Electoral Systems Flashcards
1: evaluate the view that the UK should replace First Past the Post with a proportional electoral system.
1: representation and electoral fairness
It could be argued that the UK should retain FPTP because it provides strong, localised representation and simple, decisive outcomes that enhance accountability.
-under FPTP, each voter elects one Member of Parliament to represent their single-member constituency, giving the public a clear line of accountability between representative and electorate.
-this connection is widely regarded as a democratic strength. For instance, in rural areas like Penrith and The Border or in urban seats such as Islington North, voters have a named MP who is directly addressing local issues, attending surgeries and representing their concerns in Westminster
-Dan Jarvis is labour MP for Barnsley Central and has consistently brought to the forefront in Parliament about the economic regeneration and public health in South Yorkshire. He campaigned for better public health funding as in former mining communities like Barnsley, they suffer from higher-than-average rates of heart disease and cancer
-Caroline Lucas, former Green Party MP for Brighton Pavilion used her platform consistently to address local environmental, housing and transport issues. She was a vocal supporter of improving local bus services and cycling infrastructure, often raising these issues in parliament and lobbying for more powers for local councils to integrate greener transport options.
-they hold regular constituency surgeries and town hall-style meetings to stay directly accountable to residents. This illustrates how FPTP can allow a well-known local representative- even from small parties- to build a strong personal mandate and deliver direct advocacy on hyper-local issues.
-this link is harder to establish under a proportional systems, such as the closed-list PR used till 2019 for European Parliament elections, where voters select a party rather than a candidate and representatives are often unknown to constituents
-moreover, FPTP’s simplicity allows results to be declared quickly and understood, reinforcing public trust. In the 2024 general elections, results were declared in under 2024 hours and the party with the most seats immediately assumed a mandate to govern. This contrasts with systems like the Dutch PR model, where post-election coalition negotiations can take weeks or even months, risking political paralysis
1: evaluate the view that the UK should replace First Past the Post with a proportional electoral system.
1: representation and electoral fairness
However a more compelling argument is that FPTP often results in significant disparities between the percentage of votes received by parties and the number of seats they secure in Parliament, undermining the principles of proportionality and fairness.
-the 2024 general election serves as a pertinent example: the Labour government secured 33.7% of the popular vote but obtained 63.2% of the seats (411) while the conservative party received 24% of the vote yet only secured 19% of the seats (121).
-this disproportionality means that millions of votes do not contribute to the election outcome, effectively rendering them as “wasted” and leaving substantial portions of the electorate feeling unrepresented.
-smaller parties are particularly disadvantaged under FPTP, for instance in 2024, the liberal democrats garnered 12% of the vote but only won 72 seats. In 2019, liberal democrats received 11.5% of the vote but only 1.7% of the seats. The green party, which despite receiving 2.7% of the vote in 2019, secured only one seat.
-such outcomes have raised concerns about the legitimacy and representativeness of the governing bodies formed under the FPTP.
-in contrast, proportional representation systems aim to allocate seats in accordance with the percentage of votes each party receives, ensuring a more equitable reflection of the electorate’s preferences
-a strong example of STV producing proportional results in the 2022 Northern Ireland Assembly election where the electoral outcome closely matched the vote share of the major parties. (29% vs 30% sinn fein); (11% vs 10% ulster unionist party).
1: evaluate the view that the UK should replace First Past the Post with a proportional electoral system.
2:government stability and effectiveness
It could be argued that FPTP is superior because it typically delivers strong, single-party majority governments that are more stable and effective at implementing polices
-governments formed under FPTP can legislate decisively without being beholden yo coalition partners, which proponents argue enables clear democratic accountability and long-term policy coherence.
-for instance, the 1983 conservative landslide under Margaret Thatcher allowed for sweeping economic reforms- such as privatisation and trade union legislation- without the instability of coalition infighting.
-similarly, labour’s 1997 landslide under Tony Blair facilitated large-scale constitutional reforms (devolution, house of lords reform), and significant investment in health and education
-even in 2024, labour’s majority allowed the swift advancement of its manifesto pledges- including the establishment of Great British Energy and reforms of the House of Lords (removing the remaining 92 hereditary peers, mandatory retirement age, participation requirements and appointment process)- without the need for cross-party consensus. These reforms marked the most substantial changes to the house of lords in over two decades, reflecting Labour’s commitment to modernising the UK’s legislative structures.
-supporters argue that under PR, such bold reform would be diluted by compromise.
-in the Scottish parliament (2021-2023), the SNP’s income tax reform was diluted due to a cooperation agreement with the Scottish Greens, enabled by the AMS, a form of proportional representation. While the Greens pushed for steeper progressive taxation, the SNP compromised with only modest changes to preserve middle-income support, illustrating how PR systems can lead to policy moderation through coalition politics.
1: evaluate the view that the UK should replace First Past the Post with a proportional electoral system.
2:government stability and effectiveness
Nevertheless, a more compelling argument is that the stability purportedly offered by FPTP is not always guaranteed and can come at the expense of representativeness and inclusivity
-the 2010 UK general election, for example, resulted in a hung parliament, leading to a coalition government between conservative party and the liberal democrats.
-the 2010-2015 conservative and liberal coalition is a key example of reform being diluted by compromise: the liberal democrats pushed for electoral reform, securing a referendum on the Alternative Vote system. However, due to limited conservative support and a poorly resourced “yes” campaign, the referendum failed, and the reform abandoned- highlighting how coalition politics can frustrate major constitutional change
-the 2017 general election left Theresa May without a majority, forcing her to rely on a confidence and supply deal with the DUP- a precarious arrangement that exposed deep divisions within Parliament. Her government struggled to pass key Brexit legislation, facing repeated defeats in the commons, including the largest parliamentary defeat in British history in January 2019. This period shoes that FPRP does not reliably deliver a strong or effective government, especially in a fragmented political landscape.
-this outcome challenges the notion that FPTP invariably delivers strong single-party rule.
-moreover, the “winner-takes-all” nature of FPTP can lead to significant portions of the electorate feeling disenfranchised, as their votes do not translate into representation, potentially fostering political disengagement and instability.
-the 2024 general election resulted in a significant parliamentary majority for the labour party which secured 411 seats with only 34% of the vote. This outcome raises questions about the legitimacy of such a mandate, as a substantial portion of the electorate- over 6% did not vote for the governing party.
-in the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, the AMS, allowed smaller parties like the Scottish Greens to gain 8 seats with just 8% of the vote, ensuring their environmental platform had a voice in policymaking. This has left to a historic power-sharing agreement with the SNP, demonstrating how PR fosters inclusivity and enables broader political representation beyond dominant parties. ( a ten year £500 million fund to support the transition away from oil and gas and toward a green economy)
-therefore, the argument that FPTP ensures stability is less convincing when weighed against the benefits of inclusivity and representativeness offered by proportional systems.
1: evaluate the view that the UK should replace First Past the Post with a proportional electoral system.
3: voter choice and political engagement
It could be argued that FPTP supports political clarity and voter simplicity by offering binary choices and reducing extremist influence
-supporters claim that having two major parties dominate the landscape- typically Labour and Conservative- prevents legislative fragmentation, encourages strong mandates, and avoids the chaotic outcomes seen in highly fragmented PR parliaments
-the “winner takes all” dynamic also creates what is seen as a healthy adversarial system, with governments and oppositions clearly defined
-FPTP is also straightforward: voters place a single “X” on the ballot, and the candidate with the most votes wins. Advocates claim this clarity boosts accessibility, especially for voters with limited political literacy and trust. In 2019, only 0.36% and 0.33% (2017) spoilt ballots.
-moreover, by excluding fringe or extremist parties- such as UKIP and BNP- FPTP arguably acts as a moderating force, for example, UKIP received 12,6% of the vote in 2015, but only one seat. Under PR, they would have gained 82 seats, potentially increasing political polarisation. (FPTP effectively blocked a significant yet controversial party from gaining parliamentary influence. This exclusion arguably limited the party’s direct legislative power and potentially perilous influence via its legislative power
-in the 2024 UK general election, the FPTP system continued to sideline arguably extremist parties with significant national support yet less concentrated regional backing. For instance, Reform UK secured 14% of the national vote, bit only won 5 seats in Parliament. Similarly, the Green Party achieved 7% of the vote and obtained 4 seats.
-FPTP can be seen as acting as a stabilising force by preventing fringe or extremist parties from gaining undue influence in Parliament. This outcome arguably preserves moderation and governability, ensuring that parties must build broad, geographically rooted support to gain significant power- a safeguard against the volatility sometimes seen in fully proportional systems.
1: evaluate the view that the UK should replace First Past the Post with a proportional electoral system.
3: voter choice and political engagement
Yet, a more convincing argument is that FPTP can actually discourage voter engagement and diminish political efficacy due to its inherent disproportionality and the prevalence of “safe seats”.
-in many constituencies, the same party consistently wins by large margins, leading to a sense of voter apathy among supporters of other parties, who may feel that their votes have little impact.
-the way they sideline fringe or extremist parties can be seen as FPTP limiting the parliamentary representation of smaller parties with dispersed supports, highlighting how the system challenges the translation of national vote share into popular vote share. While it does prevent extremist representation in Parliament, critics argue that it may suppress minority viewpoints through a system that prioritises broad, regional dominance over nationwide vote share.
-this phenomenon contributes to lower voter turnout, as individuals perceive the electoral process as unresponsive to their preferences.
-the 202 general election saw a turnout of 60%, the lowest since 2001, indicating a troubling level of disengagement among the electorate.
-for example, the 2019 UK general election saw a turnout of 68% with many voters in safe seats feeling disincentivised to participate.
-Furthermore, FPTP encourages tactical voting, where individuals vote not for their preferred candidate but for the one most likely defeat a less desired outcome.
-in 2024 election, 17% of voters engaged in tactical voting , indicating a significant portion of the electorate felt compelled to vote strategically rather than express their genuine preferences.
-in 2019, 19% of the voters engaged in tactical voting, indicating a significant portion of the electorate felt compelled to vote strategically rather than express their genuine preferences.
-adopting a proportional system could revitalise political participation and ensure that electoral outcomes more accurately reflect the diverse views of the electorate.
-in 2024, over 60% of votes were waster and 71% in 2019, meaning there cast for losing candidates. Whereas the STV system used in Northern Ireland Assembly election in 2022 just had 17% of voters waster- one of the lowest rates in any UK election. STV allows second and third preferences to be transferred, making it much more likely a vote influences the outcome. AMS in the 2021 Scottish Parliament Election only 45%
-while FPTP is simple to use, it produces far more wasted votes that proportional systems. PR systems like AMS and STV ensure greater proportion of votes contribute to the election of representatives- enhancing fairness, choice and democratic legitimacy.
DEVOLVED BODIES
PRO- REPRESENTATION
-the AMS is used in Scotland and Wales and the STV in Northern Ireland can be seen as having significantly improving political representation compared to Westminster’s FPTP.
-AMS in particular enabled smaller parties to gain legislative presence that more closely matches their share of the vote. For instance, in the 2021 Scottish parliament election, the Scottish Green Party secured 8 seats with just over 8.1% of the vote, and this allowed them to enter a cooperation agreement with the SNP, directly influencing policies on climate, rent controls and constitutional reform.
This would have been nearly impossible under FPTP, where small parties tend to be squeezed out due to regional vote dispersion
-in Northern Ireland, the STV system has allowed for cross-community representation- for example, in the 2022 Assembly election, Sinn Fein received 29% of the vote and 18,9% of seats, while the alliance party gained 13,5% of the vote and 18,9% of seats, a highly proportional outcome.
The STV also ensures that both unionist and nationalist voices are structurally included in the Assembly, reflecting the region’s deeply divided political identity and to maintain democratic legitimacy
DEVOLVED BODIES
CONS- REPRESENTATION
-However, these gains in proportionality come with trade-offs in the clarity and accountability of representation.
-in AMS, list members are not tied to a specific constituency, which can blur lines of accountability. Voters are unsure whether to approach their constituency MSP or a regional list MSP about local concerns. This dilutes the strong individual mandate present under FPTP.
-in STV, the use of multi-member constituencies can make it difficult for voters to identify a single representative who is “their” MLA. This can be especially problematic in rural areas like Fermanagh and South Tyrone, where large, multi-seat constituencies weaken personal political links.
-moreover, proportional representation may lead to an overabundance of small parties making it harder for the electorate to navigate political choices and potentially creating fragmentation.
-therefore, while devolved electoral systems offer broader ideological representation, they can compromise the clarity and the simplicity of the MP-constituent relationship.
DEVOLVED BODIES
PROS- EFFECTIVE STABILITY AND EFFECTIVENESS
-one of the criticisms often levelled at proportional systems is that they produce unstable or incoherent governments
-however, the experience of Scotland and Wales under AMS offers a more nuanced picture. Since devolution, both countries have maintained functional and often stable governments, even when operating as minority administrations. For example, the SNP governed Scotland aline from 2007 to 2011 and again from 2016-2021 as a minority government, using confidence and supply deals and cross party negotiation to pass budgets and legislation.
-the 2021 SNP-Green cooperation agreement further illustrates how PR systems can facilitate inclusive coalition-style governance without descending into chaos.
-in Wales, Labour has similarly governed in both minority and coalition arrangements (with Plaid Cymru between 2007-2011) and remained dominant party throughout 2010-2024, proving that PR does not inherently prevent coherent leadership. These examples show that majoritarian power is not a prerequisite for stability and that inclusive, consensus-driven governance can thrive in PR settings
DEVOLVED BODIES
CONS- GOVERNMENT STABILITY AND EFFECTIVENESS
-by contrast, STV in Northern Ireland has demonstrated the fragility that can arise when mandatory power-sharing intersects with deep political division. Following the 2017 Assembly election, political deadlock between Sinn Fein and the DUP led to the collapse of the devolved executive for three years (2017-2020), leaving Northern Ireland without a functioning government. This was a direct consequence of the structural requirement under the Good Friday Agreement that the First Deputy Ministers be drawn from the two largest communities.
-while STV enabled accurate representation of diverse identities, it also entrenched oppositional parties, making effective compromise more difficult.
-furthermore, in such systems, radical parties that gain enough seats may be granted a formal role in government, potentially paralysing policy progress.
-in 2024, the SNP-Green cooperation agreement collapsed after the Scottish Greens withdrew support over the SNP’s delay of key climate policies, including the abandonment of a 2030 emissions target. This highlights that while PR like AMS can initially facilitate cooperative government, they also risk instability when policy divergence between coalition partners emerges- undermining the perception of long-term government effectiveness.
-thus while AMS has generally sustained stable governance, STV’s mandatory coalition element has, in practice, sometimes left to damaging gridlock- showing that the effectiveness of PR depends heavily on the political context in which it operates.
DEVOLVED BODIES
PROS-VOTER CHOICE
-PR systems used in devolved bodies have markedly increased voter choice and expressive power compared to FPTP.
-in AMS, voters have two votes: one for constituency MSP, and another for a party list. This allows for split-ticket voting, where individuals can express different preferences at the constituency and regional levels- for example, voting Labour locally and Green regionally. This reduces the need for tactical voting, which is common under the FPTP where voters often choose the “least bad” option to prevent and undesirable candidate from winning.
-in STV, the ability to rank candidates in order of preference provides even more nuanced expression. Voters can rank multiple candidates from the same party or across parties, and second or third preferences are often counted thanks to vote transfers. In the 2022 Northern Ireland Assembly election, this system helped Alliance gain seats through transfers from moderate voters in both unionist and nationalist blocs, showing how STV reward centrist, cross-community parties. The result is a voting experience that is more empowering, expressive and representative of nuanced political views.
DEVOLVED BODIES
CONS- VOTERS CHOICE
-nevertheless, the complexity of these systems presents real challenges. Voters unfamiliar with ranking candidates or using dual ballots can make mistakes leading to spoiled ballots or disengagement.
-in 2007, Scottish Parliament election, 3.5% of the total vote were rejected due to confusion caused by a poorly designed combined AMS ballot- a serious flaw in electoral administration.
-although reforms have since reduced the spoiled rates, AMS and STV remain more complex than FPTP, where voters simply mark one “X”.
-in Northern Ireland the spoilt ballot rate in 2022 was around 0.64%, slightly higher that the UK general elections.
-complexity can also increase barriers for elderly or first-time voters, who may be unsure how to complete the ballot properly or lack confidence in the process,
-additionally, some voters report frustration with indirect vote transfers, feeling their lower preferences elected candidates they did not strongly support.
-thus while devolved systems expand choice and reduce tactical voting, they may do so at the cost of clarity, accessibility and electoral confidence
