Lecture 10 Flashcards

1
Q

The internet as democratizing, egalitarian technology, then versus now

A

Then:
empowers the voiceless, it removes distortions in the marketplace of ideas caused by governments.

Now:
Social media nowadays as an anti-democratic force due to issues such as misinformation and fake news etc.

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2
Q

Key point of social media

A

social media can be used to strengthen but also to undermine democracy
internet was initially hailed as ‘; liberation technology’ and democratizing force
Potential solution for various complex problems
 This has increasingly been replaced by concerns that social media threatens liberal democracy

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3
Q

Two challenges for the internet as medium for egalitarian democratic deliberation:

A

The empire strikes back: useful technology for authoritarian governments
 what about censorship and propaganda tools to distort public discourses?
Anti-liberal radical forces: what about bad acters that are promoting violence, xenophobia etc.

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4
Q

Flooding/digital propaganda tools: social bots

A

 fake accounts, are false amplifiers: give the false impression that certain actors or opinions are more popular than they are
 often associated with Russian ‘troll factory’ and support for right-wing populists and anti-immigration views

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5
Q

Misleading people and propaganda are obviously not a new phenomenon, example?

A

far-right mobilization:
‘Social movements studies- which has traditionally focused on the progressive left-libertarian movements- has been slow to address the ‘bad side’ of social movement activism’

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6
Q

Far-right natvism

A

: non-native people and ideas are threating the nation0state restrictive notion of citizenship
E.g.: ultra-nationalist, xenophobic etc.

What sets the radical right apart as a third pole is its challenge of both the left and the center-right over cultural issues by strongly opposing Immigration, multiculturalism and European integration
 EVERYTHING THAT IS NOT NATIVE AND THREATING THE NATION-STATE!!

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7
Q

3 types of far right

A

 Nativism
Radical: not necessary against democracy and democracy/democratic means should be upheld
 anti-Islam & ethno-pluralism
vs
Extreme: against democracy and using violence
 fascism & ethno-pluralism

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8
Q

Why do people join/participate om far-right movements and protests?

A

Feeling of being lost in the current society| psychological reason| they feel like an outgroup because the Muslims are seen as an ingroup

Sense of belonging: social reason Ideology:
someone wants to voice his/her grievances and discontent, expressive motivation

Modernization will lead to a loss of identity: related to fear Instrumentality: someone wants to change the state of affairs
 goal-oriented

Fear of ‘them’ invading the ‘us’ Identity: someone wants to engage with like-minded others, socially oriented

Feelings of being replaced and loss of native values and culture Micro level: individual background characteristics and viewpoints matter

Difficulty to cope with change Meso-level: characteristics and strategies of organizations matter (Resource mobilization theory)

Nativism
Macro-level: characteristics of the political-institutional system matter

Neo-Nazism information
Classical theories  grievances
resource mobilization  organizational strength
political opportunities  contextual constrains
cultural turn  framing/identification

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9
Q

What is then interplay between the electoral arena and protest arena

A

Stronger far-right parties lead to more far-right street protests
 electoral politics get more attention than street politics
 cultural polarization dramatically increased and this development went hand in hand with an increase in participation

Most research shows: the stronger the far-right parties, the less protest activity on the street
 negative relation
 Voices against immigration are more prominent in the protest arena of those countries where the populist radical right could not as successfully establish itself in the electoral arena

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10
Q

Discursive opportunities

A

Discursive constraints/opportunities: openings offered by the public debate in the media
The basic idea is that, standing on their own, social movements as relative outsiders lack the resources and power to define a given (perceived) situation as a ‘social problem’ and to make it an issue on the political agenda

Discursive opportunities: have positive impact
The increasing numbers of refugees only came to be perceived as a social and political problem among the general public once they were identified as such by leading politicians.

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11
Q

Three mechanisms:

A

Visibility: do statements of far-right movements/about nativist issues get media coverage?
Resonance: any reactions in public debate
Legitimacy: are the reactions positive or negative?

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12
Q

Political opportunities

A

determine both the amount of protest and the form of protest
‘Such opportunity structures also determine whether or not the mobilization of social movements will take a violent form. Where other forms to express the movement’s demands in a potentially effective way are available, it is less likely that the challenge will take a violent form. When another channel of access to the political system are closed, on the other hand, protesters are more likely to resort to the option of violence.’
 Koopmans study demonstrated a negative correlation: between access to local and national political representation through anti-immigration parties (political opportunities) and racist and radical right violence

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13
Q

Discursive opportunities

A

The central idea is that mass media discourse provides organizers of (and potential participants in) political actions with indications as to the chances of different actions forms succeeding”.
 Contradictory effects!!
Political opportunities (electoral success of far-right parties) have negative relationship with the amount of right-wing violence.
Discursive opportunities (intensity of public debate) have positive relationship with amount of right-wing violence.
 discursive makes sure that immigration is always high on political agenda, that why people have the idea that migrants are a problem

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14
Q

Mechanism 1: social media as part of discursive opportunities

A

Social media extend discursive opportunities: provide more visibility for arguments that legitimize (violent) action.
 Especially because the public debate is not so “centralized” anymore: In the past, people “watched more or less the same TV shows and read more or less the same newspapers”.
Now, we have more echo chambers with only like-minded people.
 Algorithms of social media reinforce this segregation: filter bubbles

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15
Q

Mechanism 2: trans-local group dynamics

A

Refers to micro-level interactions within polarized groups.
Social media have:
 Increased the possibility to have such interactions with like-minded people trans-locally, rather than only local and face-to face.
 Such interactions in echo chambers consist of: giving each other positive feedback and emotional responses that motivate action.

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16
Q

Mechanism 3: practical information and co-ordination of collective action

A

Concerns “the practical side” of violent actions.
E.g. spreading information about the location of planned facilities for refugees.
Social media:
 “increasingly take over the main functions previously performed by organizations”.
 similar argument as connective action of Bennett & Segerberg.

17
Q

What to do against Discursive opportunities (mechanisms)

A

These damaging actions are in part possible because of the lack of gatekeepers on social media

Things to take into account when trying to fix the problem:
 Democratic regimes are more constrained than authoritarian regimes in regulating online speech: pros and cons.
 From a technical side, it is difficult to detect social bots, trolls, fake news etc.
 What roles and responsibilities should social media companies take? Transparancy?