Ozone Regime - Post-Montreal Flashcards
Issues that Remained Unresolved Under MP
- details of tech + financial assistance to developing countries
- whether 50% reduction in CFCs should become complete phaseout
- how to increase number of signatories from the original 24
MP Article 6 - 1988 Developments
- under this Article, in 1988, Parties formed the Scientific Assessment Panel (SAP), Environmental Effects Assessment Panel (EEAP), Technology Assessment Panel (TAP), + Economics Assessment Panel to inform govs on current state of relevant science + technical + economic feasibility of phasedown + phaseout schedules
- panel assessments = key tool in evolution + responsiveness of the treaty + are published w/o gov review or modification
MP Article 6 - 1988 Assessment
- Assessment basically showed problem was more serious than previously understood (presented first solid data linking CFCs to ozone depletion + showed much more dramatic decline in ozone levels)
-> lots of industry actors committed to voluntary phaseouts of CFCs
London Amendments - Major points
- 1990
- new reduction schedules
- developing countries -> multilateral fund
London - Reduction Schedules
- Broad consensus calling for eventual elimination of halons + CFCs
- New goal of 50% reduction by 1995 put in place, w/ total phaseout by 2000 for CFCs + halons
- Also instituted controls for new class of ozone depleting substances (hydrochlorofluorocarbons – HCFCs)
- also extended coverage to carbon tetrachloride + methyl chloroform (both fast phaseouts, 2000 + 2005 respectively)
HCFCs
- industry actors had initially considered these an important substitute for CFCs, but these are also ODSs (though less so than CFCs)
- London added controls in a compromise - req to report on product, import + export, + nonbinding resolution discouraging their use by phaseout in 2040
HFCs
- NOT addressed at London
- concern though that the London phaseouts would be accomplished in part from reliance on HFCs, which don’t deplete ozone but ARE powerful greenhouse gases -> environmentalists thought swap was short-sighted
- ultimately brought up again in 2008 + addressed through the Kigali Amendment ((2016)
Multilateral Fund
- established through Article 10 in the London Amendments in 1990
- provided support for incremental costs + facilitative compliance mechanism -> designed to respond to implementation challenges faced by developing countries
- provide tech + financial assistance
- London Ams didn’t mandate contributions to the fund
Multilateral Fund - Governance
- managed by Executive Committee of 7 developed + 7 developing country parties
-> charged w/ supervising + administering MLF – includes reviewing all projects over $500,000, developing MLF plan + budget, monitoring its activities, developing criteria for project eval, + reporting annually to the Parties on MLF’s activities - parties oversee Exec Committee + make majority decisions on basis of one-country-one-vote
- implementing agencies: UNDP, UNEP, UNIDO, + World Bank
- UNEP serves as Secretariat to Exec Committee + Treasurer to MLF
What do countries need to do to obtain MLF assistance?
- prepare Country Program study detailing their production + consumption of ODSs + a work program detailing steps for reducing ODSs (including tech assistance + pre-investment activities)
Kigali Amendment
- 2016
- phase-down ozone-safe but climate-warming HFCs
- marked shift in focus to incorporating measures to address climate pollutants, even where don’t destroy stratospheric ozone
- Prof noted that ability to have Kigali Amendment in some ways reinforces the importance of the Ozone Regime, although some in climate change regime weren’t happy b/c saw it as their domain
Incremental Costs
- additional costs of converting to using non-ODSs or tech that relies on them
- incremental in the sense that you can’t ask for this money if you would have been doing what you’re doing anyway
Tensions Surrounding MLF
- some tension between recipients + those transferring funds - sense that countries giving $ are dictating how they should be developing + what they need to do (interfering w/ sovereignty)
-> gets much more contentious in climate change context, b/c much more potential for impact on country’s development - chicken + egg problem - which comes first, showing of compliance or $?
Non-Compliance Procedure for Ozone Regime
- gets set out in Annex IV of the Copenhagen Amendments
- establishes Implementation Committee
MP Article 7
- deals with reporting requirements
- important – mechanism by which we can assess what is happening, create baselines, measure success
- requires a lot of work + tech expertise
- VERY big piece of int treaties
Annex IV - 1-4
- discuss communications re non-compliance
- 1 says other parties can bring potential non-compliance to attention of Secretariat
- 2 gives those non-compliant parties a chance to respond
- 3 says Secretariat can draw attention to non-compliance in preparing its report (think this info goes to both Meeting of the Parties and the Implementation Committee)
- 4 says party can draw attention to its own concerns about inability to comply w/ the protocol after its best efforts
Annex IV - 5-8
- discuss the basics of the Implementation Committee
- 5 establishes the committee (10 Parties elected by Meeting of the Parties for two yrs, equitable geographic distribution)
- 6 says it meets twice a yr
- 7 sets out its functions – there are five bullet points, but essentially the main thing is that they focus on reviewing, considering, + gathering info on the potential non-compliances identified through 1-4 + then reporting it
->(e) also specifies that the committee maintains communication with the Multilateral Fund - 8 says it shall consider the submissions, observations + info from 7 w/ view to securing amicable solution
Annex IV - 7
Functions of Implementation Committee:
- receive, consider + report on submissions (from 1,2,4)
- receive, consider + report on any info or observations forwarded by Secretariat
- request, through the Secretariat, further info on matters under consideration as necessary
- undertake, upon invitation of Party concerned, info-gathering
- maintain exchange of info w/ MLF Executive Committee re tech + financial cooperation, particularly re IC’s recs
Annex IV - 9
- Committee reports to the Meeting of the Parties, including any recs it considers appropriate -> Parties may then “decide upon and call for steps to bring about full compliance with the Protocol, and to further the Protocol’s objectives”
Annex IV - 16
- says info made available to any person upon request (although confidentiality of info received in confidence is protected under 15)
Summary of Non-Compliance Mechanism
- if requested by a party to conduct review, the Implementation Committee must make report w/ recs to the Meeting of the Parties, which then decides on the appropriate course of action
- relatively non-confrontational approach (“carrots”), but w/ underlying threat of use of “stick”
- Parties at Copenhagen agreed to Indicative List of Measures That Might Be Taken by Meeting of the Parties in Respect of Non-Compliance with the Protocol in Annex IV
Copenhagen - List of Measures Re Non-Compliance
Includes:
- providing assistance
- issuing warnings
- suspending protocol privileges concerning, inter alia, industrial rationalization, production, consumption, trade, transfer of tech, Multilateral Fund, + other institutional arrangements
Legitimacy of the Implementation Committee
- should represent parties’ interests
- Prof says size, election by parties, two-year commitments all important (on the assumption parties are invested in the success of the treaty, may influence how comfortable/uncomfortable we feel re IC holding off on sanctions)
Copenhagen - Pros and Cons of Attitude Towards Non-Compliance
- want people trying to comply + want to facilitate where possible (best interests of all = ultimately figuring out a way to reach compliance)
->trying to create system in which parties have incentive to participate + work w/ the implementation committee
-> not really productive necessarily to have parties consistently treated as non-parties - BUT some concern of repeat player effect
- more serious sanction will get more support broadly if they’ve tried everything first + it looks like still getting nowhere
- may be helpful to have it as a reminder that you do need to participate (a state may have no interest in being cooperative if there’s no real threat behind it)