New Labour Flashcards
1997 election results
- Blair’s Labour won a landslide 418 seats, the most seats the Party has ever held.
trade union funding of New labour
. the trade unions financed 2/3 of Labour’s 2001 campaign, despite New Labour refusing to overturn any of the Thatcherite anti-union legislation.
swing from Tories in 1997
- Huge Conservative-Labour swing of 10.2% on a national turnout of 71% (the last national vote where turnout exceeded 70% until the 2016 EU Referendum). * 2001 election:
2001 election results
- Labour re-elected with another landslide majority (dubbed the ‘quiet landslide’), suffering a net loss of only 5 seats.
2005 election results
- Labour won its third consecutive victory with only a 35.2% share of the popular vote, but its majority was now only 66.
Brown as Labour Leader and PM.
- Blair resigned
pursuant to the alleged Blair-Brown Deal of 1994
Brown Blair deal
1994
* Brown would not stand in the forthcoming Labour leadership election so as to allow Blair a better chance of easy victory, and in return Blair would appoint Brown Chancellor upon Labour’s presumptive victory. In government Brown would be granted unprecedented powers over domestic policy, which would make him the most powerful Chancellor in British history
public desire for a third way
appetite for 3rd way - a constituency that existed only because its Thatcherite predecessor had ultimately proved, for many people, to be both economically ineffective and socially unacceptable.
Labour’s economy
- Economy New Labour inherited was simultaneously prosperous and in trouble - living standers were higher than they had ever been - if the UK economy was in decline, it was only in a decline relative to the superior performance of its competitors.
- By 1997, the UK was predominantly a service economy. (76% of workers) – deindustrialisation had taken a heavy toll on manufacturing jobs, with twice as many now working in retailing / banking as in manufacturing.
economic norms in 1997 society
- New Labour inherited a society in which the vast majority of potential voters were used to the high and rising standards of personal consumption of the long post-war boom.
- New labour faced a working class whose members largely shared the concerns of middle England. - a working class less likely to be unionized, more likely to own its own home and transport.
- Women now tended to work outside the home, and there were more women in higher education than men. Women were now no longer predisposed to vote Conservative, so there was no gender voting gap.
1997 economic disparity
- Large regional disparities in unemployment, wealth and poverty, health, life expectancy, and education. In 1997, GDP per capita was only 80% of the national average in the North East of England, whereas London exceeded the national average by 25%.
- 1/3 children were living below the official poverty line (compared to just 1/10 in 1979).
*
classic Labour thinker- Crosland
- Tony Crosland, the party’s prime purpose was to promote ‘wider social equality embracing also the distribution of property, the educational system, social class relationships, power and privilege in industry’.
he died in 1977
pre-existing party policy -eq of opportunity in higher education
- The Open University was established to provide another means by which a university education could be acquired by those beyond the school leaving age.
Hugh Gaitskell way of thinking- traditional Labour
maintained, a per-son’s life-chances, his ‘income, way of living, education, status and opportunities in life depend[ed] upon the class into which he is born’.
Party leader 1955
pre-existing party policy -eq of opportunity in education
- a general recognition that educational standards could only be raised if more money became available and during the 1964–70 Labour Government spending rose substantially from 4.8 per cent to 6.1 per cent of national wealth.
- The 1974 election manifestos committed the party to speed-up the phasing out of selection, give more priority to pre-school education and provide better education and training facilities for those who left full-time education at the age of 16.
- By the time Labour left office in 1979 in most parts of the country comprehensives dominated secondary education.
pre-existing party policy -eq of opportunity in pensions
- In 1976 legislation was enacted tying increases in pensions with rises in wages rather than prices – the effect being a significant and sustained improvement in the material conditions of pensioners, who figured disproportionately among the poor (this was not cozzy lives times)
Cronin on what Labour stood for
- Cronin has argued that economic collectivism so defined constituted the common intellectual framework for the party at large (until the rise of New Labour).
Harris on post war Labour
- Harris- The principal institutional manifestation of collectivism, was not planning or public ownership but the social democratic welfare state ‘defined in terms of citizenship rights distributed outside market according to the principle of socially recognised need, whose fulfilment was a matter of justice’. the post-war Labour Government to extend rights of citizenship to the social sphere. All citizens should enjoy a corpus of social rights extending from the ‘right to a modicum of economic welfare and security to the right to share to the full in the social heritage and to live the life of a civilised being according to standards prevailing in society’.
signs of moderation in Labour pre 1997 - welfare
- In 1967 the Pensions minister, Peggy Herbison, proposed to increase family allowances (a universal benefit) while clawing back part of the additional cost by raising tax for the better-off. A large slice of the cabinet, including the Chancellor, Jim Callaghan and Crosland preferred a means-tested approach.
signs of moderation in Labour pre 1997 -spending on welfare
- in the late 1970s, the egalitarian consensus in the party favouring greater equality through a combination of high public spending and progressive taxation began to fracture as a significant section of the right queried both their economic benefits and even their moral justification. ‘Socialism and equality’:
o Crosland still maintained in 1974, ‘require a relative transfer of resources from private consumption to public expenditure’.
o Others on the party’s right –notably Roy Jenkins and his allies (most of whom were to defect to the Social Democratic Party in the early 1980s) – argued that the proportion of the nation’s wealth spent on social programmes was beginning to exceed the socially, politically and economically acceptable.
divergence in old Labour over economic control
- Pamore- Labour’s National Executive Committee fell under the control of the left in the early 1970s and the outcome was the incorporation into the manifestos of 1974 of commitments towards extended public ownership and an elaborate system of planning, but this had very little influence on the policies pursued by the 1974–79 Government. Even in their most radical phases Labour governments were ‘prepared to leave large swathes of the economy subject to market forces and private control’ with ‘the bulk of economic activity in private hands’.
strength of clause 4 pre Blair
- Lord (Harold) Lever observed, ‘Clause 4 or no Clause 4, Labour’s leadership plainly believes in a mixed economy’ for ‘it knows as well as any businessman that an engine which runs on profit cannot run faster without extra fuel’.
pre Blair Labour and keynsianism
- Shaw- The aim of successive Labour governments, however much they intervened in the economy (then, anyway, generally in vogue) was emphatically not ‘to suppress market forces but to regulate them via Keynesian demand-management with its primary social purpose being secured through a universal welfare state’
Labour and the ethos of public services
- The maintenance of a large and expanding public sphere, governed by an ethic of public service, came therefore to be seen as the principal institutional expression of ethical socialist values… As Gordon Brown was later to note, ‘a well-established ethos of public service rightly runs deep in our history, determines the character of our country, defines Britain’s uniqueness to the world’.
Kinnock - moderate internationally
Abandoned nuclear disarmament and was no longer opposed to membership of the EU
Kinnock
1983-92
change in Labour ideology under Kinnock
- Rooted out the Trotskyist ‘Militant Tendency’ entryists – Kinnock attacked them in his speech at the 1985 Party Conference and, following the 1987 defeat, the NEC expelled their activists and the two MPs who supported them.
- Atkins- Ideology - Kinnock initiated a gradual shift from state socialism to a version of European social democracy.
Kinnock’s rebranding of Labour
- Re-branding – appointed Peter Mandelson as Labour’s Director of Communications (effectively ‘spin doctor’), replaced the red flag (symbolised communism / revolution) with the red rose as the Party’s logo, and changed the colour of its campaign material from red to grey.
Smith - internal party reforms
stronger Leader, central control of local associations, weaker NEC, and weaker trade unions
At the 1993 Party Conference, Smith narrowly won the vote to introduce ‘One Member One Vote’ (OMOV) for parliamentary selections, thus removing the union bloc vote.
growth of power for Labour leader pre Blair
- Blair’s predecessors - had incrementally reset power relationships within the party, to free the leader to shape policy in a significantly greater way than hitherto. The Leader’s Office had been created and developed. The National Executive Committee had been restructured and emasculated. The weight of union bloc votes and party conferences had been significantly reduced.
expression for desire of Blair as a strong individual leader in campaign
- Appointed Peter Mandelson as Labour’s election campaign director for 1997, and Alastair Campbell as Press Secretary 1997-2000 (later Director of Communications and Strategy 2000-03) – Campbell was permitted to give orders to civil servants, who had previously taken instructions only from ministers.
How was Blair portrayed in 1997 election
Blair was portrayed as a charismatic and energetic leader who could inspire confidence and optimism in voters. His youthful appearance, eloquent speaking style, and media savvy were highlighted as assets that set him apart from his political rivals.- played on the fact he was 43, a family man etc.
Blair on clause IV
announced in Blair’s first speech to Party Conference as leader
called for the constitution’s Clause IV commitment to socialism to be updated, which it was in April 1995 (this is seen as the defining moment when ‘old’ Labour became New Labour)
The original Clause IV (1918) called for “common ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange”.
o The new Clause IV (1995): Labour aims to create “a community in which power, wealth and opportunity are in the hands of the many, not the few, where the rights we enjoy reflect the duties we owe, and where we live together, freely, in a spirit of solidarity, tolerance and respect.”
Blair’s first manifesto
- Blair had his modernising manifesto ‘New Labour, New Life for Britain’ approved by the 1996 Conference – he was not constitutionally bound to do so, but wanted the Party to feel invested in the manifesto (image / style as important as substance).
economic continuation of Labour from Tories
- Gordon Brown pledged to match Conservative spending commitments for two years to demonstrate Labour’s economic competence (even though the image of Conservative competence had been greatly damaged by ‘Black Wednesday’ when Britain dropped out of the ERM in 1992).
Third way according to Giddens
- He made 10 points
- modernising entre left drawing ‘zeal’ from left and right simultaneously.
- Democratic state with open international politics, participatory government which empowers citizens. Democratic family eg coparenting, gender equality +diversity and inclusion
- Active and engaged civil society – community based initiatives.
- New mixed economy - public-private partnerships, private finance initiatives, and the incentivization of consumer-friendly public service provision.
- Equality of opportunity (room for self-improvement) not equality of outcome
- A commitment to extending cosmopolitan values into international arenas through a democratization of the institutions of global governance.
wording of third way as a political tool
- The ideas followed the politics (similar to Thatcherism and New Liberalism) – the ideology was just to provide a rationale for what the Party wanted to do for independent reasons (e.g. electoral reasons, to attract ‘middle England’ and the ‘aspirational working class’).
o We might see New Labour as a ‘Downsian’ electoral project–according to Downs, a rational (vote-maximising) Party will align itself with the median voter, thus securing half the votes between it and the second Party, and also all the votes on its other side.
reasons to not make third way an ideology
- Having a clearly defined ideology conflicts with building a large electoral coalition:
Labour’s commitment to the third way as an ideology
o Statements of the ideology varied according to the audience being addressed – e.g. very different to Conference and to the trade unions. Atkins: New Labour appealed beyond its traditional supporters by enabling individuals to “project their own hopes and meanings onto the New Labour project”.
third way as pragmatic
Giddens- Third way politics is above all an endeavour to respond to change.
o Since the electorate had shifted, New Labour shifted in response to it, which was an unfamiliar tactic for Labour – it had normally prioritised ideological purity over electability, and had normally refused to talk about ‘Tory issues’ (e.g. crime / the economy / patriotism), whereas New Labour did not have any ‘no-go’ areas.
third way as a representation of political change
- Ideological platforms of the parties became more similar
- Competition between them became more focused on a narrow range of ‘swing’ seats and voters
- Politicians standing for office became more similar in background and outlook.
* Transition from ideological, class based political competition to managerial, performance based competition was a major structural change enacted during New Labour government
* Blair - ideological moderation a central part of his party reform agenda - weakening Labour’s links to the working class and left-wing ideology to boost Labour’s appeal to middle-class swing voters.
two different versions of new Labour
o Blairites and Brownites differed both in their goals and in their intellectual rationale for those goals.
o Blairites generally favoured free markets where possible, and regulation where necessary; Brownites were more in favour of the state sector supplementing the private sector to correct market failure.
key beliefs of the third way -
o Belief that the state is still important in social affairs (i.e. traditionally left-wing social policies, but combined with a new belief in free-market economics
o Belief in equality of opportunity rather than outcome - This ‘conditionality’ of rights (no rights without responsibilities) made some on the Labour left uneasy.
o Atikns - Endorsed an approach to foreign policy that was founded on international cooperation - states working together not only to fight or prevent wars, but also to tackle common problems, such as drugs, terrorism and organised crime
key beliefs of the third way- the state
o Belief that the state is still important in social affairs (i.e. traditionally left-wing social policies, but combined with a new belief in free-market economics (i.e. traditionally right-wing economics) – this was a big change from Labour’s outlook ever since WW1, and was reversed from 2010 onwards by Miliband / Corbyn.
key beliefs of the third way- community
o Shaw - interest in striving ‘to create instead a socialist community based on fellowship, co-operation and service’ has been quite thoroughly dissipated. The conclusion reached in this account is that such a belief has in fact been banished to the outer edges of the party’s ruling creed.
key beliefs of the third way- eq of opportunity
o Belief in equality of opportunity rather than outcome (New Labour’s language looked a lot like New Liberal language before 1914) – e.g. a key focus on education to promote human capital; and the ‘Welfare to Work’ policy attempted to stimulate job creation in depressed areas by insisting that those on welfare applied for jobs, rather than just relied on receiving universal benefits.
This ‘conditionality’ of rights (no rights without responsibilities) made some on the Labour left uneasy.
- Gordon Brown - “the essence of equality is equality of opportunity” and government has a fundamental responsibility to pursue this objective.
- Departure with ideology of Old Labour - notion of equality linked to equality of outcome.
key beliefs of the third way-foreign policy
o Atikns - Endorsed an approach to foreign policy that was founded on international cooperation - states working together not only to fight or prevent wars, but also to tackle common problems, such as drugs, terrorism and organised crime.
left-wing criticism of third way
It is essentially right-wing philosophy presented in a more attractive light, and therefore shies away from radicalism.
It advocates a ‘politics without adversaries’, so ends up accepting the world as it is rather than truly seeking to transform it.
It has no principled answer to the problem of rising unemployment – it either has to move to the left (raise taxes and borrow), or move further to the right (being ‘fiscally responsible’) and accept rising unemployment.
It does not care about class divisions – Mandelson said in 1998 that New Labour was “intensely relaxed about people getting filthy rich”.
academic critique of third way
Shaw: it creates the flawed idea of a single ‘old’ Labour (in reality it had always debated about state intervention / fiscal policy / Europe etc.), and exaggerates the coherence of New Labour, which evolved over time.
who argued that New Labour was an accommodation of Thatcherism
Colin Hay
New Labour as an accommodation of Thatcherism - economically
- Accepts reduced borrowing, privatisation, flexible labour markets, reduced union power, low inflation, certain benefit cuts etc.
- Coates- the quintessential New Labour assumption is that the globalization of capital sets strict constraints on the kind of policies that can be contemplated by centre-left governments. In this respect, New Labour can be seen as influenced by neo-liberal political economy.
New Labour’s economics as not just Neo-liberal
Coates emphasises the influence of so-called ‘new growth theory’ on New Labour. This is the ‘post neo-classical endogenous growth theory’ famously lampooned by Michael Heseltine. The political moral Blair and Brown derived from this strand of economic theory was that successful modern economies require highly skilled, well-paid workers to be competitive in the new global economy.
third way as Thatcherite - welfare
- Aims to reduce poverty and unemployment, but not truly a socialist agenda–e.g. does not especially care about the gap between rich and poor (though this is arguably not actually out of line with Labour throughout much of its history).
third way as Thatcherite -state
- Tough on crime, and keen to maintain law and order.
third way as Thatcherite - international policy
- Willing to support the military goals of the USA(which was especially controversial when it came to the invasion of Iraq in 2003).
- The Conservative opposition under Hague / Duncan Smith / Howard was divided and weak, and they unreservedly supported the Iraq War in 2003.
New Labour as a return to old Labour strategies - unions
o E.g. Gaitskell had been trying to reduce union power, and confront the age-old dilemma of how to balance economic efficiency with social justice.
