Group 2 Flashcards

1
Q

Mills (2003)

A

Focault Power/Knowledge

  • Focault focuses on institutional processes that establish something as fact or knowledge
  • it is not possible for power to be exercised without knowledge, it is impossible for knowledge not to engender power: calls this power/knowledge
  • western colonial imposing western system of classification as they produce information about colonies
  • knowledge always benefiting some group
  • truth is still there, just hard to pull it away from the power it is connected to and see it for itself not part on the power/knowledge complex
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2
Q

Carolan (2009)

A
  • This is not a biodiversity hotspot
  • maps are subjugating reality into a value based representation
  • hotspots inherently devalue other areas, even though low richness wetlands provide high ecosystem services
  • maps make things appear permanent, doesn’t recognize nature in flux
  • species problem, biological, ecological, and phylogenetic ideas of species
  • more transparency of assumptions needed
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3
Q

Myers et al. (2000)

A
  • set up biodiversity hotspots
  • must have a at least 0.5% of the world’s vascular plants as endemics and have lost at least 70% of its original habitat
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4
Q

Wong et al. (2007)

A
  • What is a forest?
  • Mapping and classification of forest leads to reverence of forest in particular value set
  • Royal Forestry Department (descendant of german and british colonial heritage) vegetative classification promotes silvicultural and conservation values, not livelihood usage of local Karen (use succession dynamics, 15 year fallow system)
  • production of fact not neutral, comes from political and social processes
  • classification messy, forests are a changing thing, RFD had to change from forestry to conservation after mudslide event
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5
Q

Lecture: McGough

A
  • CITES
  • scientific authorities that give non detrimental findings or suggest listing, get complicated with politics of trade
  • CoP has final say on listings
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6
Q

Oldfield (2003)

A
  • The trade in wildlife: regulation for conservation
  • focused on charismatic megafauna
  • criticized for no recognizing role of animal trade in rural livelihoods in developing countries
  • Species subject to CITES regulations often continued to decline
  • Some evidence suggests CITES regulations can push trade underground, or reduce return on investment for traders and remove incentive to protect habitat
  • humans tend to try and simplify complex problems, but this can be a dangerous policy
  • thinking regulations are effective can evoke a passive approach
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7
Q

Dongol & Heinen (2012)

A
  • Pitfalls of CITES implementation in Nepal
  • “CITES has been considered the most successful international conservation agreement on legal grounds (Ong 1998), despite voluminous reporting of ineffective implementation and compliance”
  • still many CITES violations in Nepal, including rhinoceros and snow leopard and tiger
  • political flux as Nepal becomes a republic, and increased animal trade demand from China
  • many wardens have little judicial understanding and thus don’t act as the prosecutors they are supposed to be
  • little socio-economic benefit for marginalized locals to participate in enforcement
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8
Q

Ginsburg (2002)

A
  • CITES at 30 or 40
  • frivolous listings detract from real species threatened by trade and hamper zoo genetic and breeding research
  • Many species not listed who are threatened by trade, namely Asian turtles
  • The southern African countries, with the support of consumer nations such as Japan, Korea, and China, argued that trade provided an income to range states so they could protect elephants.
  • showed that countries with strong property-rights systems and community wildlife programs experienced more rapid recovery of elephant populations, whereas those that were politically unstable had slower population growth rates or population declines
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9
Q

Guha (1997)

A
  • The authoritarian biologist and the arrogance of antihumanism
  • ecologically updated version of the white man’s burden
  • conservationist treat everyone as a first worlder in terms of environmental impact, and expect others to make the sacrifices for conservation
  • tribal peoples thrown out of forest in India where they have lived for centuries in order to save 40 tigers, who arguably are in trouble because of poachers and factories, not tribals → in the meanwhile Taj company is invited to build a hotel there
  • Michael Soule scared the language of policy documents has become too humanistic and less ecocentric, and that more managers in international conservation orginizations are economists and lawyers, not biologists
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10
Q

Walker (2005)

A
  • Political Ecology, where is the ecology?
  • incorporating third world culture into globalizing capitalistic economy put greater resources demands on them and interrupts sustainable relationship they had with the local ecology
  • argues that, despite the claims of critics, there is a great deal of research in political ecology that engages biophysical ecology as a central concern.However,as political ecology continues to expand in new directions, the degree to which it is likely to retain or enhance this engagement with ecology appears open to question
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11
Q

Redford (2011)

A
  • Misreading the conservation landscape
  • I have come to understand that conservation is about politics and power, about people and societies and history, about morals and values, and about how people view the world and make decisions—all fields of study in the social sciences
  • Conservation practitioners not just monolithic powers described in literature, humans with human ends and all the foibles and institutional constraints that characterize human endeavors
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12
Q

Lele (2011)

A
  • A response to redford
  • Biodiversity conservation has been somewhat harder to fit into conventional social goals, partly because of the claim of many conservationists, and natural scientists of that bent, that nature has intrinsic value, thereby putting concern for nature on a higher plane than so-called anthropocentric concerns such as poverty and social justice, or even the material value of nature
  • Conservation is a goal to which conservation- ists subscribe. They use generalized knowledge from all relevant academic disciplines, natural and social, plus their own experiential knowledge to decide on particular actions in particular contexts to achieve their particular goal.
  • On the other hand, social scientists are academics, seeking better explanations or narratives of the social world, just as biologists do for the biological world
  • not us biologists and them sociologists working together in an interdisciplinary setting, conservation is a separate thing altogether
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13
Q

Moore (2009)

A
  • Elephant conservation in Namibia
  • To back up their conservation actions donors simplified locals to romantic animal lovers or savage elephant destroyers
  • utilitarian (donors said people need to get some benefit from elephants to save them, negative language) vs. preservationist stance, Namibia took utilitarian
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14
Q

Barua (2011)

A
  • Mobolizing metaphors
  • Keystones were metaphorically linked with balance, flagships with representation and umbrella species with protection, this influenced public interpretation of terminology
  • In other words, when a surrogate rather than an outcome is made a target for the purpose of conducting policy, actions quickly migrate toward maximizing the surrogate independent of outcomes
  • (1) communication is largely biased towards mammals, (2) everyday language plays a vital role in the interpretation of concepts, and (3) metaphors influence peoples’ actions and understanding
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15
Q

Levine (2007)

A
  • staying afloat Zanzibar
  • funding for international conservation shifted from directly funding developing states to privatization and decentralization of natural resource management
  • Zanzibar set up Environmental Management for Sustainable Development Act
  • allows external organizations to be protected area managers with the government as an intermediary in contacting local people → keeps international funds coming
  • allows creation of protected areas when government funds are limited
  • creates situation where government’s struggle to stay relevant is an impediment to conservation/development-creates incentive against community based programs because that takes away power of state
  • States struggling for relevancy
  • Failures often blamed on state corruption, but little focus on how neo-liberal policies have corruption with creation of extra-legal transnational networks
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16
Q

Mosse (2004)

A
  • Is good policy unimplimentable?
  • Focusing on the unfolding activities of a development project over more than ten years as it falls under different policy regimes, this article challenges the assumption that development practice is driven by policy, suggesting that the things that make for ‘good policy’ — policy which legitimizes and mobilizes political support — in reality make it rather unimplementable within its chosen institutions and regions
  • Rural development project in western India
17
Q

Ogra & Badola (2008)

A
  • Compensating human-wildlife conflict in PA areas, India
  • Our results broadly support the findings of other studies which have identified inadequate remuneration, processing delays, and corruption as key problems
  • Wealthier people more likely to apply for compensation
  • Transaction costs in getting to office and obtaining correct documents
  • painted as being charitable for paying for HWC
  • Actually aggravates situation