Midterm Review Flashcards

1
Q

Collective Action Problem

A

Why would people ever participate in groups that seek to attain public good when they can just as well enjoy the public good without ever participating in its attainment?

Public good: available to everyone (nobody excluded)
Joint supply: one person’s consumption of the good does not detract from someone else’s consumption of the good (public tv, public park, highways)

The solution to the problem: Selective incentives – an incentive that can be targeted to specific individuals so that they can be excluded from recieving it if they do or do not cooperate.
Selective incentives come from resources, and organization & leadership

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2
Q

What is an example of the collective action problem?

A

Individuals often want to do things that emit a lot of greenhouse gases (liking driving cars, or flying in planes), but society overall may be better off with less climate change.

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3
Q

Resource Mobilization – Assumptions?

A

Explaining collective action requires attention to the resources, selective incentives, cost-reducing mechanisms, and benefits that make participation in movements rational

Grievances are structurally given, and therefore relatively constant. They may be defined, created, and manipulated by movements themselves

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4
Q

Resource Mobilization – Arguments?

A

The aggregation and deployment of resources is critical for explaining movement success

Emphasize the need for some minimal organization for mobilization to be successful. Social movements are also broader than that.

Movement success depends on the involvement of individuals and organizations from outside the beneficiary group

Conscience constituents – refer to people as part of a social movement, but don’t stand to benefit themselves from what the social movement is trying to achieve. They have critical things they can contribute to the movement. Ex. Freedom Riders)

The importances of costs and rewards in explaining individual participation

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5
Q

Problems with the Resource Mobilization Approach?

A

Possible circularity if a resource is anything that aids mobilization (Resources are things that can be internalized by a movement – money, labor, facilities, skills, equipment)

The assumption that grievances are relatively constant is not realistic. There are times that grievances can multiply very quickly and suddenly, often in response to violence. They can also vary across time.

The limits of resources as a factor in mobilization – there are ages of little mobilization despite large amounts of resources; also cases of mobilization without any resources. Resources cannot explain all forms of action.

It raises questions about people’s tendency to advocate hierarchical, bureaucratic, professionalized social movements over looser, less hierarchical groups.

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6
Q

Political Opportunity Approach – Origins?

A

Put attention back on the state rather than focusing on the challenging movement or group

Little in resource mobilization theory was about the TARGETS of mobilization: when are the targets of mobilization more vulnerable to being influenced by collective action, and how did that affect the likelihood and outcome of mobilization?

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7
Q

Political Opportunity Approach?

A

A political opportunity is a condition that renders a target of mobilization more vulnerable and is therefore a propitious moment or venue for those excluded for mounting collective action – renders a target more vulnerable to influence or weakens its ability to repress.

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8
Q

Examples of Political Opportunities?

A

liberalization, moments of leadership secession, appearance of influential allies, visible conflict within the elite, elections, war, natural disaster

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9
Q

Problems with the Political Opportunity Approach?

A

Tendency for abuse

How do we identify the presence of a political opportunity?

Some types of protest do not seem to be affected by political opportunities – lifestyle movements

Critics argue that opportunities are neither necessary nor sufficient for mobilization: but the theory does not claim tis – opportunities only increase the likelihood of action in their presence because they make success easier, but they do not prohibit action in the absence of opportunity. Movements can win without opportunity.

THe difficulties of engaging the perceptual dimension of opportunists. What is a missed opportunity? Were misperceived opportunities really there? How do we know?

Can movements create their own theories? If so, does this invalidate the theory?

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10
Q

Types of Political Opportunities?

A

Perceived Opportunity -
Their presence increases the likelihood of success and therefore, when they are perceived, they increase the likelihood of action

Dynamic Opportunity -
The opening of a system increases opportunities, the closing decreases them.

Static Opportunity -
Aspects of institutional design that affect the likelihood of success by challengers

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11
Q

Crowd Theory?

A

Lebon!

The fact that people have been transformed into a crowd puts them in possession of a sort of collective mind which makes them feel, think, and act in a manner quite different from that in which each individual of them would think, feel, and act if in isolation.

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12
Q

What does Crowd Theory happen?

A

Anonymity breeds unaccountability

A sense of invincibility – crowds have power.

Hypnotic effect – makes people subject to suggestibility and to influences of leaders

Contagion in crowds and the unconscious mind – ‘herd mentality’

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13
Q

Problems with Crowd Theory?

A

Most people do not exchange in extraordinary behavior in the context of a crowd – milling is the main thing that most people in a crowd do

People are rarely anonymous in the context of a crowd – most people come to demonstrations with friends and family; plus face recognition is powerful in this day

No evidence of cognitive impairment of individuals in crowds – sometimes critical thinking is actually enhanced

Suggestibility can be found outside of crowds

Crowd theory ultimately takes the unusual behavior that occasionally occurs within crowds and generalizes it. Can happen when crowds are infused with enormous anger and/or fear but not normally the case.

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14
Q

Relative Deprivation

A

Gurr - the gap between the ‘ought’ and the ‘is’ of collective value satisfaction

How do people perceive injustice + relationship of injustice to mobilization

There is no direct casual relationship between absolute deprivation and rebellion - instead, mediated by a sense of what one thinks one deserves

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15
Q

Types of Relative Deprivation

A

Decremental - expectations remain constant, capabilities decline

Aspirational - rising expectations, constant capabilities

Progressive - growing gap occurs even though expectations and capabilities are both increasing

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16
Q

Why is Relative Deprivation no longer used?

A

Difficulty of measuring, since it is a perception

Difficult to know what the referent group is

Empirical work contradicted the theory

Is neither necessary nor sufficient for rebellion – minimizes the role of the state

No direct relationship between the presence of grievances and protest – most people do not act in the face of injustice – also many other reasons other than grievances

17
Q

Critical Mass Theory

A

Group size has a positive effect on the probability that a public good will be provided; because joint supply, the benefit of the public good for each individual is not reduced as the size of the group (a matter of costs, not benefits).

Not necessary for everyone to participate.

So basically it is this critical number of people needed to affect policy and make a change not as the token but as an influential body.

18
Q

Apply the Critical Mass Theory to 1979 Iran

A

Most Iranian protests in 1979 did not participate in large numbers until they felt success was at hand

There were no political opportunities

Iranians seem to have based their decision not on the vulnerability of the state, but on the perceived strength of the opposition.

A shift balance of forces in favor of the opposition emerged

19
Q

New Social Movements Theory

A

These left cultural legacies for remobilization

Aimed at explaining the broader question of movement emergence

Theories focus on culture-change and identity as key explanatory variables, but linking these with broader processes of social change

Social change → cultural change → movement emergence

Not really used much today

20
Q

Critiques of New Social Movements Theory

A

Seriously overstated the novelty of the movements that it analyzed (these movements were not entirely new)

The theory could not explain the fate of new social movements since the 1960s, or the unexpected appearance of ‘new’ social movements in the 3rd World.

Limits as a general theory of social movements

21
Q

What are the 2 Approaches of the New Social Movements Theory?

A

Post-Marxist Approach

  • New social movements were movements of resistance against bureaucratization and rationalization of social life
  • Against manipulation, dependence, bureaucratization, and regulation
  • For self-autonomy and identity
  • Rejection of the state as source of social support [vs. labor and the welfare state]
    Reconstitution of civil society
  • Focus on lifestyle issues – create an autonomous space
  • The expression of personal identities is part of the purposes of the movement itself

Cultural (Values) Perspective
- Materialist v. Post-Materialist Values
- Presence of post-materialist values was the strongest indicator of whether an individual participated in environmental or peace movements
- Inglehart – the combination of these post-materialist values and cognitive mobilization (the skills and awareness needed for political participation) explained, to large extent, individual-level participation in new social movements.

22
Q

Logic of Connective Action

A

The logic of connective action explains the rise of a personalized digitally networked politics in which diverse individuals address the common problems of our times such as economic fairness and climate change. Rich case studies from the US, UK, and Germany, illustrate a theoretical framework for understanding how large-scale connective action is coordinated using inclusive discourses that travel easily through social media.

In many of these mobilizations, communication operates as an organizational process that may replace or supplement familiar forms of collective action based on organizational resource mobilization, leadership, and collective action framing. In some cases, connective action emerges from crowds that shun leaders, as when Occupy protesters created media networks to channel resources and create loose ties among dispersed physical groups.

In other cases, conventional political organizations deploy personalized communication logics to enable large-scale engagement with a variety of political causes. The Logic of Connective Action shows how power is organized in communication-based networks, and what political outcomes may result.

23
Q

Collective Behavior Approach – Definition

A

Definition: A response to larger structural strains in the social system (Durkheim – individuals feel alienated because of their lack of connection to others)

the behavior of individuals under the influence of an impulse that is common and collective, an impulse, in other words, that is the result of social interaction

Functionalist approach to social movements: a symptom of a social system in disequilibrium, whose equilibrating functions are not operating effectively

Social movements are not manifestations of the breakdown of norms in society; they are also mechanisms for the creation of new norms

24
Q

Collective Behavior Approach – Problems

A

An excessively functionalist understanding of how social movements work

Stigmatizes movement activity as deviant and pathological

Overlooks the conflictual, interactive, moral basis of movement activity

Lumps disparate phenomena together

25
Q

Public Transcript of Power

A

Deference, subordination, and ingratiation; to awe and intimidate (to parade)

Examples: Estonians in “The Singing Revolution” documentary – all the propaganda from the Soviet Union, the public parade, the flags, and the language being taken.

26
Q

Hidden Transcript of Resistance

A

Occurs behind the back of power, transcript = roles that are acted out, often for audiences (private and public), exists within a context of domination, as a substitute for voice or protest; very rarely seen by the dominant or by outsiders

Examples: Estonians in ‘The Singing Revolution’ documentary – the Christmas Tree with the curtains closed, ‘kitchen talk’ things said in private, the hidden old flags – poaching on illegal land or some land owner

27
Q

Infrapolitics

A

What lies in between – Vast area of ambiguous talk in systems of domination

Examples: Estonians in ‘The Singing Revolution’ documentary – Can’t fly the Estonian flag so they fly the blue, black, and white flags separately; unofficial national anthem; Heritage Society being a sneaky way to talk about independence.

28
Q

Framing?

A

A frame is a schema of interpretation that people rely on to understand reality; it is the actual schemata that people use to make sense of a situation

Framing refers to the act of applying these schemata to concrete situations

29
Q

When applied to social movements, frames and framing can refer to:

A

The act by which individuals make sense of the political situation that they confront (framing the political opportunity)

How issues associated with mobilization are picked up and presented to the public by movements, governments, and media in order to key or cue particular responses

30
Q

Types of Ways Frames can be used:

A

Ways in which individuals make sense of political reality

Devices used by movements to key or cue their target constituents
- Frame articulation – the choice among different cultural and situational elements
- Frame amplification – highlighting or accentuating particular issues, events, or beliefs
- Frame resonance – whether the collective action frame strikes a chord within target populations
- Frame alignment – the process of adjusting frames to make them commensurate with popular beliefs, experience, and symbols

Ways in which the PUBLIC is cued and keyed by the media about what to believe in the media
- Gitlin – the media as orchestrator of everyday consciousness

31
Q

Selective Incentives

A

Definition: an incentive that can be targeted to specific individuals so that they can be excluded from receiving it if they do or do not cooperate. Could be a negative or positive incentive, but must clearly be targeted at those who do/don’t participate

Come from resources & organization/leadership

32
Q

Types of Network Structures

A

Clique Structure –
Egalitarian
Motivated by strong ideological or cultural affinities
Demands a high degree of emotion involvement by participants
High cost of maintenance of the structure
High level of surveillance

Modified Clique –
Movements often use this
Have a series of linked cliques that are connected by one node in particular; you aren’t invested in everyone, but you’re invested in a group, and the group is invested in another group

Polycephalous Network –
Decentralized
Segmented
Weak consensus
No central command, leadership competition

33
Q

3 Theories of Injustice

A

Distributive: equality (everyone gets the same thing) vs. equity (everyone gets their fair share) How people balance what they contribute with what they receive

Retributive: Breaking of norms and rules – people feel like some sanction needs to be taken; bringing back an equilibrium. Involves restoration. Revolutions are a form of this.

Procedural: do people have a voice and feel part of the decision-making process? Process-control vs. decision control

34
Q

Bloc Recruitment

A

Mobilizing support from within existing associations and organizations whose members might be predisposed to participate

Cheapest form of recruitment

Involves overlapping participation in social movements organizations and associations

Based on relationships that exist between organizations (Civil Rights Movement; left-wing social movements in Vancouver, Canada)

35
Q

WUNC?

A

Stands for Worthiness, Unity, Numbers, and Commitment

Tilly - increases the likelihood of a movement’s success if they have these things

36
Q

Cognitive Mobilization

A

The skills and awareness needed for political participation (Inglehart)

Formal education increases an individual’s capacity to receive and interpret messages

37
Q

Early and Late Risers

A

This is part of the structure of mobilizational cycles

Early risers: role of opening political opportunities that sparks mobilization, well defined sense of identity and grievance, may not be the most important movements within the cycle

Late risers: later timing within cycle; influenced more by the successful example of early risers and less influenced by political opening

38
Q

Narratives of Spontaneity

A

Polletta – Used to explain the origin of movements

Protests understood not as an act of agency, but as an unstoppable moral force over which participants themselves had no control

Makes it appear as if mobilization was instinctual, necessary, inevitable, powerful, and emotional

39
Q

Moments of Madness

A

Symbolic height of the cycle (often chaotic), which the dominant order appears to come undone and everything seems possible