Ethnic differences in educational achievement (internal factors) Flashcards

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1
Q

Outline the role of the teaching workforce in contributing to ethnic differences in educational achievement.

A

According to the Department for Education (DfE), in 2018, whilst nearly 27% of pupils are from BME backgrounds, nearly 92% of teachers in England’s state funded schools were White.
This is starker in relation to headteacher positions, with only 3% of heads coming from ‘ethnic minority’ backgrounds.

teacher racism and teacher labelling might have an impact.

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2
Q

Explain Mirza’s research into teacher racism.

A

Mirza (1992) found that the majority of teachers in her study held racist attitudes. She found that racist teachers discouraged black pupils from being ambitious through the kind of advice they gave them about careers and option choices.

She identified three main types of teacher racism:

The colour-blind: teachers who believe all pupils are equal but in practice allow racism to go unchallenged.

The liberal chauvinists: teachers who believe black pupils are culturally deprived and who have low expectations of them.

The overt racists: teachers who believe blacks are inferior and actively discriminate against them.

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3
Q

Explain Wright’s research into teacher racism.

A

Observing Asian and Afro-Caribbean children in primary schools, she found that teachers paid Asian pupils, especially girls, less attention.

They involved Asian children less in discussion and used simplistic language, assuming that they had a poor command of English.

Teachers also lacked sensitivity towards aspects of their culture and showed open disapproval of their customs and traditions.

This had the effect of making the girls feel less positive towards the school.

Other children also picked up on the teachers’ comments, encouraging them to display hostility as well.

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4
Q

Explain teacher racism from the perspective of parents.

A

Crozier (2005) interviewed 25 parents of secondary‐aged and primary‐aged children of African Caribbean and mixed ‘race’ heritage (African Caribbean and white) in two cities in the south of England.

Parents felt teachers and the school had considerable power over their children and this was not always being used responsibly.

Parents reported that their children were subject to stereotyping, labelling, and low academic expectations.

They recounted a pattern of cumulative negative experiences which for many of the children resulted in academic underachievement and becoming demotivated to learn, by a system that they felt had rejected them, or imposed exclusion- one mother there being a ‘war’ against their children.

Having low expectations of the children’s ability often meant, according to the parents, that the school did not inform them if the child did not do homework, or just was not trying any more. This meant that the parent was not able to give the support that was needed and wanted to provide.

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5
Q

Explain labelling in terms of black pupils and discipline.

A

Gillborn and Youdell (2000) found that teachers were quicker to discipline black pupils than others for the same behaviour.

Whilst teachers argued that they were dealing with individuals (e.g. responding to each case), Gillborn and Youdell saw it as the result of racialised expectations: teachers expected black students to present more discipline issues, and misinterpreted behaviour as threatening and a challenge to authority.

When teachers acted on this misinterpretation, the pupils responded negatively and further conflict ensued.

Tony Sewell (1997) argued that White teachers were often afraid of Black boys, and pursued strategies that were counterproductive in terms of both the behaviour and achievement of Black boys.

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6
Q

Which ethnicities are most likely to be excluded from school?

A

The DfE reports that, when controlling for other factors about their background, children from some groups
(such as Black Caribbean children) are more likely to be excluded than White British children, while children from some other groups (such as Indian children) are less likely to be excluded.

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7
Q

Explain black pupils and setting/streaming.

A

Research found that Black pupils were 2.54 times more likely to be misallocated to a lower set in maths, compared with white pupils. This was part of findings showing that top-set students were more likely to be white and middle class, while bottom-set students were more likely to be working class and black. This might be due to labelling and teacher prejudices.

The research also found that teachers who are highly qualified in their subject are less likely to teach lower sets; some young people in lower sets feel limited or ‘babied’ by their teachers; and those in lower sets have less self-confidence in the subject.

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8
Q

Explain Archer’s pupil identities.

A

Drawing on interview and discussion group data, Archer (2008) argues that in Britain, dominant educational discourses of ‘the ideal pupil’ exclude minority ethnic pupils and prevent them from inhabiting a position of authentic ‘success’. According to Archer, dominant discourse constructs three different pupil identities:

The ideal pupil identity: A white, middle-class, if masculinised identity, with a ‘normal’ sexuality. This pupil achieves in the ‘right’ way, through natural ability and initiative.

The pathologised pupil identity: This is usually an Asian identity, ‘deserving poor’, feminised identity, either asexual or with an oppressed sexuality. This pupil is seen as a plodding, conformist and culture-bound ‘over-achiever’, a slogger who succeeds through hard work rather than natural ability.

The demonised pupil identity: A black or white, working-class, hyper-sexualised identity. This pupil is seen as an unintelligent, peer-led, culturally deprived under-achiever.

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9
Q

Explain Archer’s pupil identities in regards to Chinese and other high achieving ethnic minority pupils.

A

Archer found that Chinese students were simultaneously praised and viewed negatively by their teachers. They were seen as ‘quiet’ and ‘repressed’.

Chinese success was seen as the wrong type of success: because of this they could never have the ideal pupil identity, and this likely has implications for Chinese students’ academic identities.

Bradbury (2013) explores teachers’ use of discourses of authenticity with a focus on the relationship between these discourses and ‘model minority’ status. She argues that the idea of (in)authenticity can be used to delegitimise educational success in multiple ways.

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10
Q

Explain pupil responses and subcultures with Fuller’s Black girls.

A

Fuller studied a group of black girls in year 11 of a large London comprehensive school, who were atypical because they were high achievers in a school where most black girls were placed in low streams.

Fuller describes how, instead of accepting negative stereotypes of themselves, the girls channelled their anger about sexist and racist labelling into the pursuit of educational success.

Unlike other successful pupils, they only partially conformed to the school: they showed a deliberate lack of concern for school routines, and, unlike other successful pupils, they did not seek the approval of teachers, many of whom they regarded as racist, preferring to rely on their own efforts and the impartiality of external exams.

The study highlighted 2 important points:

  • Pupils may still succeed even when they refuse to conform
  • Negative labelling does not always lead to failure- the self-fulfilling prophecy can be disrupted
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11
Q

Explain Black masculine identities at school.

A

O’Donnell and Sharpe (2000) note that in response to racism, teacher labelling, and poor economic prospects, Black males construct a form of masculinity that earns them respect from peers and girls.

This macho response may have little relevance for males in general due to the decline in manual work, but for young Black men with (at least perceived) weak employment prospects, opposition to schooling still has some relevance in highlighting their masculinity and alternative attributes of success.

Sewell (2000) suggests that young men want to be a ‘street hood’: success in the classroom can mark a Black boy out from his peers and make him a target of ridicule and bullying, and educational failure becomes a badge to wear with pride.

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12
Q

Evaluate teacher racism, labelling, identities and responses.

A

+ Sociological research demonstrates the nuances of teacher labelling and the wide variety of student responses i.e. claims are neither reductionist nor deterministic

+ Does not blame minority ethnic communities but recognises ways in which internal processes can contribute to educational underachievement.

  • Not a complete explanation
  • Much research is out of date eg Mirza’s is thirty years old. Racist attitudes are now less common and minority ethnic children make up a higher proportion of school pupils.
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13
Q

What is institutional racism?

A

Institutional racism is a form of racism that is embedded as normal practice within society or an organisation- e.g. the police and criminal justice system, education, or healthcare.

Critical race theory argues there is ‘locked in inequality’ in the education system.

Gillborn argues that ethnic inequality is so deep rooted that it is an inevitable feature of the education system.

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14
Q

Explain marketisation and segregation as an internal factor contributing to ethnic differences in achievement.

A

Burgess and Wilson report high levels of ethnic segregation in UK schools, and suggest that this is in part due to parental choice.

Gillborn argues that marketisation disadvantages minority ethnic children.

Hamilton argues that Black children are perceived as ‘toxic consumers’ in the education market, and may be excluded with the aim of improving the league table position of the school.

This results in polarisation between schools.

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15
Q

What is the ethnocentric curriculum.

A

The ‘ethnocentric’ curriculum- a curriculum that reflects the culture of the dominant group- has been a concern for many years, with the suggestion that it does little to enhance multicultural understanding and relations and might contribute to the underachievement of minority ethnic students.

This is an example of institutional racism because it can be seen to build racial bias into the education system.

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16
Q

Explain the ethnocentric curriculum as an internal factor impacting ethnic achievement.

A

Coard suggests that the ethnocentric curriculum may produce underachievement through undermining minority ethnic children’s self-esteem- for example, the teaching of Empire might be presented as bringing ‘civilisation’ to ‘primitive’ people.

Tikly et al., in their study of 30 comprehensive schools, found that a significant number of African Caribbean pupils noted their invisibility in the curriculum and were exasperated by the White European focus. Moreover, when Black History was acknowledged within the curriculum, many pupils reported their frustration with the focus on slavery

Changes introduced by the Coalition government in 2014 marked a renewed emphasis on a traditional curriculum- e.g. studying British literature in English. In practise this means that texts taught are overwhelmingly by male, White British authors.

17
Q

Evaluate the ethnocentric curriculum as an explanation for ethnic differences in achievement.

A
  • There are likely considerable differences in the curriculum across schools, so it is too simplistic to make the blanket assessment that the curriculum is ethnocentric.
  • Some argue it is racist to suggest that minority ethnic children ought to learn about different things from white British children and that it is right for the curriculum to focus on English culture and history as it will aid the achievement of minority ethnic children.
  • Not all minority ethnic pupils underachieve to the same degree so the ethnocentric curriculum cannot be the sole explanation for ethnic differences in achievement.
18
Q

Explain assessment and the new IQism as an internal factor contributing to ethnic achievement differences.

A

Gillborn argues that assessment is rigged to favour White students and disadvantage Black ones. eg using prior attainment to set students.

Gillborn refers to this use of data as the new IQism as it implies that both ability and potential are fixed and can be straightforwardly measured.

Gillborn argues there is no straightforward measure of potential and so the education system is institutionally racist.

He argues that ‘model minorities’, ie the groups which over-perform, perform an ideological function that works to conceal the institutional racism of the education system.

(-) Conspiratorial and unfalsifiable.