interviews Flashcards

1
Q

bryce dietrich

A

racial difference in walking behaviour study

found that people gave Black people an extra 4 INCHES of space

he’s motivated by the psychology of people MOVING THROUGH SPACE

gets excited about problem solving in research

ie. making sure sidewalk demographics mapped onto study design, keeping track of walkers’ demographics…

4 inches of distance is meaningful when it happens all the time - you internalize this treatment

NEW ideas: replicate study using VR to get exact measurements

can also reverse the setup: have people be in convo and then experience people stepping further from them

VR, through inhabiting bodies, can trigger empathy

you can feel a bit of what it’s like to be in the body of someone else

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2
Q

Salma Mousa

A

Iraqi soccer teams - using social contact between Muslims and Christians to build cohesion

devastated social trust in this area because of 2014 ethnic cleansing - esp between Christians and Muslims

in Iraq, there’s strong INGROUP coheesion, but few bonding ties between groups

why soccer as an intervention? need grassroots approaches to complement policy

micro-foundation of social cohesion, and fits the 4 requirements of positive contact (cooperative, common goal, equal status, support from authorities)

3 classes of OUTCOMES:
a. on the field
b. off the field
c. intergroup attitudes

biggest change for ON THE FIELD

MUCH SMALLER, sometimes zero effect, for off the field behaviours

changes in BEHAVIOUR over attitudes

being on a WINNING TEAM resulted in the MOST POSITIVE EFFECTS across a broader range of outcomes

^points to importance of quality interactions

why were the Christians the majorities on these teams (they are minority in this area)

because this MITIGATED POWER DIFFS on national scale - done to create more equality and to avoid triggering vulnerable minority

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3
Q

N Derek Brown

A

research Qs: what’s preventing us from creating a more equitable society? what psychological barriers exist that keep us from this goal?

eagles vs rattlers study: relative deprivation

one group has lots of resources, the other has little

advantaged group makes choice between WIN WIN and LOSE LOSE condition

WIN WIN - your group gets a bit of an increase in resources and disadvantaged group gets a big increase

LOSE LOSE - both groups get a decrease

WIN WIN is seen as MORE HARMFUL

takeaway: when people think about their group, they’re much more tuned in to the RELATIVE POSITION of their group as opposed to the overall position

^preserves inequality

explicit racial attitudes, SDO and political affiliations didn’t predict decisions

potential explanation: maybe people are fine with inequality as long as they perceive the system as FAIR or MERITOCRATIC

even reframing the situation (by presenting it outcomes jointly and stressing equality) didn’t affect the misperception that one had been harmed by the equality-promoting policy

future ideas: cross-race coalitions and intergroup interactions

facilitating interactions across group boundaries

thinks ‘zero-sum’ (another group’s win means your loss) is super damaging - a lot to explore there

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4
Q

Sa-Kiera Hudson

A

research Qs: the formation, maintenance and intersection of social hierarchies

SDO in relation to hierarchies

SDO measures extent to which people accept/promote group based inequality

power is in everything, and people have different ideas about how they think power should work

we are fine with some groups being on top as long as we can justify it

ie. meritocracy is hierarchical, but most people say it’s better than monarchy

SDO can predict who likes one structure over another, it helps us understand people’s reasoning as to who should be on top and why this is justifiable in their minds

scale is right-skewed, most people highly disagree with the items

those who highly disagree are part of 2 groups
a. actual believers in equality
b. people who think they’re supposed to/have been conditioned to

the one time they got a normal distribution of SDO scores - when measuring Trump supporters

so developing an implicit SDO scale would revolutionize the field

SDO can predict all sorts of things

people high in SDO have increased schadenfreude when viewing other people suffer and decreased positivity when viewing others experience good things

true for all groups, but ENHANCED when groups are DIFFERENT (ie. from diff racial group)

lack of empathy at all? decreased empathy towards outgroups?

studies suggests people high in SDO can feel empathy

so lack of empathy is MOTIVATED, towards lower-status or outgroups

high SDO can actually POSITIVELY PREDICT EMPATHY towards high status groups

same relationship between SDO and empathy when looking at cross-race dynamics between MARGINALIZED groups?

messy results because there are 2 forces at work when you’re a low status person high in SDO

a. high SDO supports hierarchy
b. but complicated by your own low status

may be important differences in role of hierarchy 1) when hierarchies are ALREADY FORMED and 2) when they’re FORMING

high SDO prob means that when hierarchies are forming, you will be motivated to do things that support the formation

but race relations in US are already formed - so it’s more about maintenance

BUT race relations are changing, so may be moving towards hierarchy re-formation

future directions: INTERSECTIONALITY of identities (race, gender, sexual orientation)

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5
Q

Chadly Stern

A

political psychologist interested in questions that are socio-cognitive in nature

how does a person’s political belief system shape the way they see the world/engage in day-to-day interactions?

how do LIBERALS and CONSERVATIVES differ in the way they process and use info?

political group membership is very tied to self identity

political beliefs are important organizing principles in everyday lives

conservatives are much more confident in their ability to glean social category membership from someone’s appearance - stereotyping

roles of stereotyping in 2 domains
a. maintaining group hierarchy (SDO)
b. need for structure

conservatives stereotype general trait attributes based on physical characteristics

SDO: if you’re committed to upholding hierarchy, you’ll attribute negative stereotypes to low status people and positive stereotypes to high status people

if you want to oppress marginalized groups, you individuate people you encounter to find out who is an ingroup/outgroup member BASED ON THEIR APPEARANCE

need for structure: need organized, simple, structured, predictable world

doesn’t mean you feel super negative about certain groups, but have a need to place people in boxes

ie. gender reveal parties - attempt to organize ideas about a child’s future

people high in need for structure endorse stereotypes even if they don’t feel negatively about the group

cognitively efficient to make group judgments based on physical characteristics, even if you’re egalitarian

DISCOMFORT OVER A FALSE POSITIVE: when people categorize, have bias to not include someone in the ingroup unless they’re VERY SURE they’re part of the ingroup

people will categorize someone as Black if there’s even a hint of evidence that they might not be White

because of CONCERN FOR PRESERVING YOUR GROUP’S RESOURCES (don’t want to accidentally give to outgroup)

liberals include more identities within groups that conservatives do (recognize broader, more nuanced identities)

STRAIGHT CATEGORIZATION BIAS: people hesitate to categorize people as gay because of stigma associated with this identity

thinks that liberal/conservative distinction applies UNIVERSALLY and ACROSS TIME - it’s just the labels that change and measurements will need adjusting

CONSERVATIVE: sensitive, reactive, traditional, opposed to change

LIBERAL: support for novel change

future directions: psychological motivations over what liberals do

we usually focus on why conservatives act the way they do, know less about what drives liberals in everyday interactions

ie. reframe to “liberals are less likely to frame categories based on physical appearances” - so what are they doing instead to make inferences?

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6
Q

Kate Ratliff

A

how can we most effectively teach people about implicit bias?

keep defensiveness low while simultaneously making people feel accountable

exec director of Project Implicit for 5 years

she hopes people get what out of the IAT?

a. hopes people learn about implicit bias
b. understand that good (egalitarian, fair-minded) people carry biases of their society with them

biggest misconception she’d like to clear up regarding the IAT: that it measures something inaccessible/unconscious

she doesn’t use phrase ‘unconscious bias’ because there’s evidence that people do have a sense of the biases that they carry

role of IAT in prejudice/discrimination?
one of EDUCATION

people take IAT and realize they hold biases

“does the IAT predict behaviour?” - she isn’t sure

and she’s not sure this question matters - it’s clear that stereotypes impact behaviour and we don’t need the IAT to prove that

defensive responses to the IAT - some people derogate the IAT as non-scientific

people usually score a 2.5/4 out of defensiveness

higher in defensiveness if their results conflict with self-report

trait-reactance: some people are generally more defensive

strategies to lower defensiveness? framing implicit bias as a cultural phenomenon (not an individual one) doesn’t seem to make a huge difference

future: using IAT on a geographical scale, GEOLOCATING bias

geolocating bias is important for our understanding of implicit biases as an individual vs cultural phenomenon

where do subtle biases fit into broader pictures of structural/systemic racism?

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7
Q

David Schindler

A

paper “shocking racial attitudes” about WW2 Black troop placement

long-lasting correlations between placement of Black troops in WW2 and current prejudice/racial attitudes

weaving together of historical and modern day data (archival analysis)

what about these interactions allowed prejudice to be changed?

a. friendly

b. joint cause - common goal and enemy

c. support from authorities (UK and US govs)

d. equal status? no Jim Crow laws in UK, also the UK was poorer than US at the time and some locals had neg attitudes towards White US soldiers - maybe this boosted perceptions of Black soldiers?

OUTCOMES measured:

a. explicit identification with modern-day far right party with racist views

b. IAT

FINDINGS:

similar prejudice reduction correlated with both implicit and explicit measures - why do these two very different types of outcomes have similar results?

probably because they’re part of the same phenomenon

inter-generational transmission: parents’ beliefs pass onto children

neighbourhood sorting: internal migration patterns, those who are more prejudiced move out of areas that are becoming more diverse (but he doesn’t really think this is at work in this paper)

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8
Q

Linda Zhou

A

how do sociocultural changes to racial landscape (immigration, diversity) influence how people from different racial/ethnic groups relate to each other?

developed the racial position model

she noticed a gap in literature for intra-minority relations

theory is interestingly narrow: US and race specific

doesn’t think these dimensions apply only in America - apply also in other Western Nations, maybe with regards to religion (Jewish, Islamic)

certain historical conditions are needed for them to emerge:

a. history of exclusionary immigration policy
b. one dominant group

when breaking groups down by gender, patterns didn’t change much

for higher status groups (Whites and Asians) men were seen as above women

but for LOWER STATUS GROUPS (African American, Latinx) men and women are seen the same in terms of status level

why: because of DOUBLE JEOPARDY

racial minority women are seen as lower status but racial minority men experience more discrimination - maybe these two forces wash each other out

will relative positions of groups change over time? she thinks it’s possible, they have in the past

current model application: how these dimensions play out in LABOUR MARKET DISCRIMINATION

maybe jobs with high status are more likely to be mapped onto Asian applicants? and jobs with American status more mapped onto African American applicants?

how acceptable do people feel about discriminating against certain groups based on inferiority versus foreignness dimensions?

everyone knows you can’t use “inferiority” to justify choosing a candidate, but what about perceived foreignness - is this seen as more acceptable?

future: work on INTRA-MINORITY relations

especially as diversity increases and there’s more and more contact between minorities

ie. how do non-Black minorities interact with Black Americans?

more work on “White identity” - is the idea of who counts as White changing?

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9
Q

Gordon Moskowitz

A

how do we mitigate/reduce stereotyping and prejudice?

implicit stereotype control: some people chronically work to deactivate stereotypes

dispositional mindset can be activated where one works unconsciously to make sure stereotypes aren’t activated in the first place

chronic egalitarians: people who automatically and always work to not use stereotypes

^very rare, only 5% of people

maybe through practice you can become one

so few people are chronically egalitarian but most people self report very high on motivation to be egalitarian

reason for discrepancy: because bar is high for chronic egalitarianism and it relies on OPEN REPORT of hopes for future

they have to include egalitarianism as a hope, without being prompted

whereas modern racism scale explicitly asks if you have goals to not appear prejudiced/to be egalitarian

difference between saying you value something and having a strong commitment to it

self report like motivation to control prejudice doesn’t work for assessing chronic egalitarianism

counter-stereotype training, perspective-taking, implementation intentions

future directions: applying the science to solve real world problems

work in health domain (health, gender, race-based disparities)

interventions

subtleties of racism and sexism

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10
Q

Nour Kteily

A
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11
Q

Selin Gulgoz

A
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12
Q

Jeffrey Hunger

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13
Q

Sohad Murrar

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14
Q

Laura Richman

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15
Q

Kim Chaney

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16
Q

Michael Pasek

A
17
Q

Shannon Brady

A
18
Q

Frances Aboud

A

focus: prejudice in children

storybook intervention - attempt to reduce racial bias in kids

previously had been accepted that kids learn to be prejudiced as they age, but little research to support this

she noticed that:
a. children’s prejudice didn’t seem to follow gradual learning curve

b. children’s attitudes don’t correlate much with their parents’

prejudice is low at 3 years old, increases from 2-7, decreases a bit around 8 as they’re able to consider more internal qualities

changing attitudes in kids is about PERSPECTIVE TAKING and RECONCILIATION SKILLS

you can’t just transfer adult study methods to kids - they have different cognitive tools

are norms (and their affects of attitudes/prejudice expression) relevant to kids?

yes. kids thought story readers were biased - they held the norm that Wh people dislike Bl people

behaviours and attitudes are inconsistent in the young years: kids will play with racial outgroup members easily, yet say negative things about them when asked

most effective intervention: CROSS-RACE FRIEND

kids may not have the cognitive toolkit to generalize from a story that paints Bl people positively

but having a Black friend lays down positive foundation early on

so that WHEN the cognitive toolkit is stocked it will generalize to this friend

she was disappointed because kids weren’t interested in racial outgroups - they choose their ingroup in most cases

future directions:

a. explicit and implicit measures in children

b. brain recordings in younger years
(how does exposure to a racial group influence brain development during this flexible time?)

c. interventions to reduce prejudice in young age groups

19
Q

Mina Cikara

A

neuroscience perspective on intergroup relations

study that measured higher DLPFC activation in cross-race, stereotype-relevant trials

research Qs:
how people’s thoughts, feelings, behaviours change when people go from thinking about me and you (individual level) to us and them (group level)

when people start thinking using US and THEM, it changes their EMPATHY, ATTRIBUTIONS, conceptions of others as human

neuroscience gets at things that self-report can’t reach

accumulated wisdom of entire neuroscience field - would be irresponsible to not integrate all this into our theories

micro-approach: breaking large intergroup processes down into very specific decisions/judgments

there’s a heavy emphasis on category membership in this field - but using categories as ways of predicting social behaviour can be fickle because what identity is active for a person depends on what room they’re walking into

target similarity/group formation study

ie. presence of 3rd person in room can change how you feel about 2nd person as a function of how similar they are to you

we don’t only compute similarity, we also pay attention to larger social structures in the room

she thinks current approaches don’t make quantitative claims about WHICH ASPECTS OF IDENTITY will be made most salient/motivationally pertinent in a given setting

she doesn’t think that categories don’t matter - they certainly do

it’s that categories aren’t doing the work - the YEARS OF SUBJUGATION are doing the work

advice: learn by doing

future directions:

understanding how shifting demographics will impact way that intergroup relations unfolds in next few decades

social-structural learning approach shows that how you feel about an agent/group depends on whose around

how people’s expectations of shifting demographics are changing their political preferences/who they see as allies

how do new groups arriving on the scene change your ideas of old outgroups?

20
Q

Carolyn Parkinson

A

how do people understand the patterns of social relationships around them?

what neural machinery facilitates our ability to do this?

what downstream consequences does our knowledge of social relationships have on how we think, feel, behave?

we spend tons of our lives interacting with others and engaging in relationships, but we don’t know much about how this occurs mechanistically

unique things you can get from SNA:
a. popularity
b. avoids systemic biases in perceptions of social networks

we tend to estimate that social networks are more isolated (clumpy and segregated) than they really are

we often don’t explicitly recognize that we take into account twice or three-times removed relationships

but influences on behaviour/cognition/affect usually extend 3 nodes out

SNA extended to Robbers Cave

would first expect 2 very segregated networks

then with contact, edges slowly form

new networks would emerge, with different compositions to the original ones

importance of targeting people who are central in networks for interventions:

a. have more interactions - more effective dispersion

b. others pay more attention to certain people because they see them as more representative of group norms

exciting SNA applications: integrating individual cognition and social networks that people inhabit

evidence that people are consistent in their social positions across networks

socio-behavioural tendencies that aren’t captured by other methods, but that shape construction of people’s social worlds

future directions:

overcoming logistical challenge - to study people’s social network positions, you must rely on their own reports and what people around them say

makes this research well-suited to a pretty limited number of situations (classroom or school)

finding ways to capture people’s social footprints so that we can broaden this research, and look at it in more representative contexts

21
Q

Molly Lewis

A

distributional language analysis

study that found that higher gender-career stereotype associations in language of certain countries maps onto the gender-career IAT scores of that country

developmental psychology by training

interested in understanding how word meanings are learned and how these processes change with different scales of analysis (time period, individual/group)

language in the social landscape

using text as measure for implicit associations and stereotypes

distributional semantics: looking at distribution of word co-occurrences across a corpus of text

using co-occurrence to estimate strength of stereotypes

causal direction: does language create or reflect stereotypes?

both

more important direction: is there a causal arrow from language to stereotypes/cognitive reps?

yes, but how strong is this effect?

similar results across Wikipedia and Subtitles - kinda surprising because wouldn’t you assume that Wikipedia is more objective than the media?

children books have even stronger stereotypes - concerning, maybe this is because storybooks have less nuance?

could use Alexa and Siri data - any linguistic input type can be used in these models

esp interesting because likely that spontaneous, spoken speech has more bias in it that written text does

future directions:

smaller corpora

trying to get at causality is hard in correlational studies - so maybe manipulating people’s language statistics?

hypothetical dream study: randomly assign kids to schools with diff curricula (one high on stereotypes)

training on linguistic input from teachers/peers

interdisciplinary

advice for interdisciplinary research: be willing to abstract away from the nitty gritty, look big picture

more future directions:

a. CAUSALITY: role language is playing in shaping biases

(does text source matter, is this a low or high level mechanism?)

b. measuring stereotypes in a BOTTOM-UP way

(going into text with no prior ideas og what stereotypes are in it and getting the model to extract them)