internal factors influencing social class differences in achievement Flashcards

1
Q

what are internal factors and processes affecting pupils in school?

A
  • labelling
  • self-fulfilling prophecy
  • pupil subcultures
  • interaction between class identity and school values
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2
Q

what is labelling in education?

A
  • attaching a meaning or definition to someone
  • teachers may label pupils as bright or thick
  • labels can include troublemaker or hardworking
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3
Q

how do interactionists view labelling in schools?

A
  • teachers label based on class stereotypes, not actual ability
  • working-class pupils often labelled negatively
  • middle-class pupils often labelled positively
  • interactionist sociologists study face-to-face interactions
  • focus on how labels are given and their effects on pupils
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4
Q

what did becker (1971) find about labelling?

A
  • interactionist study based on teacher interviews
  • 60 chicago high school teachers interviewed
  • found teachers judged pupils by how close they were to the ‘ideal pupil’
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5
Q

what influenced teachers’ judgements in becker’s study?

A
  • pupils’ work, conduct and appearance
  • middle-class pupils seen as closest to the ideal pupil
  • working-class pupils seen as furthest from ideal
  • working-class pupils regarded as badly behaved
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6
Q

how do notions of the ideal pupil vary by school?

A
  • hempel-jorgensen (2009) study of two english primary schools
  • aspen (working-class): ideal pupil = quiet, passive, obedient
  • behaviour more important than ability
  • rowan (middle-class): ideal pupil = personality and academic ability
  • fewer discipline issues, focus on ability over behaviour
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7
Q

how do dunne and gazeley (2008) explain working-class underachievement? (labelling in secondary schools)

A
  • teachers’ labels and assumptions cause persistent w/c underachievement
  • based on interviews in 9 english state secondary schools
  • found that teachers normalised w/c underachievement, felt little responsibility
  • believed m/c underachievement could be overcome
  • blamed home background:
  • w/c parents seen as uninterested
  • m/c parents seen as supportive
  • led to class differences in support:
  • m/c pupils given extension work
  • w/c pupils entered for easier exams
  • w/c potential underestimated, success seen as overachievement
  • concluded teachers’ actions constructed class differences in attainment
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8
Q

what did ray rist (1970) find about labelling in a kindergarten?

A
  • labelling starts early in a child’s education
  • teacher used their home background and appearance to group children
  • ‘tigers’: middle-class, neat and clean, seated near the teacher, given greatest encouragement
  • ‘cardinals’ and ‘clowns’: mostly working-class, seated further away, given lower-level books and fewer opportunities to show abilities
  • group reading instead of individual reading for working-class pupils
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9
Q

what is a self-fulfilling prophecy in education?

A
  • prediction that comes true due to the label made
  • step 1: teacher labels a pupil (e.g. as intelligent) and predicts academic success
  • step 2: teacher treats pupil based on prediction (e.g. more attention, higher expectations)
  • step 3: pupil internalises the expectation, becomes more confident, tries harder, and succeeds
  • the prediction is fulfilled due to the label and treatment
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10
Q

what did rosenthal and jacobson (1968) find in their study of oak community school?

A
  • study at oak community school (california primary school)
  • told the school about a new test to identify ‘spurters’ (pupils who would excel)
  • the test was actually just a standard IQ test, but teachers believed the claim
  • 20% of pupils were randomly selected and labelled as ‘spurters’
  • after a year, 47% of spurters made significant progress
  • greater effect on younger pupils
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11
Q

what did rosenthal and jacobson suggest about teachers’ beliefs and the self-fulfilling prophecy?

A
  • teachers’ beliefs about pupils were influenced by supposed test results
  • teachers conveyed these beliefs through body language, attention, and encouragement
  • this demonstrates the self-fulfilling prophecy
  • by accepting the prediction, teachers helped bring about the expected outcome
  • random selection of pupils shows that teachers’ beliefs can shape pupils’ development
  • illustrates the interactionist principle: beliefs can have real effects, even if not originally true
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12
Q

how can the self-fulfilling prophecy lead to under-achievement?

A
  • teachers with low expectations may communicate these to pupils
  • pupils develop a negative self-concept
  • they may see themselves as failures and give up trying
  • this leads to under-achievement, fulfilling the original negative prophecy
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13
Q

how does streaming contribute to the self-fulfilling prophecy and under-achievement?

A
  • streaming separates children into different ability groups, each taught separately
  • teachers often have low expectations for **working-class pupils*, seeing them as lacking ability
  • working-class pupils are more likely to be placed in lower streams
  • once streamed, it’s difficult to move up to a higher stream
  • children in lower streams may feel written off as no-hopers
  • this creates a self-fulfilling prophecy where pupils underachieve to meet low expectations
  • douglas found that children in lower streams had a decline in IQ from age 8 to 11
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14
Q

how do middle-class pupils benefit from streaming?

A
  • middle-class pupils are more likely to be placed in higher streams
  • teachers see them as ideal pupils, leading to higher expectations
  • they develop a more positive self-concept, gain confidence, and work harder
  • this results in improved grades
  • douglas found that children in higher streams had an improved IQ from age 8 to 11
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15
Q

what did gillborn and youdell (2001) find about streaming and class?

A
  • study of two london secondary schools
  • teachers use stereotypical notions of ability to stream pupils
  • teachers are less likely to see working-class (and black) pupils as having ability
  • these pupils are more likely to be placed in lower streams and entered for lower-tier GCSEs
  • this denies them the knowledge and opportunity needed to gain good grades
  • results in widening the class gap in achievement
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16
Q

how do gillborn and youdell link streaming to exam league tables?

A
  • link streaming to the policy of publishing exam league tables
  • league tables rank schools based on exam performance (e.g., percentage of pupils gaining five or more GCSEs A* to C)
  • schools need a good league table position to attract pupils and funding
  • creates an ‘A-to-C economy’ in schools
  • schools focus resources on pupils with the potential to get five grade Cs to improve their league table position
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17
Q

what is educational triage (gillborn and youdell)?

A
  • educational triage = sorting pupils based on predicted success
  • inspired by medical triage in disasters or warzones
  • schools sort students into 3 groups:
    • those who will pass anyway – left alone
    • those with potential to get a c or better – given help
    • hopeless cases – given up on, warehoused in bottom sets
  • based on stereotypes of working-class and black pupils as low ability
  • leads to labelling and self-fulfilling prophecy of failure
  • driven by league tables and the a-to-c economy
  • leads to streaming – pupils placed in lower sets with less support
  • results in lower achievement for working-class pupils
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18
Q

how do marketisation policies affect class differences in achievement?

A
  • marketisation policies affect micro level processes in schools
  • policies include exam league tables, which:
    • create competition between schools
    • lead to sorting of pupils based on predicted success
  • class differences in achievement are produced because:
    • schools focus on students with potential for league table success
    • working-class pupils are more likely to be labelled as hopeless cases
    • teacher labelling and stereotyping are influenced by the broader marketisation policies
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19
Q

how do pupil subcultures develop?

A
  • pupil subculture = group of pupils who share similar values and behaviour patterns
  • often emerge as a response to being labelled, particularly as a reaction to streaming
  • explained by Colin Lacey (1970) with:
    • differentiation
    • polarisation
20
Q

what is differentiation and how does it relate to streaming?

A
  • differentiation = teachers categorising pupils based on ability, attitude, and/or behaviour
  • streaming = a form of differentiation, placing pupils into separate classes
  • more able pupils = placed in high streams, given high status
  • less able pupils = placed in low streams, given inferior status
21
Q

what is polarisation in the context of streaming?

A
  • polarisation = pupils respond to streaming by moving towards two opposite extremes
  • Lacey’s study of Hightown boys’ grammar school found:
    • boys were polarised into pro-school and anti-school subcultures
22
Q

pro-school subculture

A
  • pupils in high streams (mainly middle-class) tend to:
    • remain committed to the values of the school
    • gain status through academic success
    • form a pro-school subculture
23
Q

how do pupils in low streams typically respond? (anti-school subcultures)

A
  • pupils in low streams (mainly working-class) often:
    • suffer a loss of self-esteem due to inferior status
    • seek alternative ways of gaining status, often by rejecting school values
    • invert school values like hard work, obedience, and punctuality
    • form an anti-school subculture to gain status among peers, e.g., cheeking teachers, truanting, smoking
24
Q

what are the consequences of joining an anti-school subculture?

A
  • Joining an anti-school subculture may solve the problem of lack of status, but:
    • it creates further problems, reinforcing poor academic performance
    • it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy of educational failure
  • David Hargreaves (1967) found a similar response in secondary modern schools:
    • boys in low streams were triple failures:
      • failed their 11+ exam
      • placed in low streams
      • labelled as “worthless louts”
25
how do pupils in an anti-school subculture gain status?
- Pupils form a **delinquent subculture** where: - **high status** goes to those who **flout the school's rules** - this behaviour helps **guarantee their educational failure**
26
how did Stephen Ball's study challenge the idea of pupil subcultures? (abolishing streaming)
- Ball studied **Beachside comprehensive**, which abolished **banding** (type of streaming) in favour of **mixed-ability groups** - **polarisation** was largely removed, reducing the influence of the **anti-school subculture** - However, **differentiation** continued: - teachers still **labelled middle-class pupils** as **cooperative and able** - **positive labelling** led to **better exam results**, reflecting a **self-fulfilling prophecy** - Ball's study shows **class inequalities** can persist due to **teachers' labelling**, even without subcultures or streaming - After **Education Reform Act** (1988), **streaming** increased and schools began differentiating based on **class, ethnicity, or gender**, leading to **unequal treatment**, as seen in studies like **Gillborn and Youdell** (2001)
27
what other responses to labelling and streaming are possible?
- **Peter Woods** (1979) identified other responses: - **ingratiation**: being the **'teacher's pet'** - **ritualism**: going through the motions and **staying out of trouble** - **retreatism**: **daydreaming** and **mucking about** - **rebellion**: **outright rejection** of everything the school stands for - **John Furlong** (1984) noted pupils may **move between responses**, acting differently with different teachers - the theme of **pupil subcultures** extends to **ethnicity, gender, and class**
28
strength: labelling theory and studies
- most studies examined here are influenced by **labelling theory** - **labelling theory** suggests **underachievement** is due to **negative labelling** and being placed in **lower streams** - This creates a **self-fulfilling prophecy**, where pupils: - join **anti-school subcultures** - these subcultures **guarantee their failure**
29
weakness: interactions within schools
- studies show that **schools are not neutral** or **fair institutions** as cultural deprivation theorists suggest - Instead, **interactions within schools** can **actively create social class inequalities**
30
weakness: determinism
- Labelling theory is accused of **determinism**, assuming labelled pupils will **inevitably fail** and have no choice but to fulfil the prophecy - However, studies like **Mary Fuller's (1984)** show this is not always the case
31
weakness: Marxists
- **Marxists** criticise labelling theory for **ignoring wider structures of power** - Labelling theory blames **teachers** for labelling pupils but fails to explain **why** they do so - **Marxists** argue that labels stem from the fact that **teachers work in a system** that **reproduces class divisions**
32
how do class identities affect educational success and failure?
- sociologists are interested in how **pupils' class identities** formed outside school interact with **school values** - **archer et al** (2010) focus on how **working-class pupils' identities** interact with school and produce **underachievement** - to understand this, they use **bourdieu's** (1984) concept of **habitus**
33
what is habitus and how does it affect education?
- **habitus** refers to **learned, taken-for-granted ways of thinking, being, and acting** shared by a social class - it includes **tastes, preferences, and outlook on life** based on **social class** - **middle-class habitus** is seen as **superior** and imposed on the education system - schools value **middle-class tastes and preferences**, giving **middle-class pupils an advantage** - working-class culture is regarded as **inferior**, linked to **bourdieu's concept of cultural capital**
34
how does habitus create inequality in education?
- schools have a **middle-class habitus**, giving **middle-class pupils symbolic capital** (status and recognition) - **working-class habitus** is **devalued** by the school, with **working-class tastes** seen as **tasteless and worthless** - this **withholding of symbolic capital** is called **symbolic violence** (Bourdieu), which **reproduces class inequality** and keeps lower classes ‘in their place’ - there is a **clash** between **working-class pupils' habitus** and the school's **middle-class habitus** - archer found that working-class pupils may feel that **education is alien and unnatural** to them, and experience **educational success** as a process of **"losing yourself"** - they feel unable to access **middle-class spaces** like **university** or **professional careers**, seeing them as **"not for the likes of us"**
35
how do pupils respond to symbolic violence and create self-worth?
- pupils are aware that **society and school look down on them**, leading to **symbolic violence** - to create **self-worth and status**, they invest in **'styles’** (e.g., branded clothing like **Nike**) - wearing brands like **Nike** was a way of **'being me'**; without them, they felt **inauthentic** - pupils' identities were also **gendered**, with girls adopting a **hyper-heterosexual feminine style** - style performances were **policed by peer groups**; not conforming was seen as **'social suicide'** - the right appearance earned **symbolic capital, peer approval, and protection from bullying**
36
how do pupils' styles conflict with the school's middle-class habitus?
- pupils' **'street' styles** (e.g., Nike) conflict with the school's **middle-class habitus** - teachers view **street styles** as **bad taste** or even a **threat**, labelling pupils as **rebels** - **Archer** argues that the school's middle-class habitus **stigmatises working-class pupils' identities** - for pupils, **'Nike' identities** are a way of gaining **symbolic capital and self-worth**, while the school sees them as **tasteless**
37
why do working-class pupils often reject higher education?
- **seen as unrealistic**: not for **'people like us'**, but for **richer, posher, cleverer people** - pupils felt they would **not fit in** and it was **unaffordable** and **risky** - **seen as undesirable**: did not suit their **lifestyle or habitus** - living on a **student loan** meant not affording the **street styles** that shaped their identity - **archer et al** argue that **'nike identities'**: - contribute to **educational marginalisation** - reflect a **positive preference** for a different way of life - leads to **self-elimination or self-exclusion** from education - pupils **reject education** because it **doesn't fit their identity or lifestyle**
38
does archer's study explain all working-class pupils' experiences?
- archer's study mainly focuses on the link between **working-class identity and educational failure** - however, it recognises that **some working-class pupils do succeed**
39
what did nicola ingram (2009) find about working-class identity and school success?
- studied two groups of **working-class catholic boys** from the same **deprived area** in belfast - one group at **grammar school** (passed 11-plus) - one group at **secondary school** (failed 11-plus) - **grammar school** had a **middle-class habitus** of **high expectations** - **secondary school** had a **low-expectation habitus** - **working-class identity** was tied to **locality, with family, friends, and street culture** shaping their **habitus** (like Archer study) - **branded sportswear** was key to their identity - Ingram notes **conformity** was important in the **working-class community** - grammar school boys felt **tension** between their **working-class neighbourhood** and the **middle-class school habitus**
40
example of Ingram’s study
- example: **callum** wore a **tracksuit** on non-uniform day to fit in with **neighbourhood habitus** - was **ridiculed** by classmates due to the **school's middle-class habitus** - faced a **choice** between feeling **unworthy at school or worthless at home** - this is an example of **symbolic violence**, where pupils must **abandon working-class identity** to succeed - meg **maguire** (1997) said her **working-class cultural capital** meant **nothing** in grammar school
41
how does working-class identity affect access to elite universities?
- more **working-class young people** now go to **university**, but **clash of habitus** still creates barriers - **self-exclusion** is a key factor - sarah **evans** (2009) studied **21 working-class girls** in south london doing a-levels - they were **reluctant to apply** to **elite universities** like oxbridge - those who did apply felt **hidden barriers** and a **sense of not fitting in**
42
why do working-class students often avoid elite universities?
- **bourdieu** (1984) says many working-class people see places like **oxbridge** as **'not for the likes of us'** - this belief comes from their **habitus**, shaping what they see as **possible or realistic** - it becomes part of their **identity** - leads to **self-exclusion** from **elite universities**
43
how does attachment to locality affect working-class students' choices?
- **evans** found working-class girls had a **strong attachment to locality** - only **4 out of 21** planned to **move away** for university - **reay et al** (2005) say this leads to **self-exclusion** from **elite or distant universities**, limiting success - studies by **evans, ingram, and archer** show: - the **middle-class education system devalues** working-class experiences and choices - working-class pupils must choose between **keeping their identity or conforming** to the **middle-class habitus** to succeed
44
the relationship between internal and external factors
- class differences in achievement are shaped by **interrelated internal and external factors** - examples: - **working-class habitus** may **conflict** with school's **middle-class habitus**, causing **symbolic violence** - **restricted speech code** (external) may lead to **teacher labelling** (internal) and **self-fulfilling prophecy** - **teachers' beliefs** (internal) about **home background** (external) can cause **underachievement** (dunne and gazeley) - **poverty** (external) may cause **bullying** (internal), leading to **truanting and failure** - **educational policies and league tables** (external) drive **labelling and streaming** (internal) - **gillborn and youdell**
45
contemporary
- **stereotypes in teacher judgements**: trainee teachers often stereotype pupils with special educational needs, which can lead to biased expectations and influence how students are treated and perform. - **impact of streaming on self-confidence**: being placed in lower ability groups can harm students’ self-esteem and lead to poorer performance, reinforcing the labels given - **teacher expectations affect achievement**: when teachers expect less from certain pupils, those students may perform worse due to internalising those expectations—fulfilling the original label. - **anti-school subcultures**: pupils labelled as "failures" may form groups that reject school values, leading to lower achievement and reinforcing educational inequality. - **resisting negative labels**: some pupils, like the black girls in mary fuller's study, resist negative labels and still achieve academic success, showing labels don’t always determine outcomes.