Ethnic Differnces In Achivement - Internal Factors Flashcards

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1
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Internal factors

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  • according to gillborn and mirza (2000), in one local education authority, black children were the highest achievers on entry to primary school, yet by the time it came to GCSE they had the worst results of any ethnic group - 21 points below average
  • similarly strands (2010) analysis of the entire national cohort 530,000 7-11 yr olds shows how quickly many black children fall behind after starting school. He found that black Caribbean bouts not entitled to FSM, especially the more able pupils, made significantly less progress than their white peers
  • if a group can begin their compulsory schooling and the highest achievers yet finish as the lowest achievers, to can suggest that factors internal to the educational system itself may be playing a major part in producing ethnic differences in achievement. These internal factors include: labelling and teacher racism, pupil identifies and pupil responses and subcultures.
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2
Q
  1. Labelling and teacher racism
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  • to label someone is to attach a meaning or definition to them
  • when looking at ethnic differences in achievement, interactionists focus on the different labels teachers give to children from different ethnic backgrounds. Their studies show that teachers often see black and Asian pupils as being far from the ‘ideal pupil’ e.g black pupils are often seen as distributive and Asians as passive
  • negative labels may lead to teachers to treat ethnic minority pupils differently. This disadvantages them and may result in their failure
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3
Q

Black pupils and discipline - gillborn and youdell

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  • gillborn and youdell (2000) - they found that teachers were quicker to discipline black pupils than others for the same behaviour
  • they argue that it is the result of teachers ‘racialised’ expectations. They found that teachers expected black pupils to present more discipline problems and misinterpreted their behaviour as threatening or as a challenged to authority. When teachers acted on this misperception, the pupils responded negatively and further conflicted resulted.
  • in turn, black pupils felt teachers underestimated their ability and picked on them
  • gilborn and youdell concluded that much of the conflict between white teachers and black pupils stems from the racial stereotypes teachers hold, rather than pupils actual behaviour
  • this may explain the higher level of exclusions from school of black boys
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4
Q

Black pupils and discipline -bourne (1994)

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  • bourne found that schools tend to see black boys as a threat and label them negatively, leading eventually to exclusion. Exclusions affect achievement - only 1 in 5 excluded pupil’s achievement 5 GCSE
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5
Q

Black pupils and discipline - osler (2001)

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  • in addition to higher rates of official exclusions, black pupils appear more likely to suffer from unrecorded unofficial exclusions and from ‘internal exclusions’. Where they are sent out of class. They are also more likely to be placed in pupils referral units that excluded them from access to the mainstream curriculum
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6
Q

Asian pupils

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  • wrights (1992) study of a multi ethnic primary school shows that Asian pupils can also be victims of teacher labelling. She found that despite the schools apparent commitment to equal opportunities, teachers held ethnocentric views: that is, they took for granted that British culture and standard English were superior
  • this affected how they related to Asian pupils. E.g, teachers assumed they would have a poor grasp of English and left them out of class discussion or used simplistic, childish language when speaking to them
  • Asian pupils also felt isolated where teachers expressed disapproval of their customs or mispronounced their na,es
  • in general, teachers saw them not as a threat but as a problem they coukd ignore. The effect was that Asian pupils, especially the girls, were marginalised - pushed to the edged and prevented from participating fully
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7
Q

Black pupils and streaming

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  • gilborn and youdell found that in the ‘a to c economy’, teachers focus on those students who they believed are most likely to achieve grade c at GCSE - ‘educational triage’ or sorting. As a result, negative stereotypes about black pupils ability that some teachers hold means they are more likely to be placed in lower streams or sets
  • similarly foster (1990) found that teachers stereotypes of black pupils as badly could result in them being placed in lower sets than other pupils of similar ability
  • streaming black pupils on the basis of negative stereotypes about their ability or behaviour can result in a self flufiling prophecy of underachievement
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8
Q
  1. Pupil idenities
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  • teachers often define pupils as having stereotypical ethnic identities. According to archer (2008), teachers dominant discourse defines ethnic minority as lacking the favoured identity of the ideal pupils
  • archer describes how the dominant discourse constructs three different pupil identities:
    1. The ideal pupil identity
    2. The pathologised identity
    3. The demonised pupil identity
  • for archer, ethnic minorities pupils likely to be seen as either demonised or pathologised pupils. E.g, from interviews with teachers ans students she shows how black students are demonised as loud, challenging, excessively sexual and with ‘inspirational’ home cultures
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9
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What is the ideal pupil identity?

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  • a white middle class, masculine identity, with a normal sexuality. This is seen as achieving in the ‘right’ way through natural ability and initiative
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10
Q

What is the pathologised pupil identity?

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  • an Asian, ‘deserving poor’, feminised identity, either asexual with an oppressed sexually. Thus pupils is seen as a plodding, conformist and culture bund ‘overachiever’, a slogger who succeeds through hard work rather than natural ability
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11
Q

The demonised pupil identity

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  • a black or white, working class, hyper sexualised identity. This pupil seen as unintelligent, peer led, culturally deprived under achiever
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12
Q

Pupils identities in archers further study

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  • in a further study, archer (2010), found that teachers stereotyped Asian girls as passive and docile
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13
Q

Pupil identities - Shain (2003)

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  • notes when Asian girls challenged this stereotype by misbehaving, they are often dealt with more severely than other pupils
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14
Q

Chinese pupils

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  • archer argues that even those minority pupils who perform successfully can be pathologised. E.g, Chinese students were simmaneously praised and viewed negatively by the teachers.
  • while successful, therefore, Chinese students were seen as having achieved success in the ‘wrong way’ - through hardworking passive conformism rather than natural individual ability. This meant they could never legitimately occupy the identity of the ‘ideal pupil’. Archer and Francis (2007) sum up the teachers view of them as a ‘negative stereotype’
  • teachers stereotyped Chinese families as ‘tight’ and ‘close’ and used this to explain the girls supposed passivity. Teachers also tended to wrongly stereotype their Chinese’s students as middle class
  • the result of the distinctions that archer identifies is that even the successes of ethnic minorities will only be seen as ‘over achievement’ - since ‘proper’ achievement is seen to be the natural preserve of the privileged white, middle class ideal pupil
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15
Q

Fuller study on rejecting negative labels

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  • study of black yr 11 girls of a London comprehensive school. The girls were untypical because they were high achievers in a school were most black girls were placed in low streams
  • fuller describes how, instead of accepting negative stereotypes of themselves, the girls channeled their anger about being labelled into the pursuit of educational success.
  • however, unlike other successful pupils, they did not seek the approval of teachers, many of whom regarded as racist. Nor did they limit their choice of friends to other academic achievers.
  • instead, they were friends with other black girls in lower streams
  • also unlike other successful pupils, they conformed only as far as the schoolwork itself was concerned. They worked conscientiously, but gave the apprentices of not doing so, and they showed a deliberated lack of concern about school routines. They had positive attitude to academic success but rather then seeking the approval of teachers, they preferred to rely on their own efforts and the impartiality of external exams
  • fuller sees the girls behaviour as a way of dealing with the contradictory demands of succeeding at school while remains friends with black girls in lower streams and avoiding the ridicule of black boys.
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16
Q

What does fuller study one negative labels show

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  • highlights two important points. First, pupils may still succeed even when they refuse to conform. Secondly, negative labelling does not always lead to failure. These girls were able to reject the labels placed on them and they remained determined to succeed. There was no self fulfilling prophecy
17
Q

Mc an Ghaills study on rejecting negative labels

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  • study of black and Asian ‘A’ level students at sixth form collage reached similar conclusions. Students who believed teachers has labelled them negatively did not necessarily accept the label.
  • how they responded depended on factors such as their ethnic group and gender and nature of their former schools. E.g, some girls felt that all their experience of having attended an all girls school gave them a greater academic commitment that helped them to overcome negative labels at collage. As with fullers study, this research shows that a label does not inevitably produce a self fulfilling prophecy
18
Q

Mirza - failed strategies for avoiding racism

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  • Mirza (1992) studied ambitious black girls who faced teacher racism. She found that teachers discourages black pupils from being ambitious through the kind of advice they gave them about careers and option choices. E.g teachers discouraged them from aspiring to professional careers.
  • a majority of teachers in the study held racist attitudes, she identifies 3 main types:
    1. The colour blind
    2. The liberal chauvinist
    3. The overt racist
  • much of the girls time1 at school was spent trying to avoid the effects of the teachers negative attitudes. This included being selective about what staff they asked for help, getting on with work in lessons without taking part and not choosing certain options so that they can avoid teachers with racist attitudes.
  • although, the girls had a high self esteem, these strategies put them at a disadvantage by restricting their opportunities. Unlike the girls in fullers study, their strategies were unsuccessful
19
Q

What is the colour blind teacher?

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  • teachers who believe all pupils are equal but in practise allow racism to go unchallenged
20
Q

What is the liberal chauvinist teacher?

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  • teachers who believe black pupils are culturally deprived and have low expectations of them
21
Q

What is the overt racists teachers?

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  • teachers who believe blacks are inferior and actively discriminate against them
22
Q

Sewell: variety of boys responses

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  • Sewell focuses on the absence of fathers and the influence of peer groups and street culture to explain the underachievement of black boys. He also notes that their responses to schooling, including racist stereotyping by teachers, can affect their achievement
  • he identifies 4 responses:
  • the rebels
  • the conformists
  • the retreatists
  • the innovators
23
Q

The rebels

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  • the most visible and influential groups, but were only a small minority of black pupils.
  • often excluded from school. Rejected both the goals and the rules of the school and expressed their opposition through peer group membership, conforming to the stereotype of the anti school ‘black macho lad’
  • the rebels believed in their own superiority based on the idea that black masculinity equates with sexual experience and virility
  • contemptuous of white boys, who they saw as effeminate, and dismissive of conformist black boys
24
Q

The conformists

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  • the largest groups
  • these boys were keen to succeed, accepted the schools goals and had friends from different ethnic groups
  • there were not part of a subculture and were anxious too avoid being stereotyped either by teachers of their peers
25
Q

The retreatists

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  • were a tiny minor of isolated individuals who were disconnected from both school and black subculture, and were despised by the rebels
26
Q

The innovators

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  • were the second largest group. Like the fuller girls, there were pro education. They value success, but did not seek the approval of teachers and conformed only as far as schoolwork itself was concerned
  • this distanced them from the conformists and allowed them to maintain credibility with the rebels while remaining positive about academic achievement
27
Q

What does Sewell show in his study of boys responses

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  • sewell shows that only a small minority fit the stereotype of the ‘black macho lad’. Nevertheless, teachers tends to see all black boys in this way and this contributes to the underachievement of many boys, whatever their attitude to school. Furthermore, many of the boys negative attitudes are themselves a response to racism
    -however, while Sewell recognises that teachers racist stereotyping of black boys disadvantages them and can lead to self fulfilling prophecy, he argues that factors external to school, such as the role of peer groups, street culture and the lack of a nurturing father, are more important in producing achievement
28
Q

Evaluation of labelling and pupil responses

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  • rather than blaming the child’s home background, as cultural deprivation theory does, labelling theory shows how teachers stereotypes can be a cause of failure
  • however, there is a danger of seeing these stereotypes as simply the product of individual teacher prejudices, rather than racism in the way that education system as a whole operates e.g gilborn and youdell argue that the policy of publishing exam league tables creates a ‘a to c economy’ and leads to large numbers of black working class pupils being placed in lower streams or entered for lower tier exams
  • there is a danger of assuming that once labelled pupils automatically fall victim of the self fulfilling prophecy and fail. Nevertheless, Mirza shows, although pupils may devise strategies to try to avoid teacher racism, these too can limit their opportunites