Democratic Participation Flashcards
1) Evaluate the view that the UK is experiencing a participation crisis
Introduction
A participation crisis refers to a significant decline in public engagement with democratic processes, potentially undermining the legitimacy and effectiveness of the political system. In the UK, traditional indicators such as voter turnout, party membership, and trust in politicians have all, in various points, declined, leading to some to argue that democracy is being hollowed out by apathy, alienation and disengagement.
However, this view may oversimplify the evolving nature of political participation. In recent years, alternative forms of engagement- issue-based activism, digital campaigning, e-petitions and social movements- have flourished, suggesting not an absence of participation, but a transformation of how citizens engage.
Citizens are increasingly turning to newer, more personalised forms of political involvement
1) Evaluate the view that the UK is experiencing a participation crisis
1: Electoral crisis
Point
It could be argued that the UK is facing a participation crisis, most clearly reflected in declining electoral turnout and party membership, which are foundational indicators of representative democracy
1) Evaluate the view that the UK is experiencing a participation crisis
1: Electoral crisis
Facts and analysis (against)
-the 2001 general election saw turnout fall to 59%, the lowest since 1918- a historic low that raised alarms about civic disengagement. While turnout has recovered somewhat, it has not returned to pre-1990s levels (often above 75% in the post-war period)
-local elections consistently have low turnout, often under 40%, suggesting that many citizens are disengaged from grassroots political processes. In the 2022 local elections in England, turnout in many areas was below 35%, raising concerns about the representativeness of local governance
-youth disengagement is a chronic issue: in 2019, only 47% of 18-2 year olds voted, compared to 74% of over 65s. This age disparity undermines intergenerational fairness in policymaking and reflects a disillusionment with formal politics among younger citizens.
-similarly, party membership has collapsed since 1950s. The conservative party has over 3 million members in the 1950s; now its under 200,000. Labour saw a temporary spike under Jeremy Corbyn but has also declined post-2019. This suggests fewer people are engaging in sustained political participation, weakening the representative base of parties
-these trends appear to support the crisis thesis, as low turnout and weak party membership reduce the legitimacy of political institutions and create a gap between citizens and the state. If large portions of the electorate do not vote or engage, then elected governments lack a strong mandate
1) Evaluate the view that the UK is experiencing a participation crisis
1: Electoral crisis
Volta
However a more convincing argument is that these figures can be misleading when not placed in historical or contextual perspective, and that participation is issue-driven and episodic, not absent.
1) Evaluate the view that the UK is experiencing a participation crisis
1: Electoral crisis
Points and analysis (FOR)
-turnout rose to 69% in 2017- the highest since 1997- and remained high at 67% in 2019. The sharp increase was driven by issues like Brexit, polarisation and the ideological divergence between Labour and Conservatives. This shows that when elections are perceived as consequential, citizens participate.
-referendums also show high engagement: in 201 Scottish Independence referendum had a remarkable 85% turnout, and the 2016 EU referendum drew 72% of voters. This undermines the idea of mass apathy and instead suggests that citizens are highly engaged when the issue is clear, high -stakes and polarising.
-youth turnout can increase under certain circumstances. In 2017, young voter turnout surged, with over 60% of 18-24 year olds voting, driven by Corbyn’s message on tuition fees and public services. This shows young people are not inherently apathetic- they are strategically engaged when policies speak to their interests.
-turnout is also higher in devolved elections, especially in Scotland and Wales, where devolved governments are perceived to be more responsive and representative. This implies that trust in institutions correlates with participation, not that citizens have rejected democracy outright.
-electoral participation is clearly variable, not in terminal decline. Voters are responsive to political context- when they believe that their vote matters, they turnout out. Thus, we are not seeing a crisis, but a form of conditional engagement, suggesting opportunities for reinvigorating democratic participation.
1) Evaluate the view that the UK is experiencing a participation crisis
2: non-electoral participation
Point
It could be argued that the UK faces a crisis in non-electoral participation as well, especially in formal, long-term democratic engagement like party activism or local civic involvement
1) Evaluate the view that the UK is experiencing a participation crisis
2: non-electoral participation
Points and analysis (Against)
-political parties have become centralised and leader-dominated especially under figures like Blair, Johnson and even Starmer, marginalising grassroots input. This disempowers members and discourages long-term engagement
-local democracy is weak. Councillors and local government have limited financial autonomy due to centralisation and austerity-era cuts. Many citizens feel that local democracy lacks real power, reducing the incentive to participate. E.g Local councils in England have faced over £15 billion in cuts since 2010 due to central government austerity leaving many with little control over local services. This financial dependency has led to public disengagement from local elections with turnout in the 2022 local elections in Leeds and Manchester falling below 35%
-public consultations are often tokenistic, with decisions already made. This reinforces the perception that citizen voices are ignored. In 2012 NHS reform consultations, despite opposition from nearly all major medical bodies, the Health and Social Care Act was passed largely unchanged, indicating limited responsiveness
-the limited use of referendums- only a few major ones in recent history- also reduces direct public input on major decisions, contrasting with countries like Switzerland where referenda are a staple- only 3 major referenda held since 1975, meaning citizens have few opportunities for direct democratic input
-these examples indicate that traditional channels of participation are weakening, undermining long-term democratic health. Citizens may feel powerless, reinforcing disengagement and cynicism
1) Evaluate the view that the UK is experiencing a participation crisis
2: non-electoral participation
Volta
However a more convincing argument is that non-electoral participation has evolved, not disappeared, and is actually thriving in alternative and informal modes, particularly among young people
1) Evaluate the view that the UK is experiencing a participation crisis
2: non-electoral participation
Points and analysis (FOR)
- digital activism has exploded. The 2019 petition to revoke Article 50 received over 6 million signatures, demonstrating mass mobilisation via digital platforms. These verified signatures were gathered in just two weeks, making it the most-signed petition in the UK. Although it did not reverse Brexit, it did force parliamentary debate and demonstrated citizens’ ability to mobilise rapidly on divisive constitutional issues.
-social media campaigns such as ME TOO, BLMUK, KILLTHE BILL, show strongissue-based engagements. Citizens, particularly younger ones- are mobilising around values and causes, even if they reject political parties. E.g the 2020 BlackLivesMatter protests mobilised over 260,000 people across 260 events nationwide leading to renewed debates on policing and statutes. The movement catalysed local actions such as the removal of Edward Colston statue in Bristol highlighting direct Grassroots influence on public policy and historical memory
-pressure groups and protest movements remain highly active: Extinction Rebellion, Just Stop Oil and People’s Assembly Against Austerity have mobilised thousands of people. Their impact is seen in media discourse and at times policy shifts “climate policy discussions”. E.g Extinction Rebellion staged city-wide protests in london in 2019, resulting in over 1,100 arrests and forcing Parliament to declare a climate emergency- a largely symbolic but significant statement. Though disruptive, the group elevated climate policy to the top of the agenda, demonstrating pressure groups’ capacity to influence political discourse outside formal channels
-the rise of e-petitions and platforms like Change.org give citizens direct route to policy influence, even if informal. Parliament is required to respond to petitions with over 100,000 signatures integrating informal engagement with formal processes. Campaigns like “Ban conversion Therapy” gaining over 250,000 signatures, pushing the government to pledge legislative reform.
-local participatory budgeting pilots in Newcastle and Tower Hamlets have involved citizens in deciding how small portions of council budgets are spent, with string turnout in community forums.
-mutual aid groups during the Covid-19 pandemic- over 4000 registered nationally- exemplified voluntary political coordination and neighbourhood-level mobilisation without party structure.
-in response to the Grenfell Tower tragedy, groups like Grenfell United and Justice4Grenfell formed to advocate for housing safety reform and accountability, leading to direct government inquiries and public consultations. Reveals that citizens engage deeply when politics is local, tangible and responsive to their lived experience.
-this form of personalised decentralised political activism is arguably more democratic, as it allows citizens to engage on issues that matter to them directly. It reflects a shift from collectivist party politics to individualised cause-based engagement. Therefore participation is not in crisis- its undergoing a generational transformation
1) Evaluate the view that the UK is experiencing a participation crisis
3: Trust, Efficacy and Representation- disengagement or targeted disillusionment
Point
It could be argued that the UK is experiencing a participation crisis due to declining trust in politicians and political institutions, which erodes political efficacy and fuels disengagement
1) Evaluate the view that the UK is experiencing a participation crisis
3: Trust, Efficacy and Representation- disengagement or targeted disillusionment
Points and analysis (Against)
-the MP’s expenses scandal (2009) severely damaged trust in Parliament and trust has not fully recovered. This scandal catalysed the fall of public trust in Parliament with an Ipsos MORI poll in 2022m showing only 12% of Britons trusted MPs to tell the truth. This perception of political dishonesty weakens the legitimacy of formal politics and can lead to long-term disengagement from voting and civic engagement
-recent scandals including Partygate, the cronyism of Covid contracts and the Greensill lobbying scandal- have reinforced the perception that politicians are self-serving and unaccountable. During Partygate, senior ministers and civil servants were found to have broken COVID-19 restrictions while enforcing them on the public, leading to multiple fixed-penalty notices and Boris Johnson’s resignation. The Greensill lobbying scandal involving David Cameron’s direct appeals to ministers on behalf of a private leader, exposed the blurred line between corporate interests and government access
-citizens increasingly feel their voices do not matter, particularly in safe seats where elections produce the same outcomes every time. In constituencies like Liverpool Walton, the same party wins with over 70% of the vote, creating a sense that individual ballots have no influence on outcomes. Political efficacy is especially low among working-class and ethnic minority groups, who often report feeling excluded from mainstream party agendas and underrepresented in Parliament
This feeds the rise of populist sentiment, seen in the success of UKIP in 2015 and more recently Reform UK, signalling alienation from the political elite and traditional parties.
-these examples suggest that many citizens do not see the political system as responsive or trustworthy, which can lead to withdrawal from formal democratic participation and a broader legitimacy crisis.
1) Evaluate the view that the UK is experiencing a participation crisis
3: Trust, Efficacy and Representation- disengagement or targeted disillusionment
Volta
However a more convincing argument is that while trust in certain individuals or parties may decline, political engagement remains strong when citizens see opportunities to make a difference, especially outside formal policies,
1) Evaluate the view that the UK is experiencing a participation crisis
3: Trust, Efficacy and Representation- disengagement or targeted disillusionment
Points and analysis (FOR)
-movements like Marcus Rashford’s campaign for free school meals demonstrates that citizens can still mobilise pressure and achieve concrete policy changes, suggesting they have not lost all faith in the system. This 2020 campaign successfully pressured the government into extending free school meal vouchers over the summer despite initial refusals. His social media advocacy garnered over 1 million petition signatures and widespread public support, forcing two policy U-turns within six months
Similarly in 2023, the Stop the Illegal Migration Bill campaign mobilised legal experts, charities like Refuge Council and over 70000 protesters across the UK, highlighting ongoing resistance to perceived rights infringements
-devolved institution like the Scottish Parliament, Welsh Senedd, London Assembly often enjoy higher trust ratings than Westminster- because they are perceived as closer and more responsive to the public. In the 2021 Scottish parliament election, turnout was 63,5% higher than most local and some general elections in England, reflecting greater engagement with devolved institutions. Surveys consistently show higher trust in the Scottish Government than in westminster, with 61% expressing trust in Holyrood compared to 19% for Westminster
-the 2014 Scottish Referendum independence had an 85% turnout, one of the highest in UK democratic history- demonstrating citizens’ willingness to engage when the issue is meaningful and sovereignty-related.
-in Wales, the 2021 Senedd election saw votes at 16 implemented for the first time in the UK, increasing political awareness and future engagement among younger citizens. Positive link between institutional responsiveness, electoral reform and citizen engagement at the devolved level.
-many citizens are still engaged- but on their own terms. Rather than trusting “politics as usual” they are turning to issue-based advocacy, petitions, and crowdfunding campaigns to shape outcomes. In 2021, a petition to remove MP Sir David Amess’ killer’s online anonymity reached over 700,000 signatures within 48 hours, prompting debate on online safety and digital identities.
-online fundraising, such as the Captain Tom Moors campaign for NHS Charities together during Covid 19, raised over £32 million, blending civic pride, digital engagement and a collective sense of purpose. These informal actions demonstrate that while many may feel alienated from formal politics, they remain deeply politically engaged when given agency and immediacy
-trust in politicians may be low, but trust in democratic values- such as fairness, voice and rights- remains relatively high, suggesting targeted disillusionment, not wholesale disengagement. In 2022, record-breaking registration before local elections- with spikes among 16-24 year olds- revealed that many remain willing to engage when they perceive the outcome may be close or locally impactful. Faith in the system
-this shows that while many are sceptical of politicians, they still believe in the potential of democratic participation, especially when it delivers tangible results. The problem, therefore, is not a crisis of participation, but a crisis of political representation and responsiveness
2: evaluate the view that reforms to the UK’s democratic system are necessary to enhance political participation
Introduction
Despite concerns about falling voter turnout, party disengagement and political disillusionment, some argue that democratic participation in the UK remains functional, and that reforms are unnecessary or even disruptive. They point to relatively stable electoral turnout in general elections, the adaptability of FPTP and the resilience of Britain’s political crisis. However, this essay will argue that such a view underestimates the structural inequalities and barriers to access within the current system. If the UK is to move from episodic to sustained and inclusive engagement, then reforms to voting systems, the franchise and political institutions are not just desirable- they are increasingly essential
2: evaluate the view that reforms to the UK’s democratic system are necessary to enhance political participation
1:electoral reform
Point
It could be argued that electoral reform is not necessary, as the current system maintains strong governance and political engagement
2: evaluate the view that reforms to the UK’s democratic system are necessary to enhance political participation
1:electoral reform
Points and analysis (FOR)
-FPTP provides a strong, single-party governments, reducing the legislative gridlock seen in countries with PR, such as Israel or Italy, where unstable coalitions can lead to frequent elections and policy paralysis. This clarity of outcome is seen as prompting trust and efficiency.
-FPTP provides clear majorities and stable governments, as seen in 2019 when the conservatives secured an 80-seat majority with 44% of the vote- enabling decisive policy delivery
-the 2017 general election reached 69% turnout, the highest since 1997, showing the high-stakes elections still mobilise participation under the current system. The system is capable of mobilising voters during moments of political polarisation.
-furthermore, the 2011 AV referendum in which 68% rejected a switch to the AV system on a 42% turnout, suggests that the public is wither satisfied with FPTP or view reform as an unnecessary distraction
2: evaluate the view that reforms to the UK’s democratic system are necessary to enhance political participation
1:electoral reform
Volta
However a more convincing argument is that electoral reform is necessary to address fundamental distortions in representation and participation.
2: evaluate the view that reforms to the UK’s democratic system are necessary to enhance political participation
1:electoral reform
Points and analysis (FOR)
- under FPTP millions of votes are wasted- in 2019, 71% of votes did not contribute to electing an MP, leading many to feel their voice carries no weight. This is especially acute in safe seats, such as Liverpool Walton or Surrey Heath, where election outcomes are virtually guaranteed.
-voter inequality is systemic- according to the Electoral Reform society, a vote in a marginal seat can carry dozens of times more influence than one in a safe constituency, undermining the principle of “one person, one vote”
-countries that use PR systems, such as Germany, maintain relatively high and consistent turnout and offer greater choice and minority representation, which increases the perceived legitimacy of outcomes and encourages voter encouragement.
-additionally, devolved institutions using AMS as in Scotland outperform Westminster elections in proportionality.
-FPTP entrenches democratic inequality by reducing electoral competitiveness and rendering votes ineffective in large parts of the country. Reforming the electoral system would enhance political efficacy, especially among younger and disillusioned voters, and restore legitimacy to democratic outcomes.
2: evaluate the view that reforms to the UK’s democratic system are necessary to enhance political participation
2: voting access and the franchise
Point
It could be argued that reforms such as votes at 16 or automatic registration are unnecessary and would not significantly enhance participation
2: evaluate the view that reforms to the UK’s democratic system are necessary to enhance political participation
2: voting access and the franchise
Points and analysis (AGAINST)
-despite being fully enfranchised, only 47% of 18-2 year old voted in the 2019 general election, suggesting that apathy, not access, is the key barrier to participation. Simply lowering the voting age may not address that underlying problem of political disengagement and disillusionment
-critics also argue that 16 and 17 year olds lack the civic maturity and independence to make informed electoral choices. Unlike adults, many are still in school, economically dependent and may be unduly influenced by parents or teachers.
-even in countries with more expansive electoral rights, such as the US or Canada, young voter turnout remains low- indicating that legal inclusion alone does not overcome political alienation
2: evaluate the view that reforms to the UK’s democratic system are necessary to enhance political participation
2: voting access and the franchise
Volta
However a more convincing argument is that reforming voting access is necessary to remove structural exclusions and create inclusive democratic foundations
2: evaluate the view that reforms to the UK’s democratic system are necessary to enhance political participation
2: voting access and the franchise
Points and analysis (FOR)
-votes at 16, successfully implemented in Scottish and Welsh devolved elections, has shown promising signs- studies indicate that 16 and 17 years olds are as likely to vote as 18 when properly educated and engaged.
-lowering the voting age also has civic value: it enables political education to be directly paired with enfranchisement, creating habitual participation from a younger age and reducing the likelihood of lifetime disengagement
-the introduction of mandatory voter ID laws in 2023 has disproportionately impacted the poor, elderly and ethnic minorities; in trials over 14000 voters were turned away, revealing new barriers to participation
-automatic voter registration as used in Scandinavia and parts of Canada has increased participation by simplifying the process- especially for first-time voters, renters and marginalised groups who may otherwise struggle to register.
-reforms like votes at 16 and automatic registration are not just procedural- they are symbolic and structural corrections to systemic exclusion. While they must be accompanied by education and outreach, they are necessary to build inclusive, future-facing democracy
2: evaluate the view that reforms to the UK’s democratic system are necessary to enhance political participation
3: institutional reform
Point
It could be argued that institutional reforms such as Lords Reform or increased use of direct democracy are unnecessary and could destabilise governance.
2: evaluate the view that reforms to the UK’s democratic system are necessary to enhance political participation
3: institutional reform
Points and analysis (Against)
-the house of lords while unelected has proven to be an effective revising chamber, often amending poorly drafted legislation and holding the government to account as seen during debates over Brexit and asylum policy
-introducing a fully elected second chamber might lead to institutional deadlock or legitimacy conflict with the Commons, especially if different parties control each house- as seen in the US-style bicameral systems.
-likewise, direct democracy can oversimplify complex issues- the 2016 Brexit referendum for example exposed the limits to years of political and constitutional crisis
-reform mechanisms such as citizens’ assemblies may be technocratic and lack public understanding or mandate, limiting their democratic legitimacy
