Interwar Years - Historiography Flashcards
Lawrence (1918-1929) (5)
- The Grand Narratives explaining the rise of Labour (modernisation, secularisation, nationalisation) are flawed. Labour did not rise from class, but from communitarian ethos.
- TP = Great War - extension of the state through rent controls, postwar unemployment support etc.
- Labour stood as statist against the rolling back of Tories
- 5 million workers demobilised due to war
- Tories saw the working class as working classes - groups in working class. i.e. appealed to unions which were undercut by foreign imports (WC tariff support)
Tanner (1918-1929) (2)
- Prewar politics - localised, variable Postwar politics - nationwide, coordinated
- Labour didn’t rise because of the realisation of class consciousness, but because it became the only expression of anti-Toryism.
Clarke/McKibbin (1918-1929)
Liberal strength was undermined by the rise of Labour.
Matthew et al. (1918-1929)
- If class sentiments had developed, the electoral evidence doesn’t support it - it did not reflect solid labour support for Labour!
- Benefitted from Liberal disarray in Torquay, Bournemouth and Surrey.
Jarvis (1918-1929) (6)
- Tories were fearful of full democratisation:
- Fear of youth - generally more socialist in nature
- Fear of women - tendency towards egalitarianism
- Fear of labour - unions for labour naturally-
- Tories became ‘consumerist’ about votes - appeal to individual/interest group rather than masses (Conservative Agents Journal).
- Deflationary policies still meant appeal to £500 a year man continued
- Selbourne - argues franchise makes householder conservative
- Tories saw the 4th Reform Act on McKibbinite ‘Franchise Factor’ lines
- ‘Prolier Than Thou’ - promotion of working class Tory credentials - candidate in 1924 - Durham miner “spent my whole life down in the pits”
Ramsden (1918-1929) (2)
- Redistribution, the retention of plural voting and the survival of the university constituencies under the 1918 RotPA all served to offset the unpredictability of the new mass electorate.
- Loss of Ireland electorally good for Tories (Liberal stronghold)
McKibbin (1918-1929) (2)
- Tories attempted to construct new discourse on conventional wisdom against Labour.
- ‘Franchise Factor’ - fear that the mass vote would result in the Tory downfall.
Williamson (1918-1929)
- Tories passive beneficiary of war.
- Baldwin tapped and stimulated forces of a ‘morally conservative and religious nation’.
Bonar Law (1918-1929) (2)
- National Union conference, 1917 - ‘our party on the old lines will never have a future in the life of this country’
- The challenges of democracy and socialism posed three critical changes to the party:
- Effectiveness as an electoral organisation
- Internal organisation
- relationship to alternative agencies of political mobilisation
Constantine (1918-1929)
- WWI led to greater amounts of interaction across class boundaries, as well as involving a nationally cohesive memory of war.
Wilson (1918-1929) (5)
- Continuity and discontinuity - tariffs, free trade, Ireland, the application of social conscience to living conditions did not disappear, but were marginalised/ reordered in importance during war
- Massive state interventionism exposed the issues with laissez faire government.
- LG supporting DORA and the destruction of Germany seen as illiberal.
- Prewar liberals dependent on Irish vote
- Labour inclusion in war government seen as death of progressive alliance as labour no longer subservient to Liberals.
Green (1918-1929) (2)
- Steel Maitland (Politician) - believed social reform a necessity of an epoch of mass politics.
- Supportive of full employment (important - Tory), saw unions as barrier to efficiency
Pugh (1918-1929) (4)
- Not entirely LG’s fault for Liberal split, Asquith as belligerent.
- Suspension of imports from Germany allowed domestic industries to grow in UK - supporting protectionism
- Tories minimum 260 seats postwar
- Unions boomed - 4 to 6 mil by 1918 (8 mil by 1920)
How many seats did Labour win in 1910 and 1918? (1918-1929)
- 1910- 42
- 1918 - 57 (fielded 332 more candidates however)
- 1919 Municipal Elections - 550 from 48 - more significant gain.
how many votes did the Liberals win in 1923 election? (1918-1929)
29.7% (1% less than Labour)
Why were Tories more effective than Labour candidates in elections? (1918-1929)
- Tories had demonstrable local credentials (Among a series of other reasons!)
What institutions did the conservatives set up to appeal to marginalised groups? (1918-1929) (4)
- Women’s Institution
- Women’s Unionist Movement
- Young Britons
- Junior Imperial League
Tory Mags? (1918-1929) (2)
- Man in the Street
- Home and Politics
MacKenzie (1918-1929)
- Deference - Emphasised the continuing vitality of popular imperialism and monarchism during the inter-war period
Close (1918-1929)
- Older Tories believed democracy had been “a blunder, or, at least, a dangerous misfortune”
Who did the guilty men focus on?
- Cato’s Guilty Men focused on Baldwin, as deceiving the nation
What did Orwell call Baldwin?
“a hole in the air”
What had happened to Baldwin by 1945?
- Erased from the party public memory
How did Chamberlain describe Baldwin’s ascension?
An accident of an accident