Lecture 7 - Stereotyping and prejudice: the target's perspective Flashcards

1
Q

What is the self-fulfilling prophecy?

A

Other people’s expectations of us can constrain our behaviour.
One’s perceptions of oneself and how u behave is a result of others projecting those beliefs onto u.

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2
Q

What did Snyder and Swann (1978) do?

Self-fulfilling prophecy - Interview

A

Led interviewers to believe that the person who they were interviewing (over telephone) was an extrovert or an introvert. In fact there was random allocation. They were then required to select from a set list of interview questions.

Those who thought the person was an extrovert mostly asked questions that would be likely to reveal these tendencies (e.g., “what would you do if you wanted to liven things up in a party?”).

Those who thought the person was an introvert primarily asked questions that would be likely to reveal these tendencies (e.g., “what factors make it hard for you to really open up to people?”)

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3
Q

What happened in the follow up study to Snyder and Swann (1978)?

A

The responses of the target were taped and a fresh set of participants were asked to rate the INTERVIEWEE (person being being interviewed).

Interviewees who had been placed in the extrovert condition were rated as more extroverted than were those who had been placed in the introvert condition.

In other words the expectancies of the interviewer had created a reality (it changes you) – if you talk to somebody expecting them to be introverted they become introverted

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4
Q

What are the stages of the self-fulfilling prophecy?

A

A) Observer “believes” actor is an extrovert

B) Actor’s behaviour is interpreted through the lens of
this expectation

C) Actor is treated as an extrovert

D) Actor’s behaviour is constrained so that it becomes
difficult to behave in ways other than being
extroverted

E) Actor’s behaviour becomes more extroverted

F) Actor perceives self as extroverted

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5
Q

What did Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968) do?

Self-fulfilling prophecy - IQ test

A

They administered an IQ test to school children and told their teachers that a particular group of 20 students had been identified as “bloomers” … people who were particularly likely to show development in the future.

In fact, the 20 students were chosen randomly. Teachers were led to believe that these kids had potential.

They found that the 20 kids that the teacher believed in were OBJECTIVELY SMARTER after the first year. And this persisted into their second year.

Teachers teach them differently; challenge them differently and create this reality of potential.

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6
Q

What did Word, Zanna, & Cooper (1974) do?

Self-fulfilling prophecy

A

They had had White Ps act as job interviewers interviewing White and Black applicants. They interviewed differently depending on skin color.

When interviewing Black applicants, the White interviewers
(a) made more speech errors
(b) had shorter interviews, and
(c) engaged less with the interviewee non-verbally than
when the interviewee was White.

In a subsequent experiment the researchers trained interviewers to use either the Black or the White interview style to interview a White applicant (only white applicants).

They found that when White people were interviewed through the Black technique (i.e. as though they were Black) the White applicant was rated as having performed worse and as having been more nervous than when they were interviewed as though they were White.

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7
Q

Describe stereotype threat?

A

When stigmatized groups are conscious that other people might treat them through negative stereotypes, they feel anxiety about their performance. This can impede performance. Stigmatization made people stupider.

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8
Q

What did Steele and Aronson (1995) do?

Exam anxiety

A

They had Black and White students anticipate taking a “very difficult” test that was defined as being “diagnostic of intellectual ability” or “just a laboratory exercise”.

They then had to complete ambiguous word fragments such as “______ CE” or “____ERIOR”.

This had no effect on White Ps
When Black students were anticipating a test of “intellectual ability” (as compared to “a lab exercise”), they
(a)were more likely to reveal race-related anxieties on the word completion task (e.g., “RACE” “INFERIOR”) &

(b) Objectivelydid worse on the test

Being made aware of being judged on something that ur stereotypically not supposed to be good at REINFORCED THE STEREOTYPE THROUGH ANXIETY

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9
Q

What did Spencer et al., (1999) do?

Math test and stereotype threat

A

Got women and men to do a maths test … consistent with the stereotype, men did better than women on the test.

In a follow-up experiment, participants did two tests:
(a) one in which they were told that men and women
typically performed differently on the test, and

(b) one in which participants were told that the test
typically did not reveal sex differences.

They found that people’s expectations walking into the math test created their reality. Those who were told about gender diffs - men did better than women. Those who were told that there was no diff - men and women did about the same.

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10
Q

What did Yeung and von Hippel (2008) do?

Stereotype threat and Driving performance

A

First year psychology students went in to do a driving simulation test. Half of them were told that men tend to be better drivers than women. Or half the Ps were told nothing (looking at cognitive skills).

They were measuring how many times Ps hit this pedestrian whom appears later in the simulation.

They found that women drove objectively worse when their stereotype was threatened.

When asked before they did the task ‘how keen r u that women are just as good as men at driving’ they rated highly so it wasn’t like they weren’t trying

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11
Q

What did Stone et al., (1999) do?

Mini-golf task

A

Had White and Black participants perform a sports task (golf).

In some conditions the test was framed as a test of “natural athletic ability”, (which adhered to the Black stereotype)

in others it was framed as a test of “sports intelligence” (stereotypically Black people are do not have)

White people did better (scored lower in golf) when they were told it was a test of sports intelligence than when they were told about natural ability. And the reverse was true for Black Ps.

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12
Q

What is the presumed reason for the stereotype threat?

A

Anxiety

However, little evidence supporting this (measured from self-reports)

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13
Q

What did Bosson et al. (2004) do?

Gay or Straight - Subtle Anxiety

A

They had gay or straight men playing with children.

In half the conditions the participants’ sexuality was primed (before the study u had to say what ur gender orientation was; This potentially invoked stereotype threat because back then there was a lot of fear of gay men around children) and in the other half sexuality was not primed.

During the play session, neutral observers rated the participants on signs of nervousness and childcare performance.

They found that for straight people, their performance (playtime with children) didn’t really matter whether they were primed or not. If anything, when they were primed they were a little better.

But for gays, when they weren’t primed they were relatively good hanging out with the kids, but bad hanging out with the kids when the sexuality was made salient.

Moreover, this occurred despite the fact that gay and straight participants did not differ in the extent to which they said they felt anxious in a questionnaire. We could find signs of anxiety even when people didn’t say they felt anxious.

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14
Q

What did Blascovich et al., 2001) find?

A

When u prime stereotype threat, blood pressure goes up.

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15
Q

What are measurable explanations of stereotype threat?

A

Trying too hard

Withdrawing effort

Dejection

Straining working memory capacity
- thinking about stigma puts pressure and impedes
performance (cognitive load)

Evaluation apprehension
- Supported by Steele and Aronson (1995)

Diminished expectations for performance

Self-doubt / negative thinking

Self-handicapping
- anticipate ur gonna fail in this situation so to reinforce
ur self-esteem u don’t try. U stuff up ur own
performance so that u protect ur self-esteem.

Domain dis-identification (e.g., dis-identification as a “maths person”)

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16
Q

What are the effects of discrimination on mental health?

A

For minorities this results in poor mental and physical health.

Unequal access to health care

Chronic stressors associated with stigmatisation (e.g., poverty)

17
Q

Why would discrimination make u PHYSICALLY ILL?

A

Stress (Cortisol levels rising), blood pressure, anger
Hypervigilance signs of threat

These things wear us out physically

18
Q

What else is discrimination linked to?

A

Discrimination linked to Black Americans’ greater cardiovascular ill health, diabetes, depression, smoking, & substance abuse

19
Q

What is the link between prejudice and self-esteem?

A

Seems to be NO EFFECT.
There is no evidence that dominant cultures have higher self-esteem than minority cultures.

No convincing evidence that self-esteem is lower among other groups that suffer from stigma (e.g., women, mentally and physically handicapped, the mentally ill, homosexuals).

20
Q

Explain why there is no link b/w prejudice and self-esteem using Crocker and Major’s (1989) argument?

A

argued that the expected relationship between stigma and global self-esteem might not emerge because stigmatized groups:

1) Compare their outcomes with those of their ingroup, rather than with the relatively advantaged outgroup (thus ur buffered against that feeling through social comparison)
2) Selectively devalue those dimensions on which their group does poorly and value those dimensions on which the group does well
3) Attribute negative feedback to prejudice against their group. (Use prejudice as an excuse which doesn’t lower ur self-esteem)

21
Q

What did Crocker (1991) do?

A

They got women to write an essay, which was then (supposedly) assessed by a male student. From the assessor’s responses on a questionnaire, the participants were led to believe he was either liberal or sexist in his attitudes toward women.

Participants then received the feedback from the assessor: it was either positive or negative.

They found that when they received positive feedback, if the assessor was portrayed as a sexist or non-sexist their depression levels did not differ greatly.

However, when they received negative feedback, Ps who received feedback from a sexist assessor did not feel as bad as those who received feedback from a non-sexist assessor.

This is what Crocker (1989) were talking about; the buffering effect of being able to EXPLAIN AWAY FAILURE as an example of Prejudice

22
Q

What did Crocker (1991) do in a subsequent experiment?
I SEE U - Attribution of prejudice

What did they find?

A

Black and White Ps had to talk about their dreams, aspirations, likes and dislikes on a self-description form.

This was shown to another (fictional) participant, but ur led to believe that this person is real.

They rate how much they like u, feedback was either negative or feedback.

Ps were led to believe that the assessor could SEE them (visible condition) or could not see them (anonymous condition)

Positive scores mean self-esteem goes up. Negative scores mean self-esteem goes down.

For White Ps they essentially found nothing happening. Changes in self-esteem were around zero with very trivial differences. There was bit of an effect when White Ps received positive feedback, and the assessor could ‘see’ them.

For Black Ps, they seem to be more vigilant to the context, their self-esteem rises or falls depending on the circumstance. When Black Ps receive positive feedback, when they can’t be seen their self-esteem increases; however when they can be seen their self-esteem decreases.

This may be because u believe that the positive feedback has more to do with ur race, so it appears patronizing.

Also, when Black Ps receive negative feedback, when they can be seen there is minimal change in self-esteem (in the positive direction) however when they cannot be seen the self-esteem DECREASES. This supports the attribution of prejudice acting as a buffer.

23
Q

What did Crocker et al argue in relation to attributional ambiguity?

A

They argued that members of stigmatized groups have to live with “attributional ambiguity” (i.e. they can never be sure whether people are treating them a certain way because of their race.

This can have good and bad consequences.

If you fail, it might help protect self-esteem to attribute to prejudice.

If you succeed, you might always wonder if you got preferential treatment because of your minority group status (problem with equal opportunity).

24
Q

What did Schmitt (2003) dispute and do?

THIS IS EVIDENCE AGAINST ATTRIBUTION OF PREJUDICE

A

He disputed the notion that people use prejudice to attribute failure.

His experiment stemmed from the idea that ‘what if prejudice was pervasive.

They got women to do a mock job interview. And while they were waiting for someone to do the assessment them, the experimenter tells different Ps one of three scripted lines/conditions.

1) RARE EXAMPLE OF SEXISM - One of the things they said was that the “interviewer they had interview them has always been really sexist; they always evaluate the women negatively and men positively. that the other 19 interviewers are fine, but u just happened to get the only sexist one.

Or they were told it was pervasive

2) PERVASIVE CULTURE OF SEXISM - I’ve been doing this experiment for a while and I’ve noticed that ALL the interviewers evaluate the women negatively and men positively.
3) That person who interviewed u WAS A REAL JERK, they just rate everyone negatively. So there was nothing about sexism, but it’s just something about their personality.

After you’re told this u receive negative feedback. Ps then rated their positive affect (emotion) and self-esteem (the higher the score the better).

They found that perceiving that u’ve a victim of discrimination (PERVASIVE SEXISM) when ur led to believe that it is endemic environment, DOES NOT PROTECT self-esteem. They have LOWER positive emotion and self-esteem.

Maybe for one-off events, u can be protective and attribute negativity to prejudice, but if it seen to be something endemic then ur less so.

25
Q

What is the Rejection-identification model?

A

Pervasive discrimination has both positive and negative effects. Discrimination has a direct negative effect on self-esteem. But the positive effect is that in the face of discrimination people find each other which creates a sense of solidarity and cohesion within the minority group. And they seek support from each other, and solidarity positively effects self-esteem.

Solidarity appears to buffer (partially or completely) the negative effects of discrimination on self-esteem.

The rejection leads to identification with other people going through the same situation, this creates a sense of solidarity and this buffers the effects of discrimination.

26
Q

Where has evidence for the rejection-identification model been found?

A

1) Women (but not men)
2) International students
3) Body piercers

The link between rejection and ingroup solidarity may help explain seemingly perverse phenomena such as “oppression envy” (other people can see the solidarity which forms as a product of victimhood and are envious of it) and “oppression nostalgia”

27
Q

How did Frable et al., (1998) show support for ingroup solidarity?

Concealable vs. non-concealable stigma

A

They compared self-esteem and affect among people with concealable stigma (gays, eating disorder, the poor) and people with non-concealable stigma (Blacks, the obese, stutterers).

They found that levels of self-esteem were generally higher among people with non-concealable stigmas. Also depression was lower and social confidence was higher for those with non-concealable stigmas than those with concealable stigmas.

These effects were caused by the fact that people with non-concealable stigma were better able to find each other and support each other.

28
Q

What did Geoff Cohen do?

A

The school performance of many ethnic minorities in maths-science subjects tends to tail off around middle school. They start to think that all this high level maths and science is not what people like them excel at.

So there is this dis-identification, and this spiral of not trying and failing.

They went into these schools filled with 1/3 Latino, 1/3 Black, 1/3 White, student were told to do this self-affirmation induction; write little essays talking about their values and core beliefs.

Cohen argued that was due to the threat associated with minority status, and that this threat could be reduced through affirmations of self-integrity.

They found that the kids who went through this self-affirmation processes, the performance for Latino and Black kids dramatically improved (not so much for the Whites).

The effect was most likely to occur when students wrote on themes of belonging and connectedness in their essays.This improved performance was consistent in the years later.

29
Q

Cheryan & Monin (2005)
The Perpetual Foreigners
Foreigners try to show engagement in American culture

A

Asian American Ps entered the lab, where the experimenter would tell them ‘Sorry only Americans are allowed to this experiment’ then the Asian replies ‘I am American’, to which the experimenter asks him to come in. This was the identity primed condition

They found that in the identity denial condition, Asian American participants reported greater engagement in American cultural practices and recalled more American TV shows from the 1970s

30
Q

Guendelman, Cheryan & Monin, 2011
The Perpetual Foreigners
Choose from a MENU

A

Ps (Asian Americans) either had their identity denied or not (control) and they had to choose from an online menu what they wanted to eat. When Ps had their identity denied through being subtley told that they are not automatically assumed to be American.

Ps are 3x more likely to report prototypically American food as favourite, and also when given they choice they ordered more fatty foods as well.

THEY ARE ADVERTISING THEIR AMERICAN CREDENTIALS AS A RESPONSE TO FEELING AS THOUGH THEY ARE NOT AUTOMATICALLY GRANTED IT

31
Q

What did Taylor (1990) show
Reporting prejudice
People loathe it
THIS IS CONTRARY EVIDENCE TO CROCKER

A

asked Indian and Haitian migrants to Canada (a) if they personally experienced discrimination, and (b) if their group as a whole experiences discrimination.

(a) tended to be fairly low. That is, they didn’t seem to feel like they experience discrimination that much.
(b) tended to be very high. Well other Indians, Haitians experience more discrimination.

PEOPLE ARE MORE LIKELY TO PERCEIVE THEIR GROUP AS EXPERIENCING MORE DISCRIMINATION IN COMPARISON TO THEMSELVES (PERSONAL EXPERIENCE)

This supports the idea the people don’t go around saying “I’m the victim, I’m the victim, I’m the victim”.

32
Q

What did Ruggiero & Taylor (1995) do?
Reporting prejudice
PROOF and ATTRIBUTING Prejudice

THIS CONTRADICTS WOMEN LOATHE CLAIMING SEXISM WHEN THEY LOSE IN A FAIR FIGHT (HOSTILE SEXISM SCALE)

A

Ps did a test and they are led to believe that performance on this test is diagnostic of how successful of how u r gonna be in life. And this essay is being evaluated by a man. The research assistant tells Ps that either 100%, 75%, 50%, 25%, or 0% of the evaluators were sexist. Depending on what the assistant told u, u have either no reason to believe that u were the victim of sexism of u have a very strong belief.

After failing the test, they were asked to what extent they believe their failure was a result of discrimination or was you poor score the result of bad test performance.

They found that only when women had VERY STRONG evidence (when they were told that 100% of evaluators were sexist) that they attributed their poor performance to discrimination.
The other times, women attributed their poor performance to their bad test performance.

This data suggests that women remarkably hate to claim sexism for poor performance. Even when they are led to believe that there was a 75% that the judges were sexist, they’re still more likely to claim their poor performance to their bad test performance.

33
Q

What did Kaiser & Miller (2001) do?
Negative consequences of making attributions to discrimination

Whites don’t like Blacks who claim victim of discrimination

A

Led White participants to believe that another research participant (a Black male) had taken a test assessing their future career success.

After completing the test, the experimenter explained that all of the 8 judges were White, and that either none, four, or all of them had a history of prejudice.

The Black participant then received a fail on the test. The focus of this study was on the White Ps who were told about this experience.

In a follow-up questionnaire, the Black man either attributed their fail grade to discrimination or to poor performance.

Participants (white) then rated how much they liked the Black man.

They found that those (fake Black men) who attributed test result to POOR PERFORMANCE were rated as MORE LIKEABLE than those who attributed it to discrimination..Regardless of the objective likelihood that the failure was a result of discrimination (either none or all history of prejudice made no diff)

34
Q

What did Stangor et al., do?
Claim prejudice among other minorities
Deny it among the majority

A

Got women to do a test, person who is judging them says

‘What we’re looking for is creative thinking, but like most women u showed traditional thinking. so u just didn’t do as well’

A sexist comment.

If there were other women (other members of minority) in the room, u were more likely to say that u were a victim of prejudice. People are really reluctant to make this call when surrounded by majority members.

35
Q

What did Swim & Hyers (1999) do?

A

They gave women a scenario in which they were required to complete a group decision-making task
(stuck on a desert island and u’ve been shipwrecked, and off these 30 people who would u pick to maximize ur chances of survival) however there is one sexist member making sexist remarks.

They were asked to ANTICIPATE what they would do in that situation. The majority of them said that THEY WOULD NOT IGNORE IT (1% who said they’d do it)), and NOT WAIT TO SEE WHAT OTHERS WOULD DO (4% “ “).

However, in a separate experiment, a different group of women were actually placed in that scenario (in other words they directly experienced the sexism). They found that the majority ACTUALLY ignored the comment and waited to see what other people would do.

This suggests that what people feel, when experiencing prejudice is not anger or outrage, but CONFUSION and self-doubt (‘did I hear that right, was he trying to be funny etc.).

It would be the case that people would ask themselves whether the guy was sexism, then when they left the experiment they would talk with their friends to clarify whether it was sexist, then they announce what they would have done.

36
Q

What are the stages of responding to discrimination?

Swim and Hyers support these stages

A

1) Ask … what was that? Was that discrimination?

2) Answer … make a decision as to whether that was
discrimination

3) Announce…overt reporting and confronting.