Social policy Flashcards

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1
Q

Explain the 1944 education act.

A

The 1944 Education Act (sometimes called the Butler Act) marked the beginning of the modern state education system in the UK with the introduction of compulsory state education up to the age of 14.

The policy was part of the establishment of the Welfare State, which was designed to tackle ‘five Giant Evils’, one of these being ignorance. The aim was to create a ‘land fit for heroes’ after the Second World War.

The act established three types of schools (known as the tripartite system): grammar schools, secondary modern schools and technical schools. In fact very few technical schools were ever built so the system was a two-tier one in most parts of the country.

Underpinning this system, at least in theory, was the idea of equality of opportunity.

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2
Q

Explain the tripartite education system.

A

Sir Cyril Burt, a psychologist, was very influential in the establishment of this system.

Burt believed that educational ability was usually innate, and that this ability could be scientifically measured.

It was therefore decided to test all children in their final year of primary education- the 11+ exam- to determine their suitability for a particular tier of education.
The more able students would attend grammar schools as it was expected that these types of schools would provide a more formal, traditional education, compared to the other two types of schools, technical and secondary modern, which would have varying degrees of vocational work associated with them.

Schools were meant to have similar standards of provision, and to have ‘parity of esteem’- to be considered as equal: there were just different schools suited to children’s different abilities.

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3
Q

What were the problems of the tripartite system?

A

Very few technical schools were ever built so the system was a two-tier one in most parts of the country.

Grammar schools were seen as the most prestigious type of secondary school, offering the academic subjects that could lead to university and well-paid jobs- there was not parity of esteem.

Some pupils ended up in secondary modern schools regardless of their ‘ability’- the pass mark for girls was set higher as there were fewer places available for them. In some parts of the country, only 12% of pupils could get grammar school places

The social class divide remained intact, with most grammar school places taken by middle-class pupils, with the mainly working-class pupils in secondary moderns effectively labelled ‘failures’. This may have led to a self-fulfilling prophecy- many children left school with no qualifications.

The 11+ test was selected at an arbitrary age- many children developed their abilities much later on, but secondary modern schools were unable to meet their educational needs so these children never fulfilled their potential.

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4
Q

Explain the dissatisfaction with the tripartite system.

A

Although the system had its supporters- it served many middle-class families very well- dissatisfaction with the Tripartite system grew over the years. Discontent centred on the way in which the system tended to channel students into the different schools based on their social background rather than their ability, effectively reproducing the class system and limiting social mobility.

This situation was seen as unacceptable for two main reasons:

For some at least, it was morally wrong - limiting the life-chances of some members of society, simply because of the social background of their parents. Evidence from sociologists suggested that social mobility had stalled.

It was an inefficient way of organising labour. If the primary “sorting principle” was social background and not ability, then talent was obviously being wasted.

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5
Q

Explain the 1960s move towards comprehensivisation.

A

The many problems of the tripartite system seemed to stem from its selective nature - and from the unequal quality and status of the three types of school.

The solution therefore seemed simple; abolish selection, and educate all students in the same school, regardless of their class, ethnicity, gender, or ability.

The initial move towards a comprehensive system began at the grassroot. From its very beginnings, some LEAs refused to implement the Tripartite system; instead creating mixed-ability, mixed-background schools. Towards the end of the 1950s and during early 1960s, increasing numbers of LEAs rebelled, and followed this lead - dismantling their Grammar and Secondary Modern schools to create comprehensive systems.

The movement finally gained government backing when, in a White Paper circulated in 1965, the ruling Labour Party “strongly encouraged” LEAs to reorganise their school systems along comprehensive lines.

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6
Q

Explain the political debate over grammar schools.

A

The Labour Party- with an underlying concern for social justice and equality (a social democratic perspective)- pushed for comprehensivisation.

The Conservative Party were more concerned with providing an “appropriate” education for all - recognising that everybody has different talents and abilities, and providing an education system which allows them to fully develop these aptitudes.

Because of the debate over grammar schools, they survive in some parts of the country- there are 163 grammar schools in England, educating around 176,000 pupils.

The Conservative Party has considered the idea of opening new grammar schools at various times- it is an idea popular with members- but has met resistance.

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7
Q

Explain comprehensive schools between 1965 and 1979.

A

Comprehensives were organised so that, rather than selecting students on the basis of examination results, each was assigned a catchment area. All children living within this area would then attend the local comprehensive.

The motivation behind the reform was to realise equality of opportunity in its most literal form - every student would receive exactly the same opportunities throughout their educational careers. Furthermore, it was hoped that by ensuring that children of different backgrounds mixed within school, social barriers would be broken down.

The 1960s also saw important reforms of the qualification system. Prior to this period, only the most able students were able to sit nationally accredited examinations- GCE .This provision expanded, however, in 1965 with the introduction of the Certificate of Secondary Education (CSE) alongside the existing GCE.

By 1979 - and after stop-start expansion - over 80% of secondary school pupils were educated in comprehensives. However, it is important to note that the Conservative governments which were in power during this expansion implemented policies which, some argue, resulted in a system which could never be truly comprehensive. In 1970, for instance, a circular was issued which gave permission for LEAs to allow selective Grammar schools to co-exist with their comprehensives.

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8
Q

What are the strengths of comprehensive schools?

A

Equality of opportunity was undeniably widened by the abolition of selection. The new system did not inherently discriminate against the working class, and did not disadvantage ‘late-bloomers’.

The introduction of the CSE also ensured that almost every student had the opportunity to leave school with a qualification - a considerable improvement on the previous system.

The attempt to break-down social barriers by enabling students of different backgrounds to mix in one school was also a laudable (if optimistic) aim. This could help to produce greater social solidarity, and also might encourage working class children to consider higher education, for example.

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9
Q

What are the weaknesses of comprehensive schools?

A

Supporters of the tripartite system (generally conservatives) argued that attempting to educate students of all abilities in one school helped nobody.

Some complained that comprehensivisation never really attained its main aims, and simply “recreated the tripartite system under one roof”.

The idea that comprehensives would bring together people of different social backgrounds was somewhat idealistic- catchment areas weren’t necessarily socially mixed. The competition to get into the catchment of “good” comprehensives distorted the housing market in the surrounding areas; affectively pricing less affluent families out. This is known as “selection by mortgage”.

The weighting of social backgrounds within comprehensives had a knock-on effect on their reputations. Schools with predominately middle-class demographics were perceived to be the “best” schools - and they consequently attracted better teachers, and thus higher standards of teaching.

The comprehensive ideal was undermined by the continued existence of both private and grammar schools (which were allowed to coexist by the Conservatives)

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10
Q

Explain the change of political power from 1979 to 1997.

A

Thatcher’s Conservative government took power in 1979- the beginning of a period of policy influenced by New Right ideas, and considerable social and economic change in Britain.

New Right policies favour the use of market forces as a method for distributing resources: education was a consumer good or resource, where producers (schools) compete to produce the best product for consumers (parents/ pupils), and in this way educational standards improve.

The government’s first actions, however, involved trying to tackle the growing problem of youth unemployment.

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11
Q

Explain the new vocationalism.

A

The Conservatives felt that youth unemployment was the result of schools’ failure to teach appropriate work skills. This ‘skills crisis’ was to blame for Britain’s economic decline

A number of schemes were developed that aimed to reduce youth unemployment, increase young people’s skill levels, and make them more aware of the world of work.

For example, Apprenticeships combined ‘on the job’ training alongside part-time study with the aim of achieving National Vocational Qualifications.

This became known as the ‘new vocationalism’.

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12
Q

Explain the criticisms of the new vocationalism.

A

Vocational education and training have had many criticisms, particularly from neo-Marxist writers, who have treated these schemes with suspicion.

Finn argued that there was a hidden political agenda to vocational training in this period: it provided cheap labour for employers; it undermined the bargaining power of the unions as trainees couldn’t be members; it reduced politically embarrassing unemployment statistics; and may have been intended to reduce crime by removing young people from the streets.

Cohen argued that the real purpose of vocational training was to create ‘good’ attitudes and work discipline rather than actual work skills- i.e. to create a submissive and conformist workforce who will accept poorly paid, low-skilled work. Those unemployed young people who viewed the schemes as cheap labour and refused to join them were characterised as irresponsible and idle.

Cohen argued that there wasn’t evidence that young people lacked job skills: youth unemployment was not the result of a shortage of skills but a shortage of jobs.

In practise, it was (and remains) ‘lower-ability’ young people who are funnelled into vocational training- often working-class young people.

Training schemes were also criticised for failing to break down traditional patterns of sex stereotyping found in employment and education.

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13
Q

What were the key components and themes of the 1988 education reform act?

A

The 1988 Education Reform Act (ERA) was the most influential piece of educational legislation since the 1944 Education Act.

Key Components:
National Curriculum
SATs
Marketisation
League tables
Grant Maintained Schools
City Technology Colleges

Key themes: Central control and marketisation

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14
Q

Explain the national curriculum and SATs as part of the 1988 education reform act.

A

Prior to 1988, the decision as to what to teach within schools (the curriculum) was largely down to LEAs – with the only compulsory subject being Religious Instruction.

With the 1988 act, however, the government began to tell teachers and schools what to teach in the form of the National Curriculum.

This consisted of the core subjects of English, Maths and Science together with technology, a modern foreign language in secondary schools, PE and (up to the age of 14) history, geography, art, music.

In order to monitor schools, and provide parents with data to inform their choice of school, students were to be tested on the core subjects at ages 7, 11 and 14 using the Standard Attainment Tests (SATs).

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15
Q

Explain marketisation and league tables as part of the 1988 education reform act.

A

The 1988 Reform Act was introduced under a Conservative government with a commitment to an “education market place” which was driven by competition, diversity and choice. The same forces that allow businesses to either succeed or fail – consumer choice – would, therefore, drive education.

In the case of a business, failure or success is down to the service it provides to its consumers. It has been argued that this arrangement effectively mean that better businesses – which offer a higher quality service – succeed, whilst those that offer poor service fail. This idea of “survival of the fittest” results in the surviving businesses being those that offer the best service-at least according to people who believe in capitalism.
The Conservatives thought that the same process could be adapted to the schooling system – and that it would similarly offer better schools with better value for money.

The “consumers” of this new system were to be the parents of students, and consequently, parental choice was an important element of the act. Where possible, parents were to be allowed to choose the school they prefer for their children. Schools, for their part, were required to produce information to help with the choice: each year, schools must publish a prospectus which includes their exam results and National Curriculum test results.

League tables rank schools, aiding parents to choose a school for their child: the idea assumes that parents will act as rational consumers, wanting to choose the best performing school.

Parental choice was to have a direct impact on schools, with every extra pupil bringing extra funds to the school’s budget.

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16
Q

Explain grant maintained schools and city technology colleges as a component of the 1988 education reform act.

A

As part of the aim to make the British Education System more diverse – and consequently increasing choice – the ERA established two additional types of school; the Grant Maintained School and the City Technology College.

Grant Maintained (GM) Schools are those that have “opted out” of local authority control and are financed directly by central government. These schools are self-governing and take decisions about employment of staff, the curriculum, the provision of goods and services and the way pupils are selected for entry. The Conservative party supported the development of GM schools, saying that they allow more scope for them to “specialise” which widens the choices available to parents. For instance, schools can specialise in particular subjects or types of student such as the “more academically able”.

City Technology Colleges were outside of local authority control, and instead were funded directly by the Department of Education with part of their money coming from industry- arguably the beginning of privatisation. They taught the National Curriculum with an additional emphasis on maths, science and technology.

17
Q

Evaluate the components of the 1988 education reform act.

A

+ The National Curriculum was a positive step towards equality of educational opportunity- in terms of gender, but also because it prevented schools in less affluent areas becoming tempted to offer a “less demanding” menu of subjects.

  • The National Curriculum was initially quite unpopular with teachers, who found it overly prescriptive.
  • Whilst meant to offer equality of opportunity, SATs and GCSEs were tiered.
  • There were concerns over the stressful and damaging effects of testing children so often and the idea that testing could distort what was taught as schools would ‘teach to the test’.
  • The education quasi market- particularly league tables- incentivised schools to game the system.
  • It has been argued that marketisation reinforced class differences.
  • Parentocracy is often something of a myth
  • Some critics felts that the ERA was motivated by the Conservative government’s desire to reduce the power of Labour controlled LEAs, not improve education.
  • Competition and increased school diversity introduced a divisive education system, with a certain amount of selection introduced in some schools, and oversubscribed schools sometimes engaging in cream skimming.
18
Q

Explain the change in power between 1997 and 2010.

A

New Labour came to power with Tony Blair as Prime Minister.

Labour governments from 1997 sought to reduce inequality of achievement and promote greater diversity, choice and competition- i.e. we see a mix of social democratic and neoliberal aims.

19
Q

Explain the school choice and diversity introduced by the New Labour.

A

Increasing choice and diversity within the school system was a key objective for Labour under Tony Blair, emerging strongly from 2001 as the government switched its focus from primary school improvements to reform of the secondary school system.

Specialist schools: schools encouraged to specialise in particular subjects, with the aim of encouraging choice, increasing competition, and raising standards. State secondaries could apply to become a specialist school in one of 10 subject specialisms. Schools had to raise £50,000 from sponsors, which was matched by government funding. Once a specialist school they could select up to 10% of their pupils from those who showed an aptitude for their specialism. New Labour inherited 196 specialist schools; ten years later there were 2,500.

Academies, community schools, and foundation schools introduced, all increasing choice .

20
Q

Explain school improvement under the New Labour.

A

School improvement policies under Labour took a number of forms. Perhaps the most significant policy decision overall was the decision to continue with the system of school performance tables adopted by its Conservative predecessor.

In England, Labour accompanied performance tables with strong central management of performance through targets mandating that all schools must achieve a certain level of performance in national examinations. The approach was one of extra support combined with pressure. On two occasions, Labour issued lists of schools that it most wanted to see improved, or closed. In 1997 an initial ‘naming and shaming’ led to twenty-five schools being ‘Fresh Started’ – closed and re-opened with new headteachers and many new staff, and often a new name, uniforms etc.

In 2008 a much larger scheme, the National Challenge, was announced. 638 schools that were below the floor target were given notice to improve or be closed and replaced by an Academy. National Challenge involved extra support to school leadership teams, as well as targeted training for established and newly qualified teachers.

The new government embarked on a general expansion and improvement of the school workforce, through additional recruitment, policies to better reward teachers and to raise the status of the profession by seeking to attract top graduates, and new professional development requirements and opportunities.

The government vastly expanded the amount of guidance and support to serving teachers. A key tool was the set of ‘National Strategies’ which, though regarded by many as overly prescriptive, provided teachers with materials and guidance to help increase consistency and quality of performance.

Strengthening the primary focus on literacy and numeracy in primary schools.

Building Schools for the Future set out to upgrade and refurbish the entire secondary school building stock in 15 to 20 years, involving not just construction of new schools, but also improving facilities at existing schools, such as ICT infrastructure and new ways of using ICT across the curriculum.

21
Q

Explain targeted policies enforced by the new labour.

A

Many of Labour’s universal policies incorporated an element of additionality or tailoring towards the most disadvantaged schools or areas- e.g. teaching was to be improved across the board, but with Teach First boosting efforts in disadvantaged schools; academies both brought new providers and innovation into the market, and targeted new resources and approaches at areas of educational disadvantage.

There were also truly targeted policies such as Education Action Zones (EAZs) - local clusters of schools that would look for innovative approaches to raising attainment, for example: adapting curriculum, varying teachers’ pay and conditions, or running family literacy schemes. Seventy-three EAZs eventually covered some 1300 schools, before being incorporated into a bigger programme, Excellence in Cities (EiC), in 1999. EiC was targeted on all secondary schools (and later on about a third of primaries) in selected urban authorities. Funding of about £120 per pupil per year was provided to support specific interventions: learning mentors, learning support units, and provision for students identified as ‘gifted and talented’.

The Educational Maintenance Allowance (EMA) was a weekly cash allowance of up to £30 payable to young people aged 16-19 from low income families remaining in full-time education.

22
Q

Explain the neoliberal influences on the New Labour’s policy.

A

Privatisation

Private Finance Initiative (PFI): Building Schools for the Future was financed by the PFI where private companies did the building, in return for maintenance contracts with LEAs paying the ongoing costs- see link to PFI article on Google classroom.

Academies: Academies needed private sponsors who were required to provide 10% of the capital costs of a new building up to a maximum of £2 million. For a relatively small amount of funding sponsors acquired influence over schools, particularly over the curriculum and ethos of the school. This effectively allowed greater business (and other private) involvement in the running of schools than ever before.

Private contracts: Companies were given contracts to manage aspects of the education system- e.g. in 2004, Capita were given a contract to manage the strategy to improve literacy and numeracy.

23
Q

Explain the social democratic influences on New Labour.

A

Academies: Aimed to provide high quality education in deprived areas. The best teachers would be encouraged to work in these schools and there’d be a higher level of resourcing.

Education Action Zones: Established in some of the lowest-performing inner-city areas to improve achievement.

Educational Maintenance Allowance: To support students between ages 16- 19 on lower incomes.

The Aim Higher programme: To raise the aspirations of groups who are under represented in higher education. New Labour aimed to have 50% of young people entering HE by 2010.

24
Q

Evaluate the New Labour education policies.

A

+ There was considerable investment in the education system- and this was much needed.

+ There are now a greater diversity of schools (Specialist Schools, City Academies), meaning there is more choice for parents and pupils.

+ HE target close to met- although some debate as to whether this is wholly positive.

+ The directing of resources towards deprived groups and areas resulted in some improvements- e.g. achievement in London.

  • In practice, however, middle-class has gained most from policies promoting choice: middle-class parents’ economic and cultural capital allows them to secure the best school places for their children.
  • For the above reason and the fact that, in reality, not all parents had a choice of school, ‘parentocracy’ was a myth.
  • Stubborn achievement gaps remain. Ball (2013) argues that whatever the direct effects of education policy, continued child poverty and inequality meant that education could not compensate for the effects of low income.
  • New Labour have been criticised for introducing greater privatisation of education, which can result in schoddy provision and end up costing taxpayers more in the long run. The long-term costs of PFI have clearly created financial difficulties for some parts of the education system.
25
Q

Outline how power changed between 2010 and 2015.

A

The coalition government came to power.

The education policies of the Coalition government (with Michael Gove as Education Secretary) largely reflected New-Right thinking- with some more social democratic policies, possibly the result of the Liberal Democrat influence.

26
Q

What were the key coalition policies?

A
Academies and free schools
Reforms to the curriculum
Rise in tuition fees
Free school meals and the Pupil Premium
Cost saving measures
27
Q

Explain academies under the Coalition.

A

Whereas New Labour had focused on opening up academies in the most deprived areas of the country in order to improve equality of educational opportunity, the Coalition made it possible for any school to convert to an academy (converter academies).

As the academization process evolved, schools which received a ‘Satisfactory’ (now called ‘Requires Improvement’ or below OFSTED grading were forced to convert to academies even when the majority of parents did not want this.

By 2013, there were 3,304 academies in England – almost 15 times as many as in May 2010, when there were 203 academies. Today, 72% of secondary schools are academies.

The Coalition also oversaw the growth of academy chains – around 2000 schools are now in academy ‘chains’ with around 400 schools leading these chains, working with others to raise standards.

28
Q

Explain free schools under the coalition.

A

A Free School in England is a type of Academy, a non-profit-making, state-funded school which is free to attend. Free schools are not controlled by a Local Authority (LA) but instead governed by a non-profit charitable trust.

Free Schools are new schools, set up by an interested group- e.g. parents, charities, or faith organisations. They are not required to follow the national curriculum, as long as they teach English Maths and Science, and they do not have to employ qualified teachers.

Between 2010 and 2015 more than 400 free schools were approved for opening in England by the Coalition Government, representing more than 230,000 school places across the country.

29
Q

What are the differences between local authority schools and academy + free schools?

A

Local authority schools must follow the national curriculum but academies and free schools don’t.

LA schools funding is controlled by the LA while funding for academies and free schools comes from the government directly.

LA schools have standard school day and term times while academies and free schools get to set school days and term times.

Teachers for LA schools must be qualified but they don’t have to be at academies and free schools.

30
Q

Evaluate academies and free schools.

A

+ Some academies and free schools have been very successful- e.g. Michaela Community School. However, evidence on the performance of academies compared to local authority schools is mixed, but on the whole suggests there is no substantial difference in performance.

  • The National Union of Teachers argue that academies and free schools tended to reduce the budget available for other schools, undermined democratic accountability, and widened inequalities.
  • Why have a national curriculum if so many schools don’t have to follow it?
  • Research by Shepherd (2012) found that free schools took in a lower proportion of FSM pupils compared to other local schools.
  • Often free schools not actually needed and have lead to a surplus of school places –more than half of Free Schools opening in 2012 opened with 60% or less of the student numbers predicted by the impact assessment documents of each institution.
  • 55 mainstream and alternative provision free schools have closed since the start of the free schools programme in 2010. Many further never opened, and over £300 million has been wasted on closed down or never opened free schools (with that figure expected to rise).
31
Q

Explain curriculum reforms made by the Coalition government.

A

Michael Gove favoured a more traditional and rigorous curriculum.

To this end he ‘toughened up’ A-levels by removing opportunities to retake exams, decoupling AS and A-levels, making students sit all exams at the end of two years, and revising the curriculum.

Coursework and assessment scrapped in all academic GCSE subjects, aside from Science.

In 2013 a new National Curriculum was introduced with a strong emphasis on traditional learning styles and content. For example, 5 year olds had to study fractions, and in English there was more emphasis on grammar and spelling.

League tables were reformed for secondary schools, with the English Baccalaureate (or EBacc) introduced, encouraging schools to enter students into a selection of traditional, academic subjects favoured by Gove.

32
Q

Evaluate the curriculum reform.

A

+ Schools were strongly incentivised to offer more rigorous subjects rather than trying to game the system with non-traditional offerings.

+ Coursework offered opportunities for dishonest practices: exams can be see as fairer.

  • Simply making exams harder does not guarantee higher standards nor mean that students will be prepared for a job.
  • End-of-course exams on a single-day test recall and memory rather than the range of skills that young people need in the 21st century. The Covid crisis has also demonstrated other disadvantages of this approach.
  • Arguably the curriculum became more ethnocentric.
33
Q

Explain the tuition fee rise.

A

Following the Browne Review in 2010, the cap was controversially raised to £9,000 a year.

This fee raise was to compensate for the removal of the teaching grant for most subjects.

The principle was that universities would compete, with the mechanism largely determining what and how universities teach, and ,indeed, in some cases whether they exist at all, to be consumer choice.

The aim was that student choice would drive up ‘quality’, with the measure of ‘quality’, ‘student satisfaction’.

34
Q

Evaluate the tuition fee rise.

A

+ Some see it as a more progressive way of funding HE- why should those (largely working-class) people who don’t benefit from it have to subsidise those who do?

+ Students not required to start repaying their loan until earning £21k- i.e. the loan could be considered essentially a graduate tax.

  • Disadvantages to positioning students as consumers.
  • Student satisfaction may be a poor metric for quality.
  • May put off working-class young people, who may be more debt averse. These students may also be further encouraged to remain living at home.
  • May not actually save the taxpayer money as debt will be written off if unpaid.
35
Q

Explain the pupil premium and free school meals introduced by the Coalition.

A

The pupil premium involved providing extra resources for schools for disadvantaged pupils (FSM in last 6 years; and ever LAC).

The intention was to compensate children from low-income families for their educational disadvantage by providing extra additional resources to be spent on boosting their achievement. It was also designed to fit into a wider social mobility strategy in which it was hoped that there would be better opportunities for disadvantaged children to end up in middle-class jobs.

Introduction of universal free school meals (a hot lunch) for infant school pupils- The aim was to improve academic attainment and save families money.

36
Q

Evaluate the pupil premium and free school meals.

A

+ Given education inequalities, it seems like a good idea to have additional funding attached to disadvantaged pupils.

  • Allen (2018) argues that it may actually exclude the poorest children- receipt of FSM raises household income above the working poor.
  • Poverty may be a poor proxy for educational disadvantage.
  • Ratcliffe found that nearly half of teachers surveyed said their school was using money to plug the funding gap left by reductions in government funding, or to help all pupils regardless of their family income.
  • Universal FSM may not be a good use of resources, and was difficult for schools to manage.
37
Q

Explain the cost-saving measures introduced under the Coalition.

A

The coalition’s education policy was taking place in the context of austerity- a deficit reduction programme consisting of sustained reductions in public spending and tax rises, intended to reduce the government budget deficit and the role of the welfare state in the United Kingdom.

Cost saving measures included:

Cutting EMA (even though Gove had said that they wouldn’t)

The cutting of the higher education teaching grant (necessitating the rise in fees)

Real cuts to education spending- schools and colleges in England suffered the worst fall in spending since the depths of the 1970s, according to a report by the Institute for Fiscal Studies (2019).