

Answer 103

they share with anti-collectivists a belief in the maintenance of capitalism and free enterprise along with individual liberty
o At the same time these values are tempered by pragmatism – they believe that with judicious state intervention the warts of capitalism can be removed to reveal a capitalism with a caring and compassionate case
o State welfare necessary for national efficiency and alleviation of worst deprivation, but can also come from private/voluntary sectors
o they criticise the bureaucratic inefficient aspects of state welfare but do not associate that with the need for the privatisation of welfare – their solution is to decentralise to smaller localised units or patches

Beveridge, Keynes etc.

Question 104

fabian socialism view of welfare

Answer 104

o The dominant values of Fabianism are equality, freedom and fellowship.
o Their argument against capitalism is a moral one: it is unethical, unjust and undemocratic, but it can be transformed, not least by government action.
o Central to this transformation is the welfare state, which with its commitment to the promotion of equality of opportunity, social harmony and redistribution of wealth, promotes material changes and wins people over to altruism and egalitarianism to counter the inequalities of the private market.

Question 105

radical social administration

Answer 105

o Welfare state to be central to a socially planned society which consists of radical redistribution of wealth and resources and the pursuit of equality
o Goes beyond Fabian gradualism because the analysis implies the need for dramatic change or transformation of social structure and of corresponding social and econ institutions, though not necessarily implying revolution in the sense of political seizure and abandonment of the dem process…identifying large-scale poverty and calling for large scale redistributive policies.

Question 106

consensus over goal of welfare

Answer 106

Deacon - reducing inequalities
* There is consensus that the growth or persistence of poverty is not to do with the behaviour and attitudes of poor people themselves.
* Welfare influences behaviours

Question 107

welfare and altruism

Answer 107

Titmuss
* starts from the premise that people are often motivated by a regard for the concerns and needs of others.
* principle that everyone is entitled to the resources and opportunities to develop to the limit of their potential. Second, idea of fellowship.
* The most powerful case for equality, then, was that it was essential for the development of a sense of common purpose, without which a community ‘is not a community at all’.
* the primary purpose of welfare is to foster and encourage these feelings of altruism and to give expression to them.

Question 108

behaviour and the welfare state

Answer 108

Titmuss

‘social and biological need to help’ that was curtailed by market relationships but ‘safeguarded and extended’ by ‘non—discriminatory social institutions.’

before people are willing to help others), Welfare must contribute to a broader redistribution of resources and opportunities because a reduction in social inequalities is a precondition for the creation of a common culture and establishment of social relationships based on altruism.

Question 109

Titmuss - how welfare should look

Answer 109

• This redistribution must be achieved through social services which area non-discriminatory and foster a sense of community. Resources must be channelled to the poor with an infrastructure of benefits and services that are open to and used by all- welfare should be universal and unconditional
  o Benefits which distinguish between deserving and undeserving divide and alienate the population.
  o Ruled out the possibility that poverty could be attributed to individual behaviour

Question 110

How ww2 shifted attitudes to poverty

Answer 110

o The experience of common sacrifice and effort created a fierce resentment of privilege and a refusal to return to the social divisions and inequalities of the 1930s.
o ‘individual distress’ was no longer regarded ‘as a mark of social incapacity’. Eg, no disgrace in being bombed out by the enemy, and the provision for those rendered destitute by air raids was in sharp contrast to the treatment of the unemployed or homeless before the war.

Question 111

• Quasi-Titmuss paradigm

Answer 111

became less to do with altruism and social relationships and more preoccupied with growth of material inequality.
o this rejection of individualist or behavioural accounts of poverty hardened and broadened into a more determinist approach that, in effect, precluded any discussion of such factors. - hostile to the idea that one of the purposes of welfare is to shape the behaviours and aspirations of those who receive it.
o the reluctance — even refusal — of the dominant perspectives to debate or even to discuss issues of behaviour and choice created a vacuum that was later filled by conservative ideas about welfare dependency and about an underclass.
o Titmuss attached importance to altruism – meant that he did discuss agency. He did write about the ways welfare could shape attitudes and values, and did believe that this was one of its roles and purposes.

Question 112

Murray on how welfare shapes behaviours

Answer 112

rules and regulations which govern entitlement to benefits and services must reward those activities and attributes which should be encouraged and penalize those which need to be discouraged.

• If they do not do this then they will lead people to behave in ways which damage themselves and the communities in which they live.
• welfare generates such ‘perverse incentives’.
• Would end welfare for large numbers of people

Question 113

Murray’s view of human nature and welfare

Answer 113

• Murray agrees with Field that we are driven by self interest
• The rise in the welfare caseload was the aggregate result of the decisions of millions of individuals that their self-interest was now best served by claiming benefits
• recipients rose not because more people were poor, but because more people were claiming.
• the new programmes removed the social stigma of claiming benefits.

Question 114

Murray - welfare to mitigate inequality

Answer 114

• the social inequalities that so preoccupied Titmuss and others are real – BUT ‘a social policy that induces people to believe that they are not responsible for their lives is one that inhibits the pursuit of happiness and is to that extent immoral’.
• Policy prescriptions: elimination of public welfare for the non-disabled of working age, save for the short-term unemployment insurance programme and a residue of highly discretionary local schemes.

Question 115

Field on welfare provision

Answer 115

• Only sought to restructure welfare
• believe that self-interest is, in Field’s words, ‘the great driving force in each of us’ and ‘always will be the greatest (but not the only) engine force for social advance’
• a crucial goal of public policy is to develop certain aspects of character – welfare has a crucial role to play on this – this is why he attacked means testing.
• Means tested benefits act as a penalty on work and effort – they also reward the dishonesty of claimants who do not disclose an increase in income.
• Thus he advocated insurance style benefits over means-test.
  people own the welfare capital created by their contributions and those of their employers.
• Taxpayers would have to contribute to insure those who could not afford to insure themselves.

Question 116

Mead on paternalism of the state

Answer 116

o grounded in one central assumption: that ‘government’s essential, if not only, purpose is to maintain public order’.
o By public order Mead means ‘all of the social and economic conditions people depend on for satisfying lives, but which are government’s responsibility rather than their own.’
o For such conditions to be secured, people have to be self-disciplined and competent.
o Not only must they not harm others, but they have also to fulfil the expectations that others have of them as parents, as workers, as neighbours.
o The goal of welfare, then, should be to contribute to a society in which all possess these capacities and in which all can enjoy equal citizenship.

Question 117

mead critique of Murray and Field

Answer 117

the long-term poor do not respond to changes in the framework of financial incentives or sanctions in the way that Murray and Field presume.
* The reason why they do not respond is that they are not competent, functioning individuals who act rationally to further their interests- will not take advantage of opportunities for advancement unless forced to do so.

Question 118

Mead on explanation of poverty

Answer 118

• The explanation of long-term poverty, then, lies not in the perverse incentives generated by welfare but in the character of the poor themselves and in a political culture that condones self-destructive behaviour.

Question 119

Mead on purpose of welfare

Answer 119

• The role of welfare should be to compel the poor to behave in ways that are conducive to their long-term betterment, and thereby promote the common good.
• This can be achieved most readily by making their entitlement to benefits and services conditional upon their behaving in prescribed ways.
• The most obvious and important example of such conditionality is, of course, the imposition of work requirements upon applicants for unemployment benefits: workfare.
• For Mead, the measure of welfare success is more people having jobs – for Wilson it is more people escaping poverty.

Question 120

criticism of Mead

Answer 120

His argument rests on 2 assumptions:
* The first of these is that the poor do not work because they lack the necessary competencies and character. o To liberals, the first assumption is simply false - there is no convincing evidence that there are anything like enough jobs to get everyone off welfare

• The second is that this failure to work is the central cause of long-term poverty and dependency. ignores the importance of family structure – both conservative and liberal opponents of workfare could argue that it would be against the interests of children to compel their mothers to work.

Question 121

human behaviour and communitarians

Answer 121

Communitarians start from the premise that individuals are motivated by a sense of duty and commitment to their communities, rather than solely by self-interest or altruism. This suggests that welfare policies should not only focus on individual rights but also emphasize social responsibilities and obligations

Question 122

welfare state and communitarians

Answer 122

Communitarians criticize excessive individualism and argue that society should place greater emphasis on the social responsibilities of individuals in maintaining social order and enhancing communities. This implies that the welfare state should foster a sense of community and mutual support rather than solely relying on economic incentives or punitive measures.

Communitarians argue that commitments and duties to the wider community should be based on shared social values that have been internalized by individuals. This implies that welfare policies should encourage the internalization of social values and promote pro-social behavior.

do not support redistribution for its own sake – but in order to prevent social exclusion.

Question 123

welfare as temporary support

Answer 123

• starts from the premise that poverty can never be alleviated by the payment of cash benefits alone.
• Cash benefits should be provided for a limited period, during which time the recipients will receive education and training.
• At the end of the period they would be expected to have found work, or, if not, then to take a job in the public sector.
• Once in work they would become eligible for a range of supplementary benefits and services that would guarantee that their income was higher than they had previously received on welfare and above the poverty line.
• welfare as a contract between government and claimants. Governments can only require claimants to work if they have first provided adequate training, education and job placement programmes.
• Claimants can only demand cash assistance if they are prepared to make the most of the opportunities created by these programmes.

Question 124

communitarians and the common good

Answer 124

Communitarians believe in the existence of a common good that can be identified and pursued through collective deliberation and action. This suggests that welfare policies should be designed with the goal of promoting the common good and fostering social cohesion.

Question 125

Communitarians and the welfare state

Answer 125

Citizenship as a duty - duty comes first

Communitarians support progressive taxation and redistribution of wealth, not for its own sake, but to prevent social exclusion and ensure that those who benefit the most from society contribute proportionately to its upkeep. This suggests that welfare policies should be designed to promote economic equality and social inclusion.

Communitarians advocate for welfare benefits to be conditional on fulfilling specified behavioral requirements. This means that individuals’ entitlement to welfare should depend on their fulfillment of certain obligations, such as seeking employment or participating in community activities. This approach aims to encourage individual responsibility and discourage dependency on welfare

Question 126

Marshall’s historical view of citizenship

Answer 126

civil rights - enlightenment eg can’t jsut be arrested for no reason
19th century political rights eg right to vote (under property qualifications etc.)

20th century - social rights- everyone has a right to share in citizenship just as you have a right to not be arrested without cause - right to share in culture and wealth of society

Question 127

Lister - civil citizenship as exclusionary

Answer 127

• Tension between exclusion and inclusion inherent in the concept of citizenship- citizenship often exhibits ‘exclusionary tendencies’ - by the very nature of defining what a community is.

Question 128

Disability and citizenship

Answer 128

Lister
- both the disabled and children have been absent from citizenship discourse
- Jenny Morris - UK Disability Rights Commission - ‘The very language of the debate often excludes people’ with disabilities
- not only are disabled people denied cultural citizenship but also ‘formal rights and responsibilities’
- want the right to be equal but different

Question 129

social citizenship and the nation state

Answer 129

Lister
- problematized the traditional association of citizenship with the nation-state’
- nation-states as contradictory - profess to be inclusionary but then increasingly exclude outsiders - migrants

Question 130

social citizenship and women

Answer 130

Lister
- traditionally, citizenship associated with the (male) public sphere - feminists challenge dichotomy

Question 131

cultural citizenship

Answer 131

Lister
- difference - should not be suppressed - but also needs to be treated with recognition/respect not stigma
goes beyond liberal/political science definitions of citizenship based on formal/legal rights emphasis on ‘identity and recognition’

• What COUNTS as a social right is dependent on the voices that are listened to - need to spotlight marginalised voices

Question 132

citizenship and care

Answer 132

• care either viewed as (1) an obstacle to women’s citizenship - perpetuating the gendered division of labour (2) a resource for citizenship - a responsibility that should be recognised as such
• is care either (a) ‘an expression of social citizenship responsibilities’ or (b) ‘a form of political citizenship’ eg. Kershaw who says that care-giving is a form of active citizenship - ‘resistance to oppression’ - Lister says (a) but that caring can represent political citizenship
• the key determinant of whether or not an action constitutes citizenship should be what a person does and with what public consequences, rather than where they do it.” (ie. Does not matter if it is done in the home or in the work place).

Question 133

concrete notion of social citizenship

Answer 133

• Citizenship does include at least three basic, connected rights elements – civil, political and social.

three salient points made by Lewis
o the citizen is one way of imagining a link between the state and the individual
o the concept of citizenship implies membership of some form of community, in turn the notion of community opens up questions of inclusion and exclusion;
o citizenship is a social status that allows people to make claims in relation to state-organised welfare services.

Question 134

• social citizenship and welfare

Answer 134

Dwyer

The idea of social citizenship implies that citizens have certain rights to welfare – the question of provision and benefits to which citizens are entitled is central as too is the question of the relationship between welfare rights and responsibilities.

Question 135

two different conceptual frameworks for considering the origin and development of welfare rights.

Answer 135

Dean
o welfare rights may be seen by some as being based on a ‘doctrinal concept’ that emerges from classic liberal thinking which is concerned to enunciate a theoretical position built around the equal worth of each individual. Rights here are viewed as an inherent part of the human condition and bestowed on individual human beings from birth. This approach centres around a concern to ensure equal opportunity through the redistribution of opportunities, rather than outcomes.
o a more radical’” claims-based’ concept of rights can be linked to the ‘social democratic’ tradition. Here social rights are seen as originating and developing from the political struggles of various marginalised groups who demand to have their needs satisfied or their claims met.

Question 136

subordination of social rights in citizenship

Answer 136

• Although Marshall’s theory arguably makes a case for social rights to be part of the “doctrinal’ package of rights that each citizen should enjoy, Dean argues that social rights are still often widely regarded as subordinate to legal and political rights.
• negative rights, that is, civil and political, are generally favoured by the political Right and are characterised as individual ‘freedom from’ coercion or interference. Positive social rights, on the other hand, are held to be of a different order. They are seen as entitlements to certain state-provided/guaranteed benefits and services usually associated with and asserted by, those on the Left of the political spectrum

Question 137

citizenship and welfare rationing

Answer 137

Dwyer

Welfare is subject to a number of political and economic restraints. The provision of a service or benefit may depend on a range of factors such as the wider state of the economy, levels of taxation or popular support for certain policies. Given that limits exist, a critical question for social policy and also for citizens is how resources are going to be allocated in order to best meet the various needs that occur (Lister, 2003a). One useful way to see how this question of rationing is resolved is to look at the key competing principles that govern public welfare provision, that is, the rules that control a citizen’s access to benefits and services.

Question 138

Social citizenship - what equality to which welfare

Answer 138

o Policies that attempt to achieve an equality of outcome between citizens are essentially about trying to secure a type of equality that ensures uniform end results or outcomes. Traditionally this approach has been linked to policies that attempt to redistribute income and wealth across classes. In the most extreme case, the successful pursuit of policies designed to achieve equality of outcome would see the eradication of inequality within a society and each citizen’s share of the collective material wealth
o The endorsement of an equality of opportunity approach is very different. Policies introduced under this remit aim to give each individual an equal starting point in an unequal society. The focus here is very much on the redistribution of life chances- belief in meritocracy: The idea is that each citizen should be guaranteed the opportunities to prosper, for example, the right to access appropriate education and training- provide a fair chance to achieve success and prosper to different levels that reflect individual talents and endeavours.

Question 139

universal versus particular rights in social citizenship

Answer 139

Dwyer
A key question when discussing needs at the beginning of the 21st century is whether it is possible for citizenship to continue to place a universal conception of need at the centre of contemporary notions of social citizenship or whether it has now become necessary to acknowledge the particular needs of different groups of citizens.
o Doyal and Gough (1991) assert that a number of universal human needs can be identified and that it is the duty of any government to ensure that such needs are met in accordance with a society’s prevailing level of development: physical health autonomy which requires intermediate needs such as physical security, birth control and protective housing

Question 140

social citizenship and capitalism

Answer 140

• Social citizenship is in contrast with capitalism – provides a guaranteed minimum of welfare and a limited measure of equality for all citizens.

Question 141

Dean - nature of the welfare in the UK

Answer 141

• Dean argues that for 75% of the time the package of rights that British citizens currently enjoy act according to an individual ‘savings bank principle’, where money and resources are redistributed over a person’s lifetime. A citizen contributes via paid work and gets back certain benefits/ resources at various stages in their lifetime when they are outside paid employment, for example, when retired or unemployed. The ‘Robin Hood principle of taking resources from richer citizens and redistributing them to poorer ones is not as prevalent as is often imagined.

Question 142

women and the formation of the welfare state in Britain

Answer 142

• Within families roles were gendered. Men were generally viewed as the main wage earner and head of household and women were charged with the domestic role. If working men’s responsibilities were defined by their role as wage earners who supplied the housekeeping, working-class women’s responsibilities often centred round making it last until the next pay day. Furthermore, Williams (1989) argued that much of the social legislation introduced at the beginning of the 20th century (for example, 1906 Education Act; 1908 Children Act; 1918 Maternity and Child Welfare Act), while providing services to meet women’s needs, was also about the state defining and regulating the lives of women in accordance with a specific concept of motherhood. - key duty of women was seen, both literally and metaphorically, as being the mothers of the nation. The belief was that state welfare could, and should, play a part in facilitating such a role.

Question 143

formation of the welfare state in Britain and the nation

Answer 143

• at the beginning of the 20th century that introduced rights to social welfare took place within a context in which the boundaries of citizenship were becoming more restricted by issues of nationality The idea of the nation state had become increasingly important. Greater emphasis was being placed on the notions of national identity and national unity.- 1905 Aliens Act, which introduced UK immigration controls for the first time. The Act stated that immigrants could only land at recognised British ports and included strong powers to return ‘undesirables’ to their country of origin. Aliens entering Britain had no recourse to public funds or welfare provisions and anyone who became homeless within 12 months of arrival was liable to be deported.

Question 144

Marshall on how to reconcile capitalism and citizenship

Answer 144

Marshall - it may be possible to remove some of the inequalities generated by the continuing operation of an essentially capitalist market system. The intention was to check the worst excesses of capitalist by the promotion of citizenship, to modify rather than destroy: “The inequality of the social class system may be acceptable provided the equality of citizenship is recognised”- the ‘equality of status’ that existed between each individual citizen in terms of common rights and duties would ensure that citizenship as an institution reduced some of the inequalities of individual conditions generated.
The principle of a guaranteed minimum (which the establishment of social rights brings about) does not necessarily affect income differentials but does provide a real’ income for all in the form of state-subsidised and funded essential goods and services, or even actual income in cases such as pensions and Child Benefit

Question 145

Marhsall’s historical view of citizenship doesn’t cover women

Answer 145

Walby (1994) notes that in certain instances political or social rights for British women preceded civil rights. Married women, for example, only gained the right to a tax status independent of their husbands in 1990. The sequential development of first civil, then political and finally social rights as outlined by T.H. Marshall can thus be challenged.