Historians Flashcards
Pimple on origins of spiritualism
from the traditional Western European and North American folklore of ghosts
3 Reasons for increased popularity of Spiritualism in SPR after 1900 (Asprem)
- Theoretical. Failure of the generally mechanistic theories of telepathy. Lodge and other physicists noticed that the positive studies of telepathy did not seem to respect the inverse square law: telepathic effects did not diminish with distance. This meant that whatever was going on, it could have nthing to do with the fields and waves of physics. In presidential address to the SPR in 1902, Lodge instead opened door to non-physical thoeries, whether in the style of Myers’ ‘subliminal self’ or the disembodied souls of the Spiritualists
- Experimental. Ghostly return of Myers and other first-gen SPR researchers. Cross-correspondence experiments: spirit of Myers spoke through a number of mediums working as far away from each other as Boston, Bombay and Cambridge. The statements were collected at the central offices of the SPR and analyzed through an increasingly esoteric set of hermeneutical strategies. This was persuasive for many in the Society, including some of the most scientifically minded researchers
- Horrors of WW1
Asprem, disenchantment
thesis does not sufficiently acknowledge or account for the plurality of epistemological positions available within post-Enlightenment intellectual culture.
propose to abandon the notion of disenchantment as a sociohistorical process, and instead reconceptualise it as a specific intellectual and cultural problem faced by historical actors. This move may in fact make “disenchantment” more consistent with Weber’s broader methodological project: it prioritises the agency of individuals above the machinations of nebulous structural processes
Asprem, scientific naturalism
a dominant epistemological current at the turn of the century, but it was also a flexible one: self-identifying “naturalists” would define the domain of “nature” in conflicting ways, thus allowing a broad space of possibilities for how to answer the problem of disenchantment. In practice this means that scientists, occultists, and religious spokespersons were able to share a flexible epistemological foundation that allowed them to speculate on questions such as the possibilities and limitations of science and the relation between science and religion in roughly comparable terms.
an “open-ended” understanding of scientific naturalism became the framework for establishing new natural theologies, research programmes focused on “naturalising the supernatural”, and attempts by occultists to recreate their practices in line with “legitimate” science.
Asprem, psychical research and naturalism
British psychical research should furthermore be seen as part of the general movement of Victorian naturalism, but one that challenged the dominant position taken by such demagogues as John Tyndall and T.H. Huxley. Whereas Huxley had launched the concept of “agnosticism” to describe the proper naturalistic attitude towards religion and the various claims related to religion in all its forms, psychical researchers emphasised the empirical dimension of religious claims. To these researchers, the survival of the soul after death, for example, was a strictly empirical question that could be investigated through scientific experiments with spiritualist mediums, and through the study of apparitions and so-called “veridical hallucinations”.18 Furthermore, one believed that knowledge of the soul’s qualities and potentials, far beyond that of normal physical existence, could be achieved through the study of such “supernormal” faculties as telepathy and clairvoyance, vindicating a minimum of “spirituality” on which a “scientific religion” could be based
Asprem, open-ended naturalism
This position was based on anti-agnosticism, and, implicitly, antiKantianism. In order to defend such a view, however, it was also necessary to rethink the category of the “supernatural” itself. The supernatural seemed to suggest either a contrariety to nature and natural law, or a complete ontological breach from it; on these grounds it signified something which, even if it did exist, would be impossible to study in a satisfactorily fashion from the position of natural science. Myers’ solution to this problem was to dispense of the term supernatural altogether, proposing the term “supernormal” instead.
As he explained: The word supernatural is open to grave objections; it assumes that there is something outside nature, and it has become associated with arbitrary interference with law. Now there is no reason to suppose that the psychical phenomena with which we deal are less a part of nature, or less subject to fixed and definite law, than any other phenomena.34
By emphasising that nature was changing, and claiming to be studying the cutting edge of that evolutionary movement, Myers would remain a naturalist while allowing for a broader range of phenomena to be taken seriously as part of (emerging) nature
Asprem, main difference between a Huxley and a Myers
comes down to how they do the weighing, and what they consider, prima facie, to be plausible entities to find in nature. Whereas the agnostic would call for a patient suspension of judgement concerning extraordinary phenomena that appear unexplained, the psychical researchers were not afraid to start theorising and hypothesising on the assumption that things are, more or less, what they appear to be. They were also less concerned with restricting explanations to wellunderstood mechanisms, such as psychopathology, hallucination, or perceptual illusion. When Myers wrote that the supernormal comprised any ‘faculty or phenomenon which goes beyond the level of ordinary experience, in the direction of evolution, or as pertaining to a transcendental world’, he in fact opened the door for an entirely new order of explanations.
Asprem, battle against agnosticism
has remained a recurring theme for psychical researchers, particularly through their defence of a radical and extended form of empiricism against any a priori distinctions and epistemological arguments that would threaten the field as a whole
Quite contrary to the transcendental critical philosophy of Kant and his followers, the question of where the boundaries of natural knowledge are to be drawn is itself an empirical matter, to be settled through scientific trial and error. In fact, this was the only truly scientific and truly empirical manner of proceeding
Asprem, 3 types of naturalisation in psychical research
- Spiritualism.“spirit hypothesis” of mediumism, construed here as a naturalising approach that allows for the existence and activity of disembodied spirits within nature.
- Animism. Denotes a strategy that seeks the origin of psychical phenomena in the organism of human beings – whether through the use of extraordinary faculty by especially “gifted” persons, or through spontaneous cases in ordinary people
- Reductionism.
Positive Reductionism: considers most of the cases of psychical research to be genuine, but proceeds by suggesting specific lower-level mechanism at work behind the phenomena. The classic example of positive reductionism in this sense is the brain-wave hypothesis of telepathy.
Negative Reductionism:
reducing away the phenomena entirely. This naturalistic strategy would explain the phenomena as illusory, holding that they are really the result of some other and well-known phenomenon, such as trickery, illusion, hallucination, psychopathology, psychological bias, or a combination of such factors. This latter form of reductionism was the official naturalist line, and the line of Huxley’s agnosticism
As a rule, the field moved away from the spiritualist hypothesis, and has generally centred on forms of animism during the period that concerns us the most
Asprem, stage magic and professionalization
hardly coincidental that the stage magicians involved themselves in this quarrel with spiritualism at the same time as their trade was going through a phase of professionalization, attempting to heighten the prestige of this traditionally “low-culture” practice
Jean Eugène Robert-Houdin (1805–1871), was involved with the debunking of modern mediums and “traditional” miracle workers – including a famous exposé of Sufi marabouts in Algeria.54 In Britain, the high profile stage magician John Neville Maskelyne (1839–1917) was well known for debunking mediums, publishing a book exposing the main conjuring tricks used in spiritualist performances in 1876.55 In the early 20th century, Harry Houdini (Erik Weisz, 1874–1926) famously made a career out of debunking spiritualists in America, with much publicity and to the irritation of certain spiritualist-friendly psychical researchers.56 His exposé of the Boston medium “Margery” (Mina Crandon, 1888–1941) in 1924 was particularly devastating, since the SPR had invested much prestige in this particular case
Asprem, enchantment
It is particularly in the meeting between the negative reductionist strategy and the other purportedly naturalised explanations of psychic phenomena that psychical research became a veritable battle over the boundaries of natural knowledge.
It was here, moreover, that the boundary between enchantment and disenchantment was truly drawn
Psychical research, in short, meant a refusal to do natural philosophy along the disenchanted lines of Kantian epistemology. The call for a naturalisation of the supernatural is in this sense also a naturalisation of the problem of disenchantment itself: the very borders that were thought to separate this world from higher worlds were themselves opened up for scientific investigation
boundaries of knowledge cannot be drawn a priori
Asprem, one inherent danger in SPR’s approach
while it seemed to Myers and the psychical researchers that no religious options in the modern world could overlook and ignore the authority of science, the fearless call for empiricism also led to an open confrontation with contrary evidence. Breaching the border between science and religion means that religious claims must be open for disconfirmation in the exact same way as any other claim not graced with the cloak of sanctity and thus left untouchable.
A close dialogue with the empirical sciences was necessary if anything of the sort was to be established in the first place, but this manoeuvre simultaneously left a flank wide open for well-prepared attacks. The very philosophical assumptions that were necessary for the project to get started contained within themselves the seeds of its future antagonisms.
Asprem, three generations of psychical research
he founding first generation (active ca. 1870 to 1900), the second generation (ca. 1900-1930), and the third generation (ca. 1930-1960s).
SPR generational shift (Asprem)
new generation tended to open up old avenues that their forebears had already closed, w good reason and after due consideration, as being unproductive and riddled with methodological dangers.
Thus, Spiritualist hypothesis made its return, and verified fraudsters such as Palladino found new support among an enthusiastic younger generation
the status of the field was changing from that of a late-Victorian gentlemanly intellectual pursuit, to a topic of broad popular appeal.
Chasm growing between ‘scientific’ wing and ‘spiritualist’ wing
Psychical research between 1900 and 1930 was characterised by conceptual, theoretical, and methodological fragmentation
second-generation psychical research can be characterised as a “preparadigmatic science”, and the researchers involved in it as a generation of would-be scientists in search of a paradigm. With “paradigm” I am thinking of the most specific of the many senses in which the term has been used since the publication of Thomas Kuhn’s Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962), namely, as a “shared example” from which scientists in a given discipline are able to perform “normal science” in accordance with specific standards of rationality that are encoded in a common “practice” rather than “laws”.
Lack of a unifying exemplum
Qualitative vs quantitative (Asprem)
qualitative approaches focus on the close study of single cases, evaluating the minutia of a séance, or the details of a given “anomaly”. By contrast, quantitative approaches are concerned with statistical relationships, probabilities, and the design of repeatable experiments. As we shall see later, quantitative and qualitative approaches to psychical phenomena were typically separated by different explanatory hypotheses as well: for example, the spiritualist and animist strategies that we discussed in the previous chapter were usually (although not exclusively) connected to qualitative research practices, while the “positive” reductionist ones proved more compatible with quantitative methods
The SPR in England and the United States, the IMI in France, and the Munich laboratory of Schrenck-Notzing in Germany were all situated in a theoretical field that oscillated between spiritualism and animism.
their methods remained qualitative: knowledge was to be built on a careful assessment of specifically chosen extraordinary events, conducted on a case-to-case basis.
Reappreciation of the spiritualist hypothesis within SPR (Asprem)
already noticeable among psychical researchers in the decades before the Great War. For example, Oliver Lodge had started considering it seriously already in his presidential address to the SPR in 1902, and was followed by William Barrett’s address two year later.25 In his 1908 Immortality of the Soul, which mostly addressed the compatibility of science and Christian notions of the soul, Lodge enlisted the seeming ability of some mediums to ‘respond to a psychical agency apparently related to the surviving portion of intelligences now discarnate’ as part of a case in favour of immortality.26 The year after, in 1909, he published a broader survey of psychical research with the suggestive title The Survival of Man. In the concluding section of this book Lodge, made it clear that he thought it ‘the best working hypothesis at the present time … to grant that lucid moments of intercourse with deceased persons may in the best cases supervene’
Changed psychology/ wider science - specialisation (Asprem)
Experimentalism was becoming more refined, and the requirements for producing valid knowledge in the human and social sciences were getting more difficult for the amateur to meet. Above all, this reflects the fact that the academic discipline of psychology had become well-established by the 1920s, and characterised by extensive and sophisticated methodological debates that amateurs could not be expected to keep up with.
It was, in other words, quite a different situation from the one in which psychical research had first been defined.
. Through the early decades of the 20th century it became increasingly clear that such a science had to play by the rules of quantity. To be taken seriously in a scientific context, studies of psychic phenomena had to go through experimental control, randomisation, statistics and probabilities. Anything personal, situated, and subjective had to be removed – that was the only way from unreliable “anecdotes” to reliable “data”. However, while science was a quantitative endeavour, psychic experiences appeared to be of a qualitative nature. As studies piled up, it became hard to avoid the conclusion that whatever else they might be, “psychic phenomena” were of an essentially subjective character
Boundary-Work and the Demarcation of Science from Non-Science
Gieryn,
the successful professionaliser must differentiate his or her field from
competitors and answer to possible critics
Asprem, SPR and boundary-work
the SPR was originally quite successful because it managed to keep firm boundaries against “unscientific” spiritualists, and build a very significant network of members and allies in fields ranging from the sciences to politics
fragmentation that followed in the second generation can thus be conceptualised as a collapse of the SPR’s boundary-work with the influx of spiritualism, and a partial collapse of its network, with the death of the influential founders
Parapsychology (Asprem)
In the early 1930s the young psychology department at Duke University, North Carolina, would be home of a new set of experimental trials, conducted mainly by Joseph Banks Rhine (1895–1980), a botanist who had turned his interest to psychical phenomena a few years earlier
my argument is that McDougall finally succeeded, both in erecting strong boundaries against competitors and other threats to the field’s legitimacy, and in networking the field to a number of highly relevant social, political, and scientific concerns.
Media coverage of the unusual research at Duke peaked around 1937/1938, when Rhine published his popularising account New Frontiers of the Mind. The book defended McDougall’s anti-mechanistic, vitalistic conception of the human mind based on new parapsychological evidence.
It was successfully marketed, appearing as a Book-of-the-Month-Club selection, and even given commercial radio attention by the Zenith Radio Corporation. For a whole year they broadcasted weekly ESP-“tests”, often featuring Rhine himself in the studio. Zener-cards were now commercially produced and sold – appearing with a J. B. Rhine copyright
Against the new geopolitical and ideological threats of the emerging Cold War, Rhine was opportunistic enough to brand parapsychology as a defence of voluntarism, and the “correct” political view of American liberalism.1
Parapsychology was now sold to laymen, government, and would-be private financiers as a cure for America’s “spiritual ailments” and as a battle station against the impending dangers of materialism and communism
Parapsychology was even conscripted for military purposes, with the Star Gate programme, begun in 1972, as the most significant example.103 This government-funded research programme into applications of parapsychology for military intelligence was only disbanded as late as 1995, after the CIA assumed control and judged the project to have been a complete waste of tax money
it was the mobilisation of anti-disenchantment discourses that in the end made it possible for parapsychology to emerge as a professional discipline. It was on the basis of this network of discourses that McDougall was headhunted by the president of Duke University. Furthermore, it was only after discovering Bergson’s vitalism that the Rhines discovered psychical research and followed McDougall’s pleas for a scientific and university-backed research programme. While it is often assumed that the modern academy has built its very identity on a “disenchanted” outlook, the professionalisation of parapsychology suggests that things may have been a little more complicated
Badash, popularity of science
Reasons for popular interest in science (example of radioactivity):
- useful applications
- glamour. ‘radium craze’. early 20th C, radium roulette became the rage in New York. Roulette wheel was washed with a radium solution, such that it glowed brightly in the darkness. “Amid ghastly silence” an unseen hand cast the ball on the turning wheel and sparks marked its course as it bounded from pocket to glimmering pocket
- real scientific significance
- scientists’ concern w impact radioactivity might have upon own specialties
Barton, professionalisation of science
categorization as professional/amateur was not particularly important to Victorian men of science
- the increasing number of jobs requiring scientific knowledge and skills
- the demands for greater recognition through more and better paid positions, more money for research, and more respect for expert knowledge
- the rise of specialized training and qualifications
- the decline of a leisured
class
‘man of science = most common label, followed by ‘cultivators of science’
Men of science were characterized by the quality of their reasoning, the reliability of their judgement, their patience, constant labour, and public-spiritedness
Men of science used the label ‘professional’ in two distinct ways in the mid-Victorian period: first, to refer to members of the traditional learned professions and, second, to refer to those who earned an income in a scientific occupation. In the latter sense ‘professionals’ were contrasted with ‘amateurs’ who pursued science as private persons in their ‘spare hours’, but both ‘professionals’ and ‘amateurs’ were part of the scientific community and there was no systematic association of amateurs with inferior work and lesser status.
I have found few clear references to science as a profession.
common perception, for professors, medical men, and government officials, of leisure time foregone in the pursuit of science needs
Thus, the mid-Victorian scientific community was much broader than the identifiable “professional Scientifics”. It included “mere amateurs” and “really scientific” amateurs, men of business and “professional men” who “devoted” their spare hours to botany or astronomy or, like Spottiswoode, to mathematics and physics
subtle but significant shift in the way achievements were evaluated. Under Rosse
and Wrottesley the medal citations emphasized the moral and intellectual character of the recipient.
When referring to the qualities of the person rather-than the work, the labels ‘cultivator’, ‘votary’, ‘scientific’ man, ‘worker’ and ‘philosopher’ were more evocative than ‘physicist’ or ‘palaeontologist’.
Twenty years later, when Hooker himself was President, the medal citations focused more often on the importance of the results achieved
attacks of Sedgwick on Chambers and Huxley on Lewes are, I now suggest, better interpreted as about hierarchy within the scientific community, rather than as about maintaining a boundary between professional experts and amateur dabblers
Science was a meritocracy, established not by examinations and degrees (‘Dr’ was more likely to mean a medical degree than a Ph.D.) but by the Fellowship and medals of the Royal Society and other, but lesser, metropolitan scientific societies
theoretical and institutional leaders were
concerned not with excluding the incompetent but with ensuring that everyone knew
their proper place in the enterprise.
even as specialist societies and journals burgeoned, men of science were presenting a unified front
My suggestions are, first, that science was becoming a profession in the occupational sense that more paid positions were becoming available, and that paid professionals were becoming an ever-more visible component of most of the disciplinary groups in the scientific community; secondly, that both amateurs and professionals were claiming greater recognition for science and men of science from government and the public suggests, not only the process of occupational aggrandisement emphasized by Morrell but, perhaps, a more meritocratic value system; thirdly, that in the sense that Victorian parents would have recognized it, neither science nor its specialist disciplines were yet professions, for there was no identifiable path of education and training that could be counted on to lead to an occupation
Braude, Spiritualism and women’s rights
Compatibility of women’s rights and Spiritualism. Not surprising that a reform movement aimed at altering roles and relations of men and women should find allies - sometimes unwelcome - within a religious movement committed to critiquing basic theological principles and religious structures
spirit mediums formed the first large group of American women to speak in public or exercise religious leadership. The book documents existence of 200 or so women whose careers as trance speakers during 1850s and 60s
All Spiritualists advocated woman’s rights. Women = equal to men w/in Spiritualist practice, polity and ideology
Antithetical to institutional religion because it asserted that truth came directly to the individual without mediation by minister. Spiritualists adopted much of their social program from individualistic rhetoric already articulated within the left wing of the movement for the abolition of slavery. Lifted women’s rights out of reform platform as preeminent.
Spiritualist network, including Progressive Friends, assembled large audiences for promoters of radical causes.
Allowed for dissemination of women’s rights ideas beyond the occasional convention devoted to them exclusively. Large convention in Providence, Rhode Island, found that all departments of human improvmeent and practical reform come legitimately within the scope of a broad Spiritualism
Woman’s rights agitators held own conventions during this period but women who led these meetings remained subgroup within abolition movement. Woman’s rights movement essentially ancillary to the abolition movement, so abolitionists set the agenda. During Civil War period, non-Spiritualist woman’s rights advocates abandoned agitation for women.
Spiritualists did not. Continued to pursue the broad woman’s rights agenda of the 1850s, pressing for dress reform, marriage reform, economic rights, all of which disappeared from the postwar suffrage movement.
Spiritualists believed oppression of African Americans and women stemmed from same cause - ownership of souls.
Spiritualism’s national speakers helped spread woman’s rights further than cld the few abolitionist agitators unaided. Illinois, suffrage movement’s official history reported but little agitation for woman’s rights before the Civil War. But an 1860 Spiritualist conference resolved that any abridgement of woman’s rights constituted an unwarrantable assumption of power unbecoming of an enlightened people. Illinois Spiritualist conventions were a hotbed of woman’s rights agitation throughout the early 1860s.
Neglect of Spiritualists in accounts of woman’s rights movement
Spiritualists applauded Mary Davis’s identification of marriage as the root of women’s oppression
Spiritualists asserted woman’s most sacred and important right = right to decide for herself how oft and under what circumstances she shall assume the responsibilities and be subjected to the cares… of maternity
While Spiritualists disagreed about whether marriage was morally salvageable, their agreement on the immortality of marriage as practiced in mid-century America led to the charge that they advocated free love
1850s, surprising array of Spiritualists accepted the label ‘free lover’ without rejecting marriage as an institution
Anne Cridge wanted self-sovereignty, but she also wanted a family and knew by experience that the latter goal might require some compromise of the first. Spiritualists who advocated free love in addition to marriage, rather than as alternative, recognised the potential victimisation of women in the context of sexual freedom
Term free love, no clear definition
Spiritualist free love proponents clearly did not intend to increase men’s sexual access to women or condone sex outside marriage
Spiritualists proposed to free women from cumbersome clothing that restrained limbs and organs, from med theories that encouraged them to view themselves as weak, and from barriers to their participation in the healing professions. Medical men insisting women’s organs made them more prone to disease
Women used skills obtained through Spiritualist movement. While Woodhull scandal rocked local Spiritualist organisations, Mary Davis and trance speaker Charlotte Wilbour were occupied by their roles as vice-president and president of the new organization of literary women, Sorosis. Woman suffrage benefitted more than any other movement from the self-confidence women gained in Spiritualism
Spiritualism fostered another group of female leaders who worked for women’s rights. Radical reformers who distanced themselves from the increasingly conservative suffrage movement
Braude, Spiritualism and gender
Importance of Amy and Isaac Post - Quaker abolitionists - in spreading the initial story of the Fox fam’s spirit rappings. Isaac introduced the technique of reciting the alphabet so the raps could spell words by sounding when the correct letter was reached
As in Rochester, Americans throughout the country found messages from spirits most plausible when delivered through the agency of adolescent girls. Mediums appeared most frequently among the younger female mems of families. Mediumship = closely identified with femininity. Spiritualists used the language of electricity, current in mesmerism and phrenology, to describe the relative positions of men and women in spirit communication. Women were ‘negative’ and men were ‘positive’. Circles should be composed of equal numbers of men and women
trend away from identification of women with the fallen Eve. New concept of ‘true womanhood’ conflicted at several points with orthodox theology. Contribd to the appearance of an image of God as loving parent, solicitous for the welfare of his children, which joined old Puritan image of God of wrath
Death occurred in woman’s sphere. Most ppl died at home in bed, attended by female relatives. Spiritualism provided a way to show love and interest in the dead without submitting to the restrictions on one’s activities that accompanied mourning
Spiritualists’ critique of marriage and Free Love itself were part of the 19th-C elevation of the roles of wife and mother and increased respect for the domestic sphere
Spiritualists and physicians both associated the physical characteristics leading to mediumship with the female body. Spiritualists, however, viewed these characteristics as fostering revelation, while doctors viewed them as pathology. Passivity, susceptibility, impressibleness (American Spiritualist).
Contradictions inherent within Victorian ideas about gender. 19th-C norms portrayed women as both paragons of virtue w moral power to and simultaneously as weak, will-less hysterics in need of protection both from the world and from the pathological tendencies of their own physiology. Spiritualists made virtues out of both stereotypes