Nationalism & Decolonisation Flashcards

1
Q

what is nationalism?

A

a certain consciousness of difference and a need to seek unity in order to win or to feel at home (Amutabi, 2018)

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2
Q

which scholar defined nationalism as “a certain consciousness of difference and a need to seek unity in order to win or to feel at home”

A

Amutabi, 2018

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3
Q

which scholar defined nations as “imagined political communities”?

A

Anderson, 1991

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4
Q

how does Anderson define a ‘nation’?

A

“an imagined political community” (Anderson, 1991)

depicts a nation as a socially-constructed community, imagined by the people who perceive themselves as part of a group

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5
Q

why, in defining ‘nation’, does Anderson use ‘imagined’ and ‘community’?

A

‘imagined’ because members of the community will never know most of their fellow-members, but they may have similar interests or identity and they hold in their minds a mental image of their affinity (Anderson, 1991)

‘community’ because regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may exist, the nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship (Anderson, 1991)

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6
Q

what role does the media play in Anderson’s imagined communities?

A

Anderson focuses on the way media creates imagined communities, especially the power of print media in shaping an individual’s social psyche

e.g. written word, a tool used by churches, authors, and media companies (notably books, newspapers, and magazines), as well as governmental tools such as the map, the census, and the museum

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7
Q

what was the purpose of the (media) tools used in Anderson’s imagined communities?

A

creating deep horizontal links

tools were all built to target and define a mass audience in the public sphere through dominant images, ideologies, and language

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8
Q

what were the origins of Anderson’s political communities?

A

racist & colonial origins of these practices

creation of imagined communities became possible because of “print capitalism” - a common discourse (vernacular) emerged

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9
Q

what were the origins of nationalism?

A

anti-colonial movements

nationalism’s origins are against external intervention & it still plays that role today

  • e.g. national sports teams
  • classic nationalist rhetoric is painting ‘the other’ as a threat

despite there not being one particular grievance responsible for the rise of nationalism in Africa, it often stems from land disputes, poor education for Africans, discriminatory labour policies & religious oppression (Amutabi, 2017)

these struggles united Africans against a common enemy

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10
Q

give some examples of the grievances that Amutabi offers as playing into the origins of nationalism.

A

despite there not being one particular grievance responsible for the rise of nationalism in Africa, it often stems from land disputes, poor education for Africans, discriminatory labour policies & religious oppression (Amutabi, 2017)

  • e.g. in Kenya, there were “White Highlands”, where only white people were allowed to own land - led to Kenya Land Freedom Army or Mau Mau engaging in reactionary sabotage, targeting isolated white farms (Amutabi, 2017)
  • e.g. Kenya and other settler colonies often excluded Africans from good schools and universities while missionary schools promoted obedience and service for the colony (Amutabi, 2017)
  • e.g. Christian missionaries condemned African culture; causes for breaking away included resistance to the restrictions on indigenous customs and traditions (intonjane (female circumcision/genital mutilation), lobola (dowry) and polygamy)
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11
Q

what was the nature of anti-colonial nationalisms?

A

often about gaining control of former colonial states

  • goal was to take over externally imposed state & use it to impose black-majority interests

run by intellectual politicians & iconic male elites (e.g Nkrumah, Nyerere, Mugabe, Kenyatta, etc)

  • iconic male leaders at helm of nationalist movement
  • often urban-based, males who were intellectual politicians who had studied in the West (multiple masters degrees, books, etc)

involve ideas (often anti-colonial)

all focus on state action in different capacities

  • e.g. African socialism involved nationalising assets, envisaging key role for state in driving economic development
  • e.g. state capitalism viewed state as biggest economic agent with regular state intervention
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12
Q

which scholar said of nationalist politics, “even within individual countries, it was not a homogeneous movement, but a patchwork, linking together diverse & often divergent interests”

A

Dorman, 2019

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13
Q

what are the various different types of nationalisms outlined by Amutabi?

A

types: local nationalism, regional nationalism, nation-state nationalism, Black nationalism, pan-African nationalism (Amutabi, 2018)

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14
Q

define the various types of nationalisms outlined by Amutabi.

A

local nationalism: ethnic dimensions, responsible for ethnic tensions & civil wars

regional nationalism: regions have similar interests

nation-state nationalism: emerged in modern states in Africa & brought together different ethnic groups, supported by Nkrumah & Nyerere

continental nationalism, black nationalism, pan-Africanism: reaction against foreigners & invaders, incorporated people on the continent & in the Black diaspora, supported by Selassie of Ethiopia & Nkrumah of Ghana

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15
Q

why have there been different phases and uses of nationalism?

A

there have been different phases & uses of nationalism as global landscape has shifted and African trajectory changed

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16
Q

describe the development of changing types of nationalism in Africa.

A

nationalism started at local nationalism level as precursor to nation-state and pan-African nationalism

  • e.g. case of Buganda demonstrates this form of nationalism borne out of colonial occupation in which the local forces coalesced and united to resist white rule

local nationalism reflects important role of identity

  • blackness became major indicator of unity in African nationalist consciousness

from this came Black nationalism

  • reaction against foreigners and invaders, a response to “imperial incursions”, “colonial overtures and oppression” and to the “racism and the prejudice of the 19th and 20th centuries” (Amutabi, 2017)
  • incorporated those not only on the continent but cast wider net to include the entire Black diaspora

connection to Getachew’s theory of nationalism as worldmaking

  • ambitions of leaders of anticolonial nationalist movements were not simply about their nation-state, they were also about reformulating international relations of state and transforming conditions of international hierarchy (Getachew, 2019)
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17
Q

what does Alexander (2017) mean by transnational with regard to liberation movements?

A

recognition that struggles for liberation in African states were not confined within individual nations but were influenced by & connected to broader movements, networks & ideologies transcending specific geopolitical borders

liberation movements often drew inspiration, resources & support from beyond their own countries

diplomacy by African states & liberation movements crucial to maintaining flows of weapons, material aid & humanitarian support - shaped terms of peace & political transition

worked with each other across borders (Zambians hosted Zimbabweans, SA based in Namibia)

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18
Q

in what ways were liberation movements transnational?

A

struggles for liberation in African states were not confined within individual nations but were influenced by & connected to broader movements, networks & ideologies transcending specific geopolitical borders

movements often drew inspiration, resources & support from beyond their own countries

diplomacy by African states & liberation movements crucial to maintaining flows of weapons, material aid & humanitarian support - shaped terms of peace & political transition

  • truism that independence struggles were fought not only on the battlefield but around the negotiating table & within international institutions
  • actors used privileged access to transnational networks to accumulate legitimacy & power

worked with each other across borders

  • e.g. Zambians hosted Zimbabweans, SA based in Namibia
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19
Q

what is the significance of diplomacy play in the transnational liberation struggle?

A

diplomacy by African states & liberation movements crucial to maintaining flow of weapons, material aid & humanitarian support - shaped terms of peace & political transition

truism that independence struggles were fought not only on the battlefield but around the negotiating table & within international institutions

actors used privileged access to transnational networks to accumulate legitimacy & power

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20
Q

which scholar introduces the idea of the transnational histories of liberation?

A

Alexander, 2017

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21
Q

what do White & Larmer (2014) mean by unnational quality of liberation movements?

A

underscores how much of national liberation took place in & between spaces that were categorically different from the national frame

focuses on the fragmentation & contestation of national identities & borders within liberation movements (internal divisions)

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22
Q

how were liberation movements unnational?

A

much of national liberation took place in & between spaces that were categorically different from the national frame

there was fragmentation & contestation of national identities & borders within liberation movements

e.g. tendency to attribute the ANC’s success not to its military action but to ‘the capacity to hold together this diverse and scattered movement’, alongside its ‘ability to project itself at home and abroad as the custodian of South African liberation’

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23
Q

give an example of the unnational nature of liberation movements.

A

tendency to attribute the ANC’s success not to its military action but to ‘the capacity to hold together this diverse and scattered movement’, alongside its ‘ability to project itself at home and abroad as the custodian of South African liberation’

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24
Q

which scholars introduce the unnational nature of liberation movements?

A

White & Larmer, 2014

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25
Q

what are National Liberation Movements (NLMs)?

A

armed national movements

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26
Q

what distinguishes NLMs from nationalist movements?

A

NLMs more organisationally & theoretically advanced than nationalist movements

  • due to higher level of popular participation & more diverse social strata recording their desire for change
  • had legitimacy conferred upon them by Organisation of African Unity (OAU) so were formally recognised as liberation movements
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27
Q

what gave NLMs their effectiveness and potency?

A

fused a range of grievances

  • allowed black labour unions as site for nationalist struggles
  • nationalist leaders actively supported strikes, made appeals to blacks in rural area who though colonialist leaders were condescending
  • effective at presenting themselves as the singular solution & mechanism for anti-colonial grievances

nationalists’ grand promises

  • economic, social & political promises
  • e.g. democracy, women’s emancipation, health provision

defeated racial minority / colonial rule

  • by 1994 all African states (except Manilla & Ceuta) totally liberated from colonial control (Amutabi, 2018)
28
Q

how was nationalism a political practice?

A

although self-rule was a shared goal, political parties often competed as much as they cooperated, with often incompatible political agendas & were driven by local concerns as much as by national ones (Dorman, 2019)

most nationalist parties were already coalitions, representing different generational & ideological trends, or regional groupings, but most expanded & absorbed rivals, rather than contracting & competing (Dorman, 2019)

  • e.g. Kenya’s African National Union (KANU) incorporated the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU); Zimbabwe’s African National Union (ZANU) emerged out of, and later reincorporated ZAPU

faced with pent-up demands for political & economic change, but limited resources, nationalist leaders became increasingly anxious to solidify control (Dorman, 2019)

  • in most postcolonial states, the only structures able to mobilise similar numbers to the nationalist parties were churches, the military & trade unions
  • nationalist politics thus relied upon curbs on trade unions or inclusion in the party to maintain their political hegemony
29
Q

which scholar talks of nationalism as political practice?

A

Dorman, 2019

30
Q

how was nationalism armed struggle?

A

in the settler colonies, like Rhodesia, Mozambique, Angola, and South Africa, where settlers were unwilling to accept decolonisation & universal franchise, nationalists turned to armed struggle to achieve their political goals (but v. rare) (Dorman, 2019)

“if you’re not with us, you’re against us” mentality (Dorman, 2019)

  • the unity gospel was powerful precisely because unity was so fragile, but seemed so essential, in a political environment where the winner takes all
31
Q

why was the unity gospel of “if you’re not with us, you’re against us” mentality so powerful?

A

powerful precisely because unity was so fragile, but seemed so essential, in a political environment where the winner takes all

32
Q

was there a cultural policy side of nation-building?

A

nationalist politics was not simply a negative or instrumental process. The challenges of modern states require positive construction of national identity in the face of competing nationalisms (Dorman, 2019)

33
Q

give some examples of cultural policies of nation-building.

A

in Eritrea’s capital Asmara, the streets the EPLF had marched down when the Dergue fell were rapidly renamed - choosing mainly abstract signifiers or commemorating battles

  • Godena Harnet (Liberation Avenue) replaced the Dergue’s National Avenue, which had itself replaced Avenue Haile Selassie, and still earlier Viale Benito Mussolini (Dorman, 2019)

an examination of stamps issued in Zimbabwe post-1980 shows the imagery & iconography as predominantly of science & technology, or carefully apolitical natural & cultural heritage (Dorman, 2019)

as ZANU’s influence waned after decades in power, Mugabe turned toward what Terence Ranger called patriotic history, indoctrinating youth with a particular historical narrative, rewriting textbooks, & excavating (literally) the material remains of the liberation war (Dorman, 2019)

depoliticisation was also sought control of music & sport through the state (Dorman, 2019)

political leadership in Kenya, Ghana, Gambia, Botswana, Tanzania & Zambia turned to national service as a means of integrating different cultures & rebuilding society around a common nationalist ideology (Dorman, 2019)

34
Q

were all cultural policies of nation-building the same?

A

no - different countries went for different approaches

in Zimbabwe & Namibia, memorialisation of the war dead was a top-down, hierarchical process, controlled & designed to make the liberation struggle an exclusive performance, not a participatory one (Dorman, 2019)

in Eritrea, by contrast, monuments & cemeteries are non-hierarchical, egalitarian & moving - the giant sandal in the traffic circle in central Asmara commemorates the simple footgear of the soldiers in the struggle (Dorman, 2019)

35
Q

outline some of the limitations of NLMs.

A

constant contradictions

reaction of colonial states

disappointment both domestically & internationally (Southall, 2010)

‘exclusivist nationalism’ (Southhall, 2010)

Fanon’s national bourgeoisie (Fanon, 2001)

legacies (Fanon, 2001)

neocolonialism

36
Q

what is the constant contradictions limitation of NLMs?

A

they projected unity but were at times bitterly divided; they proclaimed human rights but were guilty of terror & atrocities; they incorporated women, yet were overwhelmingly patriarchal; and while declaring themselves democratic, they were in many of their practices deeply authoritarian

illusion of democracy

  • absence of internal democracy
  • not genuinely democratic as male leaders often unaccountable in their prime
  • often violent & coercive
37
Q

how did NLMs show constant contradictions?

A

they projected unity but were at times bitterly divided; they proclaimed human rights, but were guilty of terror and atrocities; they incorporated women, yet were overwhelmingly patriarchal; and while declaring themselves democratic, they were in many of their practices deeply authoritarian

illusion of democracy

  • absence of internal democracy
  • not genuinely democratic as male leaders often unaccountable in their prime
  • often violent & coercive
38
Q

how did the reaction of colonial states limit NLMs?

A

NLMs interacted with colonial state

response borne out of problems created for colonial state & in responding characteristics of nationalist movements changed

white settler states particularly defensive against nationalist movement; developed formidable military strength & surveillance structures

victim of their own success, often forced into exile

  • e.g. liberation movements in Angola, South Africa & Mozambique had bases in Tanzania

nationalist movements became centrist, authoritarian & secretive themselves in response to colonial response

39
Q

how did NLMs become victims of their own success?

A

NLMs interacted with colonial state

response borne out of problems created for colonial state & in responding characteristics of nationalist movements changed

white settler states particularly defensive against nationalist movement; developed formidable military strength & surveillance structures

victim of their own success, often forced into exile

  • e.g. liberation movements in Angola, South Africa & Mozambique had bases in Tanzania

nationalist movements became centrist, authoritarian & secretive themselves in response to colonial response

40
Q

how did NLMs prove a disappointment?

A

proved a disappointment to both domestic & international interested parties (Southall, 2010)

disappointment comes not only from a failure to live up to expectations but also from the fact that NLMs as governments have often embodied many of the disturbing post-liberation pathologies described by Fanon & Southall

  • e.g. Fanon’s analysis of Algerian War of Independence found colonialist oppression and the accompanying violent struggle for liberation led to many mental disorders including anxiety, depression, psychotic breaks and homicidal tendencies (Fanon, 2001)
  • NLMs as governments often exhibit authoritarian, intolerant and careless characteristics (Southall, 2016)

e.g. Mugabe’s regime in Zimbabwe exemplifies many of these weaknesses and is often used as an illustration of problems with postcolonial governments (Southall, 2016)

41
Q

which scholar argues that NLMs often proved a disappointment?

A

Southall, 2016

42
Q

how did Southall’s ‘exclusivist nationalism’ limit NLMs?

A

NLMs used their heritage of the struggle for liberation to claim the right to rule (Southall, 2016)

associated with incorrect conflation of ‘self-determination’ & ‘democracy’

  • ideas are not necessarily congruent as struggle for self-determination was more about equality of people as ‘nations’ than it was about equality for people as individuals

urban intellectual elites felt they had a right & prerogative to rule

  • because NLMs could claim the authority of history, they & their leaders were imbued with a particular legitimacy & challenges to their rule were therefore morally & politically illegitimate (dissent translated as disloyalty to nation)

totalitarian mindset borne from the conception of the colonially oppressed ‘people’ as one, and the NLMs’ claim of authority and legitimacy allowed ethnic and religious differences within states to be glossed over in favour of unity and ‘common theology’ (Johnson, 2001)

43
Q

what does Southall’s (2016) mean by ‘exclusivist nationalism’?

A

NLMs use their heritage of the struggle for liberation to claim the right to rule (Southall, 2016)

urban intellectual elites felt they had a right & prerogative to rule

  • because NLMs could claim the authority of history, they & their leaders were imbued with a particular legitimacy & challenges to their rule were therefore morally & politically illegitimate (dissent translated as disloyalty to nation)

totalitarian mindset borne from the conception of the colonially oppressed ‘people’ as one, and the NLMs’ claim of authority & legitimacy allowed ethnic & religious differences within states to be glossed over in favour of unity & ‘common theology’ (Johnson, 2001)

44
Q

how does Fanon argue that ‘national bourgeoisie’ limit NLMs?

A

Fanon argues that the hopes of massive popular resistance to oppression of creating strong bonds & a foundation for popular democracy were disappointed because of the existence & power of the national bourgeoisie (Fanon, 2001)

problem of intellectuals

  • “intellectuals may like to think of themselves as people who ‘speak truth to power’ but too often they are people who speak lies to gain power” (Sowell)

poor masses & country’s nationalist political parties were usually not on the same page because political parties comprised of colonised intellectuals who represented less than 1% of the population

  • national bourgeoisie lived Western lifestyles, espoused Western ideas, having been educated in the West, and worked Western jobs which put them at odds with the poor masses

in newly independent country, national bourgeoisie take political control by sliding right into the place of the withdrawing colonial powers

results in increasing class conflict

  • builds tensions among ethnic & religious groups, as well as allows continued persecution from the ruling class
45
Q

how does Fanon suggest avoiding issues raised by national bourgeoisie & neo-colonialism?

A

Fanon promotes recognition of culture as a national, not continental, matter

  • despite success of pan-Africanism in early stages of liberation, the next step must include scaling down of nationalism to individual nations & regions to prevent intra-nation & intra-ethnic conflict

similarity to Ekeh’s two publics

  • African nationalism exists in an uneasy relationship with local or ethnic nationalism
  • given that many Africans distinguish between their ethnic & national identities, similar to Ekeh’s two public realms of the primordial & civic, nationalism still has role to play in somewhat bringing these two realms together
46
Q

how does Fanon (2001) argue that legacies & the pitfalls of national consciousness limit NLMs?

A

attacks absence of liberatory values

nationalist movements often lacked detailed policy plans to address grievances & were ideologically bankrupt

  • criticised the superficial / symbolic nationalism that focuses on flags, anthems & other symbols without addressing the substantive issues of economic & social justice

bourgeoisie leadership of Africa not equipped technologically or financially to run the independent nation so fall back on the colonisers

  • in pursuit of wealth, turn away from interior where most of the population lives in poverty & looks to the coloniser / mother country from support - dependence relationship
  • bound into economic relationships that maintain their subordinate states, limiting their true autonomy & economic development
47
Q

what is neocolonialism?

A

the continuation or reimposition of imperialist rule by a state over a nominally independent state

takes the form of economic imperialism, globalisation, cultural imperialism & conditional aid to influence or control a developing country instead of previous colonial methods of direct military control or indirect political control

differs from standard globalisation & development aid in that it typically results in relationships of dependence, subservience, or financial obligation towards the neocolonialist nation

48
Q

give an example of neocolonialism resulting in relationship of dependence?

A

ZANU-PF rule, forged in the anti-imperialist struggle, has collapsed the Zimbabwean economy to a state of acute neo-colonial dependence, where the prospects for recovery are now far more reliant on external interests than they were even at independence (Southall, 2016)

49
Q

how does neocolonialism limit NLMs?

A

ethnic & religious conflicts within states

  • peasant masses continue to suffer in much the same way as they did under colonial rule, hence conflict between classes grows
  • building tensions among ethnic & religious groups, as well as continued persecution from the ruling class
50
Q

how does gender fit into the nationalism discussion?

A

colonised women as symbols

masculinities of colonisation

gendered legacies

role of women in nationalist movements (Berger, 2016)

51
Q

how were colonised women used as symbols?

A

colonial administrators, soldiers & settlers were always looking for images to send home to make Africa seem appealing & yet made it clear that these ‘alien’ societies needed the allegedly civilising governance that only whites could bestow

colonial postcard images were frequently eroticised & surprisingly standardised

not about the women themselves, it was about what the images provoked in men

52
Q

how is colonisation related to masculinity?

A

G.A.Henty: the colonies is where boys become men & prove their worth to country, family & God

to be colonised is to be weak or feminised

disruption of local masculine identities

  • e.g. for the Kikuyu in Kenya, land was important for ‘self mastery’. To become a man one had to set up a successful household. Control of land ensured necessary wealth to attract dependents & clients. So a rite of passage of young Kikuyu males was disrupted by colonial land takeovers
53
Q

give an example of how colonisation disrupted local masculine identities.

A

for the Kikuyu in Kenya, land was important for ‘self mastery’

to become a man one had to set up a successful household

control of land ensured necessary wealth to attract dependents & clients

so a rite of passage of young Kikuyu males was disrupted by colonial land takeovers

54
Q

who said ‘the colonies is where boys become men and prove their worth to country, family and God’?

A

G.A.Henty

55
Q

what is meant by the gendered legacies of nationalisms?

A

women de-emphasised in elitist perspectives on nationalisms

  • nationalist movements have rarely taken women’s experiences as a starting point for an understanding of how a people becomes colonised or how it throws off the shackles of that material & psychological domination

“the Man Nation” - the male elite get to embody the independent state

  • e.g. South African money had Nelson Mandela’s face on it

talked about equality but when independence came emphasised on domesticity & frequent scapegoating of women

one-party states partly set scene for coup & military rule deepening masculinity of politics & marginalisation of women; must accept did create opportunities for women & women’s resistance

56
Q

give an example of the scapegoating of women that occurred when independence came.

A

Zimbabwe student strikes

  • independence phase, challenges around higher education, but state didn’t have capacity so strikes happen
  • Mugabe suggested reason they are behaving this way is because they have ‘cow’ mentality because when they were young mother’s stopped breastfeeding them too early (scapegoating of women)
57
Q

what was the role of women in nationalist movements according to Berger (2016)?

A

able to mobilise new constituencies & infuse women’s agendas into narratives of nationalism

shaping & supporting, but also challenging & transforming male-led political groups

women were considered the best sloganeers, as traditional story-tellers & singers using ideas, images & phrases that appealed to the non-elite population

58
Q

give examples of women who played significant role in their respective national liberation movements.

A

Tanzania: Bibi Titi Mohamed

Nigeria: Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti

59
Q

describe Bibi Titi Mohamed’s role in Tanzania’s nationalist movement.

A

in 1955, Bibi Titi Mohamed appointed leader of women’s section of TANU (after Hatch’s request to meet woman)

she mobilised followers through ngoma, women’s dance groups, which united Swahili-speaking women from all over the country

in many of her speeches, she appealed to women as mothers, emphasising the ability to give birth as the source of their power

mobilised many & dance societies engaged women in “performing nationalism” by bringing together women from different ethnic groups in a common activity that was central to their daily lives

60
Q

which country was Bibi Titi Mohamed appointed leader of the women’s section?

A

Tanzania

61
Q

describe Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti’s role in promoting women in Nigeria’s national movement.

A

Nigerian activist, well-educated, active in promoting girls’ & women’s education in 1920s/30s

using her British education & exceptional organisational abilities, she & her husband ran a boarding school together

transformed Abeokuta Ladies’ Club (ALC), a group of middle-class, Western-educated Christian women, to include poor market women for whom they set up literacy & tutoring classes

became AWU; inclusive in its membership, attracting women of all educational levels as well as Christians, Muslims & followers of Yoruba religions

with about 20,000 dues-paying members & another 100,000 active supporters, they were able to coordinate massive demonstrations

in 1949, AWU members formed a national organisation, the Nigerian Women’s Union (NWU), to increase support for its long-term goals of enfranchising all women in the country & promoting their equality in the political process

62
Q

what factors play into the resilience of nationalisms?

A

shifting aims & needs

suppression of alternative histories

‘patriotic history’ (Ranger, 2004)

rise of social media & diasporas

63
Q

why have nationalisms remained relevant in the post-independence era?

A

aims of nationalism have shifted from an ideology that was rooted in an anti-colonial struggle driven by NLMs to now being needed to keep ethnically-fragmented countries together

need for nationalism remains as a response to problems of cultural differences & national harmony

64
Q

why has the suppression of alternative histories given nationalism continued relevance?

A

certain nationalist movements / groups are / were suppressed because of dichotomy between colonised history & chosen nationalist history

struggle heritage became ‘right’ to govern

65
Q

what did Ranger (2004) mean by ‘patriotic history’?

A

particular approach to writing & teaching history that aligns closely with the interests & narratives of the ruling government or specific ruling elite

instead of presenting a critical & nuanced view of historical events, ‘patriotic history’ tends to glorify the achievements of the ruling regime or particular nationalist movement while downplaying or ignoring its shortcomings, failures, or controversial aspects

story of NLMs, national myth-making, legitimises people in power

66
Q

give an example of a country using ‘patriotic history’.

A

used in context of Mugabe’s Zimbabwe

ZANU-PF & ANC cut down Western songs played in Zimbabwe, strategy of patriotic history to continue ‘legitimisation’ of rule, no longer ambiguity in education / ideas in nation-state

67
Q

how has the rise of social media & the increased involvement of the diaspora impacted the relevance of nationalism?

A

rise of social media further enables the articulation of new ideas about the nation & inclusion within it, as Zimbabwe’s #ThisFlag movement showed (Dorman, 2019)

diasporas also increasingly engage with & contribute to nationalist projects (Dorman, 2019)

  • all providing important resources through remittances, skills, & networks

growth of social media & cell phones, as well as the importance of contributions to home economies, means that diasporic residents feel a stronger connection to their homes & have a greater sense of engagement (Dorman, 2019)

this shift recognized in a small but significant shift among African nations toward allowing dual nationality & in Kenya and Mali, even to allow citizens abroad to vote (Dorman, 2019)