Northern Ireland - Historiography Flashcards
(141 cards)
1
Q
Jackson (Northern Ireland) (2) on O’Neill
A
- Economics*
1. O’Neillism was an economic modernisation agenda which was designed to affirm unionist supremacy in Ireland, failed- investment unevenly caused issues and contributed to civil rights movement
2. Not the challenge of the IRA that threatened to destabilise the Unionism, but rather the economic condition of the state
3. The economic planning of the 1960s, designed to copper fasten Unionist rule, instead contributed to its demise. Unionists became the victim of their own success - job creation an impressive annual industrial growth rate of 5.7% was recorded in the 1960s. But the location of this investment, disparities amongst the beneficiaries and the simultaneous loosening of sectarian frontiers created resentments and fed into social disorder.
2
Q
Hennessey (Northern Ireland) (1) - Sunningdale
A
- The conditions for a settlement of the Northern Ireland conflict did not exist in the period 1972-76. Beginning with the Sunningdale Agreement it might be argued that this was one of the greatest diplomatic coups of any Irish government since independence in 1921.
3
Q
Prince (Northern Ireland) (1) on protesting
A
- Focuses on the wave of New Left thought behind the belief in a social revolution to dispel the issues faced by the Irish State.
In particular, homes in on the actions of students to go for non-violent, peaceful protest with the intent on finding out how the actions of SNCC relate to the protest actions of students in Ireland. Invariably, these actions are responsible for the introduction of police violence in Ireland, leading to greater British military imposition in Ireland, leading to IRA actions.
4
Q
Shapiro (Northern Ireland) (1)
A
- Irish Troubles legacy - high walls in Ireland dividing the ethnic populations “physically divided by 30-foot high walls”
5
Q
Bew (Northern Ireland) (2) British and IRA
A
- British interest to stay in Ireland is, claims Danny Morrison, to “only now be explained in terms of strategic interest, of NATO and can properly be defined as ‘political imperialism’”
- “The degree to which the provisionals were now setting the political agenda was increasingly evident… the clear declaration that they were working for direct rule… made it all the more difficult for the British ruling class to consider this option - outside of conditions of near catastrophe in Northern Ireland”
6
Q
Gillian and Tonge (Northern Ireland) (2) British Govt
A
- Since the outbreak of conflict in 1969 the British government has introduced a range of community relations initiatives aimed at containing, if not ending, the violence.
- It is fair to conclude that up until the mid-1980s most of these measures were of a fairly disparate and largely incoherent nature.
7
Q
Ginty (Northern Ireland) (1) British Govt
A
- Highlights difficulty of talking about Ireland in Westminster and timidity of the press in highlighting discrimination in NI
8
Q
Dummingham (Northern Ireland) (2) Economics
A
- Before the troubles, Northern Ireland had the worst economy in Western Europe - failed to provide work for a vast number of people, and encouraged institutionalised economic and social inequality 2. The Troubles “retarded Northern Ireland’s participation in the world economy”
9
Q
Harris (Northern Ireland)(2)
A
- Familiarity certainly led to consent. Distancing and disengagement had caused Anglo-Irish elite to oscillate only between different level of mutual hostility, miscomprehension and suspicion, their adverse on Northern Irish community relations cannot be overestimated.
- The region is still struggling to overcome this poisoned inheritance. EEC/EU membership though not the antidote, has redressed some of the problems left in its wake. Regular contact between the Anglo-Irish elite, particularly on the fringes of European council summits, increased mutual awareness, thereby eroding mutual distrust
10
Q
English (Northern Ireland) (1) IRA
A
- 1982 - Raymond McCartney - former IRA hunger striker - “the armed struggle in fact needed a sound political machine heard to use itself as another weapon to help rid us of foreign imperialism north and south of our falsely divided country”
11
Q
Edwards (Northern Ireland) (2) Irish Govt
A
- While the winding down of military dimension effectively took the gun out of Irish politics, it did not bring an end to sectarianism or the underlying cause of the Troubles.
- British government ignorance of the Troubles brewing on the streets of Belfast and Derry/Londonderry was matched only by ambivalence toward the difficulties facing the Stormont government.
12
Q
Ginty (Northern Ireland) (1) Irish Govt
A
- Realisation of paramilitary for the need for political action in the 1980s, low level political feud not enough for fast action - civil society more engaged, outlines significance of Anglo-Irish Agreement
- A triangular low intensity conflict developed in 1970s between British state, Republican paramilitaries and loyalist paramilitaries
- Violence persistent, but of a relatively low level in comparison with other ethnic wars. The conflict in Mindanao in the Philippines claimed 120,000 lives. Approximately 50000 had been killed in Sri Lanka since 1983, only 2.6 million live - not significant enough to worry about
13
Q
Bloomfield (Northern Ireland) (1) AIA
A
- Bloomfield is highly critical of the AIA - With the Irish government as a substitute for the SDLP at the negotiation tables - Unionist parties had legitimate right to be concerned - a unilateral process, by which the deep intervention into Northern Irish affairs by the Irish government, but with no reciprocal role in relation to the Republic, extended to members elected by constituencies in the 26 counties of the Republic formal consultative rights not available to members elected in the 6 counties of Northern Ireland.
14
Q
Guelke (Northern Ireland) (4) Extraction
A
Issues with extraction
- Sovereignty issues
- Appearance on a global stage
- Transitional period to peace would require resources physically not possible to manage
- Potential likelihood for the PIRA or another Republican army to continue assault against UK
15
Q
McKittrick (Northern Ireland) (4) British Govt
A
- Absence of Westminster supervision, the establishment of what was in effect a permanent unionist government and the unionist party’s domination of local government represented the top strata of Unionist power in NI.
- Special Powers Act - sweeping legislation which allowed arrests without warrant, internment without trial, unlimited search powers and bans on meetings and publications, as well as providing far-reaching catch-all clauses
- The Canary Wharf bomb delivered the message that the gun and the bomb had not yet been removed from Irish politics
- The IRA itself had had a major rethink since the abject failure of its 1950s campaign, and in the process had swung sharply to the left with prominent Marxists taking control. It moved away from the idea of using violence as its only tactic and became a left-wing pressure group agitating on issues such as housing, particularly in the south.
16
Q
When and what was the Sunningdale Agreement?
A
1973 - Establishment of power sharing arrangement
17
Q
When and what was the Hillsborough Agreement?
A
The Anglo-Irish Agreement, 1985 - guaranteeing right of RoI intervention in NI politics
18
Q
When and what was the Downing Street Joint Declaration?
A
1993 - declaration affirmed both the right of the people of Ireland to self-determination, and that Northern Ireland would be transferred to the Republic of Ireland from the United Kingdom only if a majority of its population was in favour of such a move.
19
Q
When and what was the framework document?
A
1995 - Codification of North-South relations
20
Q
When and what was the Good Friday Agreement?
A
Belfast, 1998. Est. devolved multi-party system with defined relations between Ireland and England, Ireland and RoI and RoI and England. Also accounted for civil rights, decommissioning of weapons, justice and policing
21
Q
When and what was the Patten report?
A
1999 - inquire into policing in Northern Ireland
22
Q
When and what was the Parades commission?
A
2002 - Parades Commission is a quasi-judicial non-departmental public body responsible for placing restrictions on any parades in Northern Ireland it deems contentious or offensive.
23
Q
What was the Special Powers Act?
A
Special Powers Act - sweeping legislation which allowed arrests without warrant, internment without trial, unlimited search powers and bans on meetings and publications, as well as providing far-reaching catch-all clauses
24
Q
Was Wilson hostile to Stormont?
A
Yes, instinctively anti-unionist.
25
What was Wilson's reaction to discussions in Ireland?
opening the meeting with a reminder that Stormont was subordinate to Westminster and following up with a direct threat to cut off some of Northern Ireland’s money
26
What happened in 1974?
Re-election of Wilson, who was mainly hostile to the Sunningdale agreement, allowed to fall through
27
Major's reaction to the death of James Bradwell, 1994
Warrant Officer James Bradwell was 43, with a wife and with children, Mr Adams. He joined the army, prepared to lose his life defending the British nation. Soldiers do. But he was murdered in cold blood in the United Kingdom. I sent him there, Mr Adams, so save me any crocodile tears. Don’t tell me this has nothing to do with you. I don’t believe you, Mr Adams, I don’t believe you.
28
Bogdanor
New generation of Catholics, less deferential, pushed for rights - unionist majorities reacted harshly Paisley cited violence to push Catholics into ghettos British government did not want to intervene
29
Who ruled Ireland under British direct rule?
Secretary of Ireland
30
Who was not involved in the Good Friday Agreement?
DUP
31
What is a significant barrier in modern Ireland?
Educational segregation
32
Where else was the decolonial paradigm in effect?
Malaya
33
Was Bloody Sunday a mistake?
Lawrence - Potentially not - demonstration of British dominance in order to subdue the populace
34
What did secretary Roy Mason do? 1976-79
Mason important for bringing in 3 pronged strategy of normalisation, ulsterisation and criminalisation to fight for the just argument behind IRA terrorism - not solely economically motivated
35
Timeline of N Ire. secretaries
Whitelaw - 1972-73 (Con) Pym - 1973-74 (Con) Rees - 1974-76 (Lab) Mason - 1976-79 (Lab) Atkins - 1979-81 (Con) Prior - 1971-84 (Con) Hurd - 1984-85 (Con) King - 1985-89 (Con) Brooke - 1989-92 (Con) Mathew - 1992-97 (Con)
36
When was the British Army sent into N Ireland?
1969 - Callaghan
37
Why are political conditions volatile?
Floating vote in Ireland lends to extremes rather than moderates - like Paisley and Adams - no dominant 2 party system.
38
What was happening at the time of O'Neill's modernisation programme?
traditional industries such as shipbuilding and linen were in steep decline, shedding tens of thousands of jobs and forcing unemployment up to levels generally more than double the UK average
39
Summarise O'Neill's government
O’Neill’s economic difficulties were accompanied by political problems. The sharp drop in economic activity towards the end of the 1950s coincided with the emergence of a new political challenge in the form of the Northern Ireland Labour party
40
Summarise the Mason era
The Mason era was a true turning-point in that violence fell dramatically, and would never again rise to the scale experienced in the 1971–76 period. But the highest hopes of the Mason era were dashed: the theories that the De Lorean project could help turn round the economy, that Castlereagh would crush the IRA, that a military solution was possible without the need for political action. August 1979 cruelly shattered hopes that the troubles might be tailing off, leaving Northern Ireland to face the unpalatable fact that violent conflict looked set to continue indefinitely, and that the long war still had a long way to run
41
Jackson on Unionists in 1980s
The Unionists had once again backed themselves into a tactical dead-end in order to demonstrate the intensity of their convictions. Unionist tardiness and negativism had led inexorably towards marginalisation and humiliation”
42
British operations to tackle IRA
Operation Demetrius - troops and police to round up IRA
43
How was internment seen?
attracted much condemnation of Britain and never looked like defeating the IRA. The fact that the IRA was able to escalate its violence in the wake of internment showed that in its strongholds it had a substantial and indeed rapidly expanding reservoir from which to draw recruits and other support.
44
What did Dams write about Bloody Sunday?
Bloody Sunday brought in "money, guns and recruits"
45
How long did it take to get the assembly to work?
9 years, suspended 4 times to get bitter opponents to work together
46
What was happening to the IRA during the 1980s?
As northern leadership that was urging more emphasis on politics was simultaneously reshaping the IRA into a more effective killing machine. The IRA was partly reorganised into a cell structure in order to guard against the effects of informers and interrogation.” - “They did so with the help of the Libyan ruler, Colonel Gaddafi, who gave the IRA an unprecedented amount of weaponry. (due to Yvonne Fletcher) - Gaddafi had provided guns and money to the IRA in the early 1970s but his interest appeared to have cooled until 1984, when his relations with Britain sharply deteriorated.
47
What weaponry did Gaddafi supply?
6000x rifles Semtex plastic explosives Heavy machine guns AP rounds SAM-7 missiles Anti-aircraft guns Flame-throwers M60 machine gun FALs HKs
48
IRA current stance
Accepts ballot, not bullet
49
Why is the peace not absolute?
The new peace was not absolute, since rogue elements within loyalism and especially dissident republicanism remained sporadically active Can a democracy function without a viable alternative?
50
How many jobs lost in Linen since WWII and 1960s?
10,000
51
Birth rates in Northern Ireland
2:1 majority of Protestants
52
Why did Sunningdale collapse?
1. Collapse of Sunningdale due to unionist misinterpretation - Mcloughlin - threats were imaginary, not real - “any sensible reading of Sunningdale was overshadowed by the apocalyptic rhetoric of the anti-agreement unionists - fear it represented pre-selling towards unification. "slippery slope" thesis
53
Why did the 1975 ceasefire fail?
Ideological rigidity of the is identified as a central reason for the failure of these negotiations after 4 weeks of genuine and sustained suspension of hostilities, the response of British Government was considered unsatisfactory
54
McGrattan
Provisional Republicans consider themselves victims of British oppression - story is easily told and fits the decolonial paradigm: an imperial power thwarted legitimate self-determination claims, and PIRA reaction/defence follows oppression.
55
When was the legitimacy of the PIRA undermined?
‘Archival evidence suggest that Bloody Friday marked a definitive end for any legitimacy the PIRA may have enjoyed outside of its own core supporters"
56
How many died in the Troubles?
3700
57
What did 1968 symbolise?
a global revolt against imperialism, capitalism, and bureaucracy. Caught in the midst of Che and lack of need for a revolutionary moment - Northern Irish leftists had attempted to expose the state’s hidden brutality, escape isolation, and stimulate a movement by adopting a strategy of provoking an overreaction from the authorities
58
Unemployment rate in 1970s
10%
59
Adams definition of peace process
Parameters of a peace process as containing ‘the framework, timescales and the dynamic necessity to bring about an inclusive, negotiated and democratic process
60
6 principles of non-violence
- Peaceful means must be used to resolve political disputes - Paramilitary organisations must eventually disarm - Disarmament must be verifiable - The threat or use of force in negotiations must end - Agreements from all party meetings must be accepted - Punishment killings and beatings must cease
61
Paisley response to GFA
“This is not peace. This is a shameful process of deluding the people while they surrender to the IRA"
62
Greer
Central to most analyses of economic integration is the conviction that European Union membership provides an impetus for cross-border cooperation. Direct rule, EU membership and the need to find an agreed political solution to the Northern Ireland problem have undoubtedly given renewed impetus to cross-border cooperation
63
What kept the lid on tensions?
Ulsterisation, criminalisation
64
Where was Northern Ireland on Roy Jenkins' agenda?
"about 12th on my agenda"
65
1982 - Raymond McCartney
“the armed struggle in fact needed a sound political machine heard to use itself as another weapon to help rid us of foreign imperialism north and south of our falsely divided country"
66
Issues with a ceasefire
‘a ceasefire is a military operation. The authority of military leaders is required to maintain it"
67
When did Ulsterisation become a reality?
1990s
68
Sunningdale for Slow Learners
Seamus Mallon
69
The commitment problem
The concept of a ‘commitment problem’ encapsulates the inability of two rational actors to commit to a mutually beneficial outcome. Due to a lack of trust, both players in the game are incentivised to defect from the commitment. However, Dixit and Nalebuff emphasise that by adopting a range of strategic moves, both players can credibly commit to a mutually beneficial outcome.
70
Moran
The Belfast Agreement reflected the culmination of a series of strategic moves that credibly committed the Catholics and Protestants to a shared political future for the North. In contrast, the Sunningdale peace process was a one-shot game that failed to overcome the mistrust between the two communities, leading to a sub-optimal outcome.
71
What was the Troubles in terms of dilemmas?
Classic Prisoner's Dilemma - between two rational, egoistic actors: the Catholic and the Protestant communities. This model simplifies the diverse actors within the peace process under their national identities.
72
McGlynn
e reality for children and young people in Northern Ireland remains that most attend separate Catholic and de facto Protestant schools and thus do not experience any kind of integration approach on a daily basis. Whilst there is parental demand for integrated education, evidenced by polls that indicate that parents want more integrated education for their children,43 there seems to be little political will to encourage the development of new integrated schools.
73
Hammond-Callaghan
The gendered ‘manoeuvres’97 of both state military and paramilitary regimes in Northern Ireland effectively inhibit the development of a strong civil society, thwarting peacebuilding efforts and reinforcing a gender order which prevents women’s political participation.
74
Atashi
The conflict in Northern Ireland has largely persisted because of negative attitudes and perceptions forming the foundation of community relations. Despair and an unwillingness to hope that the situation can be overcome are common among residents of interface areas. is is unlikely to be just a problem of perceptions. Much is also dependent on perceptions of equality in access to resources. First, significant levels of deprivation, poverty and violence have to be dealt with as a priority. Once again, this theme is intertwined with others. If dividends are not distributed equally, peacebuilding strategies may continue to be challenged based on those people benefiting from them and others who feel left out.
75
Todd
The economy is a crucial arena of conflict in Northern Ireland. The Catholic position is one of relative disadvantage; Protestants are stronger at all levels. But Protestant economic power has declined significantly over the past twenty-five years. Economic dependence and direct rule have relocated the higher levels of economic decision-making outside Northern Ireland; anti-discrimination measures have weakened the Protestant position at the middle levels. Catholics have gained ground and the signs are that this will continue. But the pace of change is slow. The British government's determination to prevent active discrimination is not in doubt, but its commitment to, and capacity to achieve, full economic equality between the communities is less certain.
76
Todd
First, the communities are deeply divided in their political goals and aspirations. Second, the balance of communal power is unstable and the political climate is one of ambiguity and uncertainty.
77
Elliott
For Irish-America the visa was also the culmination of the refocused energy and commitment which the commu- nity had brought to the issue. In tandem with the Irish government, it succeeded in achieving the Holy Grail of successive Irish-American generations: involving the US in helping to resolve Ireland’s problems. Irish-America had helped to supply the missing ingredient in the resolution of the Irish con ict: the presence of the US as a full participant in seeking a peaceful solution.
78
What are the four components of the Irish question? (McKittrick)
- Protestants - Catholics - British Govt - Irish Govt
79
When did Adams and Paisley reconcile?
2007
80
Millar - Blair and Peace Process
- Blair inherited good conditions - Major movements - Canary Wharf bombing signal of discontent with speed of negotiations -
81
What role did Hume and the SDLP play in the Ireland conflict?
After Margaret Thatcher and then Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald signed the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement, Hume had engaged in a person- ally and politically perilous attempt to persuade Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams that IRA violence was not only immoral but counter- productive.
82
Was there really a pan-nationalist front in Ireland?
yes, but it was hardly a seamless robe - this is illustrated by the difficulty in SDLP efforts in reconciling the IRA and Sinn Fein
83
What were Unionist fears in 1990s?
The point was not that unionists did not want peace – rather they feared ‘the price’ at which it was being offered, and that might be paid for it. Nationalists and republicans might have warmed to the spectacle of President Clinton overriding British concerns in granting Adams a visa to visit the US at a crucial juncture
84
What was the other Dublin fear around the time of Blair?
- Public bored of the Irish question - Blair would have bigger fish to fry
85
What did Blair lead to?
Belfast Agreement secured by Blair and Ahern on Good Friday, 10 April 1998, would trigger the biggest crisis within union- ism since the early 1970s, and eventually see Paisley’s Democratic Unionists supplant the once hegemonic Ulster Unionist Party.
86
What was decommissioning described as?
'the snake coiled at the heart of the peace process' - Mallon expressed willingness to expel Sinn Fein over delay in verifiable disarmament - Trimble struggled on with 'no guns, no government' commitment
87
How did Paisley manage to win votes?
Presenting stumbles following the GFA as selling out N Ireland
88
When was the weakest part of the GFA?
2004 - failure of the 'comprehensive agreement' which saw IRA tensions escalate over £26.5 million bank robbery, and Bush's snub of Adams.
Theoretically speaking, this comes down ultimately to the policy of external guarantees and credible commitment
89
What ratified GFA in the end?
GFA secured by Paisley agreement which ultimately appeared to be a legacy decision
90
Who did Blair accredit with the GFA success?
Blair was equally clear that he could not have done it without Taoiseach Ahern.
91
What did the British military force find as an icon in the 1980s?
The SAS - think Coagh ambush
Resposnive to attempts on Thatcher - Brighton Hotel Bombing
92
What could be used as a means of analysing the situation on the ground in Ireland?
Political-psychological models of analysis - as demonstrated in the works of Williams & Jesse
93
What are the three pillars which make the Good Friday Agreement operational?
Provision of three tangible ways to reduce conflict in the region and encourage reconciliation by promoting overlapping identities and multiple layers of representation:
1. Protestant majority is provided an alternate source of security other than direct British rule or intervention
2. Both communities (and divisions with communities) have access to policy-making and representational forums
3. Qualitative change in British invovlement in the region - viewed as an island-wide conflict, thus needing the participation of RoI - this provides shared responsibiity to RoI to manage situation; no longer solely the fault of British
94
Using the Jesse and Williams model of study, what could be said about issues of identity in Northern Ireland?
Individuals and groups thorughout N.I. have the social-psychological need to belong
Brewer suggests that social identity requires both assimilation and distinction - this distinction has led to antagonisms in NI
95
What is the Jervis Security Dilemma?
When one group threatens another, the competiion fuels the mutual mistrust that further aggravates the tense relationship - spiral of conflict ensues.
96
97
What does historian Stefan Berger suggest about writing history in the context of nationalism?
Conscious analysis recognising the contribution of historians towards the creation of 'solidarities on alternative grounds to that of national identity'
In the context of N. Ire; dealing with the conflict of how to manage this history of the conflict has been a prominent issue
98
How are historians integrating the findings of Berger into their analysis of history
Based on political science theories regarding ethnic conflicts (McGarry and O'Leary, 2000)
99
What did the Saville enquiry (2010-11) conclude about the nature of the Bloody Sunday of Jan 1972?
Saville Inquiry into the events of Bloody Sunday (30 January 1972) is a part of this process - particularly in its conclusion there was no evidence to support conspiracy theories concerning top-level political direction for the massacre of 14 anti-internment marchers by British paratroopers in Derry.
100
What is the troubled legacy of the good friday agreement?
The lack of ways of dealing with the past showed that the Agreement was itself a product of those legacies. Since none of the major perpetrators of violence had been defeated definitively, each could claim a victory: the PIRA argued that it had forced the British to the negotiating table; the loyalists claimed they had thwarted British withdrawal from Northern Ireland; and the British government claimed that it had finally convinced all parties of the necessity of compromise.
101
What was introduced in 2001 to replace the Royal Ulster Constabulary?
The Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI).
The legacy of the RUC lay in its one-sided policing in support of loyalists
The reform of the RUC and its rebranding as the Police Service of Northern Ireland also angered many unionists.
102
What was the intent behind the 2009 Consultative Group on the Past in Northern Ireland?
To act like the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, adopting the idea that history should serve to restore bonds within a divided society - helping to create a 'shared future'.
Saw families of those who lost people paid £12,000
103
What does McGrattan state about the nature of victim accounts?
It is crucial, both for the historical record and as a matter of fairness, to recognise the very real and fractured experiences found in victims' narratives. But these narratives are constructed against a wider political, social and historical backdrop. An over-emphasis on victims' stories may overlook the fact that they can be every bit as loaded as government attempts to manufacture a consensual past.
104
What did Heath's prioritisation of the political implications of bloody Sunday over their ethical or juridical implications do for the nationalists?
Heath's prioritisation of the political implications of Bloody Sunday over their ethical or juridical repercussions rankled with nationalists in Ireland and was seen by them as another example of the inherent untrustworthiness of the Conservative Party.
105
What was set up in order to support the writing of the historical narrative of N.I?
Healing Through Remembering group - which exluded historians
106
How did the Northern Ireland Assembly perpetuate some sense of division?
Maintenance of 'Unionist', 'Nationalist' or 'other' distinction from its members upon joining
107
What has Dr Simon Prince contributed to the analysis of the Troubles?
Has described how the 1960s civil rights movement was used by radical leftists and extremist republicans to provoke a security crisis in the Northern state, which was reluctantly moving towards implementing the key civil rights demands.
108
What is the wider implication of the works of Hennessey, Prince and others in terms of
It challenges the self-serving narratives that inform political parties' ideas about the inevitability and justifiability of the conflict
109
How has the works of Hennessey and Prince been received?
Such historical revisionism has been criticised by many as a politically loaded and self-contained historiographical school that promotes pro-British and neo-colonialist sentiments
110
Why does the conflict undergo constant revisionism?
The constant release of new archival material under the thirty-year rule and freedom of information means that the history of the conflict necessarily undergoes constant 'revision'.
111
What is the Assembly of Ireland called?
Dáil Éireann
112
What was the essential composition of the Sunningdale Agreement?
- 1973 white paper
- 78 member Northern Ireland assembly - elected via Proportional Representation
- British government to retain control over law, order and finance
- Council of Ireland composed of members of the exec of RoI, NI
- To replace the suspended Stormont government
113
Why was Sunningdale brought down?
The Council of Ireland was seen as a creep to a united Ireland - although the Council was only responsible for 'tourism, conservation and animal health'
This was confirmed (apparently) through a speech by Hugh Logue, "the vehicle that would trundle unionists into a united Ireland".
led the parliamentarians of the Ulster Unionist Party to withdraw from the Conservative whip.
114
What role did Hugh Logue play in the coming of the GFA?
The Northern Ireland State Papers of 1980 show that together with John Hume and Austin Currie he played a key role in presenting the SDLP'S 'Three Strands' approach to the Thatcher Government's Secretary of State Humphrey Atkins in April 1980 (Irish Times, 30 December 2010). The "Three Strands" approach eventually became the basis for the Good Friday Agreement. The Irish State papers from 1980 reveal that Logue was a confidante of the Irish Government of that time briefing it regularly on SDLP's outlook
115
Where did the SDLP sit in terms of the conflict in the Troubles?
Pro-reunification.
SDLP rejected violence.
During the Troubles, the SDLP was the most popular Irish nationalist party in Northern Ireland, but since the Provisional IRA ceasefire in 1994, it has lost ground to the republican party Sinn Féin, which in 2001 became the more popular of the two parties for the first time.
116
When was the SDLP formed, what did it do?
1970
The SDLP initially rejected the Nationalist Party's policy of abstentionism and sought to fight for civil rights within the Stormont system. However, the SDLP quickly came to the view that Stormont was unreformable, and withdrew from parliamentary involvement.
117
What was the New Ireland Forum?
The New Ireland Forum was a forum in 1983–84 at which Irish nationalist political parties discussed potential political developments that might alleviate the Troubles in Northern Ireland. The Forum was established by Garret FitzGerald, then Taoiseach, under the influence of John Hume, for "consultations on the manner in which lasting peace and stability can be achieved in a new Ireland through the democratic process"
118
How did Thatcher respond to the New Ireland Forum?
"That is out... Out, out, out"
119
What happened following the hunger strikes in 1981?
In the aftermath of the 1981 hunger strikes, "physical force Irish republicanism" represented by Provisional Sinn Féin was gaining support in Northern Ireland at the expense of the "constitutional nationalism" represented by the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP).
120
Who was David Trimble?
UUP MP, later First Minister of Northern Ireland
121
What did the AIA create?
Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Conference, made up of officials from the British and Irish governments
122
How did Unionists repsond to the AIA?
- Rejected, 1st time RoI involved in pol
- UUP & DUP led protest campaign - mass rallies, strikes, civil disobedience, mass resignation from Commons
- 400,000 signatures against agreement
- Protest outside Belfast City Hall - Dr Bardon - "nothing like it had been seen since 1912"
123
How did Thatcher repsond to the situation in Ulster?
Did not anticipate level of violence - retroactively thought was a bad move
124
Downing Street Declaration - what was the principle of consent?
Issues between north and south to be solved through mutual consent. This has been seen as key to produce a positive change of attitude by the republicans towards a negotiated settlement.
DSD between John Major and the Taoiseach of RoI - Albert Reynolds.
125
What was the response to the DSD?
Was considered sufficient by the Provisional Irish Republican Army to announce a ceasefire on 31 August 1994. which was then followed on 13 October by an announcement of a ceasefire from the Combined Loyalist Military Command.
126
What did the key principle, of consent, dictate in the GFA?
The principle states both the legitimacy of the aspiration to a United Ireland and the legitimacy of the wish of the majority of the people of Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom. The doctrine also underlines the right of self-determination for the people of both jurisdictions in Ireland, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, without external interference, and only with the consensus of a majority of people in both polities.
127
Evidence of Wilson's hostility to the Irish question
In a televised speech, he referred to the loyalist strikers and their supporters as "spongers" who expected Britain to pay for their lifestyles.
128
What was found in 2008:?
Document programme claimed to have unearthed a secret plan – codenamed Doomsday – which proposed to cut all of the United Kingdom's constitutional ties with Northern Ireland and transform the province into an independent dominion. Document went on to claim that the Doomsday plan was devised mainly by Wilson and was kept a closely guarded secret. The plan then allegedly lost momentum, due in part, it was claimed, to warnings made by both the then Foreign Secretary, James Callaghan, and the then Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs Garret FitzGerald who admitted the 12,000-strong Irish army would be unable to deal with the ensuing civil war.
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What was found out in 2009 about Wilson and Gaddafi?
In 1975 Wilson secretly offered Libya's dictator Muammar Gaddafi £14 million (£500 million in 2009 values) to stop arming the IRA, but Gaddafi demanded a far greater sum of money.
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What did Heath do in 1971?
In early 1971 Heath sent in a Secret Intelligence Service officer, Frank Steele, to talk to the IRA and find out what common ground there was for negotiations.
In July 1972, Heath permitted his Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, William Whitelaw, to hold unofficial talks in London with an IRA delegation by Seán Mac Stíofáin. In the aftermath of these unsuccessful talks, the Heath government pushed for a peaceful settlement with the democratic political parties
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Why did the IRA target Heath?
Heath was targeted by the IRA for introducing internment in Northern Ireland. In December 1974, the Balcombe Street ASU threw a bomb onto the first-floor balcony of his home in Wilton Street, Belgravia where it exploded.
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What were the key political challenges faced by Heath during his premiership?
* Introduction into the EEC
* Decimalisation of currency
* Dealing with the unions - 1971 Industrial Relations Act (deregulate the economy, make a transfer from direct to indirect taxation
* Two Miners' strikes - 1972/4 - three day weeks
* "Who Rules?" Crisis
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What were the key political challenges of Wilson/Callaghan government?
* Expansion of the welfare state - increased spending on education, health, housing rents.
* Imposed controls and raised taxes on the rich
* Also implemented was an investment income surcharge which raised the top rate on investment income to 98%, the highest level since the Second World War.
* Callaghan's time as Prime Minister was dominated by the troubles in running a Government with a minority in the House of Commons: he was forced to make deals with minor parties to survive – including the Lib–Lab pact, and he had been forced to accept a referendum on devolution in Scotland as well as one in Wales (the former went in favour but did not reach the required majority, and the latter went heavily against). He also became prime minister at a time when Britain was suffering from double-digit percentage inflation and rising unemployment. He responded to the economic crises by adopting deflationary policies to reduce inflation, and cutting public expenditure – a precursor to the monetarist economic policies that the next government, a Conservative one led by Margaret That
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**Paul Dixon** | Northern Ireland and the International Dimension
What is the essential thrust of Dixon's article?
* The international dimension does have a role, qualified, in the coming of the peace process in Northern Ireland
* The end of the Cold War was important in accelerating the peace process
* Britain demonstrated that purely selfish factors driving intervention in N.Ire were not valid - i.e. NATO interests
* US had greater capacity to operate assertively in the cause
* Entrenched European functions permitted further levels of international discussion
* All of these motions contributed to the persuasion of the grassroots of the changing demand for the gun in Irish politics.
* This suggests that Northern Ireland could not escape the *'irresistible logic of globalisation'*
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**Paul Dixon** | Northern Ireland and the International Dimension
What else did the international dimension demonstrate which was important to the Republican high level narrative?
* The ultimate decline of several 'colonial' struggles
* End of the Cold War
* Peace processes in South Africa and the Middle East
* Introduction of the US into the 'pan-nationalist' front
* "The receding tide of global radicalism after 1989 and the apparent movement towards the resolution of conflicts in the Middle East and South Africa created an international climate which made the resolution of the one in Northern Ireland "far more likely""
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**Paul Dixon** | Northern Ireland and the International Dimension
Who supports the line that the end of the cold war was important in accelerating the end of the troubles?
* Cox - IRA violence proved harder to justify + lines on British political, strategic and economic interests in Northern Ireland wore thin
* SecState for Northern Ireland Peter Brooke:
* Britain had "no selfish strategic or economic interest in Northern Ireland"
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What assumptions did the British make in Sunningdale and the Belfast agreement?
* The existence of a moderate silent majority in Northern Ireland
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**Paul Dixon** | Northern Ireland and the International Dimension
What did the Hume-Adam talks conclude?
* 1988 - the SDLP forwarded the line that the British had no military nor economic interests in Northern Ireland.
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**Paul Dixon** | Northern Ireland and the International Dimension
What was considered a 'green' document?
* The Joint Framework Document of 1995
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**Paul Dixon** | Northern Ireland and the International Dimension
What did Major *publicly* oppose in 1994?
* Clinton's decision to issue Gerry Adams with a visa - this may have varied privately however - Major had to demonstrate that he was still a 'champion of the union'
* As such, refused to take calls from Clinton for five days
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**Paul Dixon** | Northern Ireland and the International Dimension
What undermines the case for Europhilia in Ireland?
* The 2001 defeat of John Hume by Euro-sceptical forces in Sinn Fein
