Education theories + policies Flashcards

1
Q

What ideas functionalist theory based on?

A

Functionalist theory rests of the idea that society is based on social order and stability.

Durkheim and parsons use an organic analogy to explain social order by making a comparison between society and the human body as just like how the human body is composed of different organs which each have a separate function to perform to enable us to operate healthy, the same applies to society.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
2
Q

what do functionalists believe about society in relation to achieving social order and stability

A

functionalists believe that society is composed of different parts and each performs functions to enable society to achieve social order and stability.

Functionalist theory explains how each part of society such as education contributes to social solidarity, value consensus and equilibrium.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
3
Q

What do consensus approaches such as functionalist, new right and post modernists argue about education

A

Consensus approaches emphasise the positive role of education and analyse the benefits it offers for individuals and society,

These approaches regard education as having two main functions: (a) secondary socialisation and (b) providing the skills required in preparation for paid employment

consensus approaches include: functionalist, the new right and post modern

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
4
Q

what do conflict approaches such as Marxist, feminist and neo-Marxist argue about education?

A

These argue that the education system reproduces inequalities within society.

They take a more critical and negative view of the education.

conflict approaches include: Marxist, feminist, neo-Marxist

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
5
Q

functionalists believes that education performs many functions which are to the benefit of individuals and society.

state the functions that functionalists believe education performs

A

DURKHEIM:
- education helps to establish social solidarity through transmitting, norms, beliefs and values to all pupils.

  • education helps to integrate people into society by socialising children into similar values which makes them feel they are apart of a larger social unit and community
  • education regulations members of society through preparing members of society in terms of rules and standards
  • education acts as a vehicle for developing the human resources of a nation as it provides an adequate supply of trained people with the skills required to perform specialist roles within the economy

Parsons:

  • educations acts a vital secondary source of socialisation that acts as a bridge between the family and society as a whole as in school and society individuals are judged by universalistic standards which applied to all members and based on meritocratic principles

Davis and Moore:

  • Davis and Moore argue that education acts a preparation for work as education is a proving ground for ability, a selective agency which allocates people to roles according to ability

Blau and Duncan:
modern economy depends on its ‘human capital’ - its worker skills
education is based on meritocracy which enables each person to be allocated to a job best suited to their abilities.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
6
Q

What functions does Durkheim argue education performs and how does education performs these functions in school

A

According to Durkheim, society can only survive and flourish if there is a strong degree of social solidarity. He argues that education helps establish this by transmitting norms, beliefs and values to all pupils. Education welds together a mass of individuals into a united whole by fixing into children the essential similarities that collective life demands. This helps to integrate people more closely into society by attaching them to the larger social unit.

Durkheim believes that the education system achieves this via:
Schools follow a standardised curriculum, therefore all pupils regardless of their gender or class or ethnic background are exposed to the same information, knowledge and cultural teachings. The effect of the transmission of the core culture via the education system is to promote a consensus on central norms and values – this ensures a fundamental level of agreement, despite a diversity of individual life experiences and helps to produce a homogeneous society. In schools, children come to see that they are part of something larger than themselves and develop a sense of commitment to the larger social group.

Closely allied to the transmission of culture, is the need for each society to regulate its members. Education achieves this via:
It prepares individuals for interaction with members of society in terms of its general rules and standards. In respecting school rules, pupils learn to respect the rules of society in general. This contributes to social order.

According to Durkheim, modern industrial economies have a complex division of labour and the education system acts a vehicle for developing the human resources of a nation. In doing so it provides an adequate supply of trained people with the skills required to perform specialist roles within the economy.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
7
Q

how does education bring social solidarity

A

According to Durkheim, society can only survive and flourish if there is a strong degree of social solidarity. He argues that education helps establish this by transmitting norms, beliefs and values to all pupils. Education welds together a mass of individuals into a united whole by fixing into children the essential similarities that collective life demands. This helps to integrate people more closely into society by attaching them to the larger social unit.

Durkheim believes that the education system achieves this via:

Schools follow a standardised curriculum, therefore all pupils regardless of their gender or class or ethnic background are exposed to the same information, knowledge and cultural teachings. The effect of the transmission of the core culture via the education system is to promote a consensus on central norms and values – this ensures a fundamental level of agreement, despite a diversity of individual life experiences and helps to produce a homogeneous society.

In schools, children come to see that they are part of something larger than themselves and develop a sense of commitment to the larger social group.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
8
Q

how does the education system regulate its members according to functionalists like Durkheim

A

Closely allied to the transmission of culture, is the need for each society to regulate its members. Education achieves this via:
It prepares individuals for interaction with members of society in terms of its general rules and standards. In respecting school rules, pupils learn to respect the rules of society in general. This contributes to social order.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
9
Q

How does the education system act as a vehicle for developing the human resources of nation by preparing workers with the specialist skills

A

According to Durkheim, modern industrial economies have a complex division of labour and the education system acts a vehicle for developing the human resources of a nation. In doing so it provides an adequate supply of trained people with the skills required to perform specialist roles within the economy.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
10
Q

explain how educations acts as a vital secondary source of socialisation according to Parsons

A

Parsons (1961) draws on many of Durkheim’s ideas. He sees schools as vital secondary source of socialisation that acts as a bridge between the family and society as a whole. After primary socialisation, the school becomes the focal socialising agency preparing young people for their adult roles and encourages them to be a highly motivated and achievement orientated workforce.
According to Parsons, within the family children are judged by particularistic standards, not by a formal standard. However, in wider society, individuals are judged by universalistic standards which applied to all members. Status is achieved, not ascribed. Therefore, school prepares individuals as success is achieved by meritocratic principles – which reflect how society as a whole operates. This is because school is a meritocracy which is based on the meritocratic principles of society and the workplace

Like Durkheim, Parsons argues that the school represents a miniature society. By reflecting the operation of society as a whole, the school prepares individuals for their adult roles

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
11
Q

explain how educations acts as preparation for work according to davis and moore

A

Davis and Moore (1967) also see education as preparation for work, but link it more directly to the stratification system. They view education as a proving ground for ability – a selective agency allocating people to roles according to ability. They link education to social inequality and argue that inequality is necessary to ensure that the most important roles in society are filled by the most talented people. Not everyone is equally talented, so society has to offer higher rewards for these jobs.

This encourages everyone to compete and then society can select the most talented individuals to fill these positions.

Education plays a key part in this process as it:
Sifts, sorts and grades individuals in terms of their talents and abilities and allocates them to different sets/streams/bands and provides them with a curriculum which will ensure they fulfil their potential. By enabling the most talented to gain more educational qualifications they can be selected for the most highly rewarded positions in society.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
12
Q

what do blau and duncan argue in relation to education allocating people roles based on their ability

A

Similarly, BLAU and DUNCAN (1978) argue that a modern economy depends for its prosperity on using its ‘human capital’ – its workers’ skills. They argue that a meritocratic education system does this best, since it enables each person to be allocated to the job best suited to their abilities. This will make the most effective use of their talents and skills and maximise their productivity.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
13
Q

evaluate the functionalist perspective on education

A
  • gaps in education reveals the unmeritocratic nature of education with a prominent example being between 2015-2018 where 8 private schools sent 1,310 pupils to Oxbridge while 2,900 state schools sent 1,220 pupils to Oxbridge
  • critics of the functional perspective would argue that schools do not always promote social solidarity, unity and integration as many pupils may be bullied, do not like school, do not have many friends or suffer from problems such as bullying or discrimination etc
  • there is a vast array of evidence that equal opportunities does not exist in exist in education e.g achievement is greatly influenced by class background which undermines the functionalist view that education is a meritocracy and that qualifications and success is based on achieved status
  • interactionist (Wrong) argues that functionalists have an ‘over-socialised view’ of people as puppets of society - pupils do not passively accept all that they are taught, many reject the school values and rebel against school rules or be apart of anti-school subcultures which gives evidence against the idea of stability in school
  • Marxists critique the functionalist idea that education instils the shared values of society as a whole, arguing that it transmits the ruling class ideology
  • critics argue that the education system does not teach specialised skills adequately. The wolf review (2011) found that up to a third of 16-19 year olds are on courses that do not lead to high education or good jobs
  • the new right argue that state education fails to adequately prepare young people for work
  • ethnocentric nature of the curriculum devalues the experiences of BAME pupils and contradicts the idea of social solidarity
  • functionalists see education as a process that instils the shared values of society as a whole, but Marxists would argue that education in a capitalistic society only transmits the ideology of the ruling class
How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
14
Q

what is neoliberalism

A

neoliberalism is an economic philosophy that has had a major influence on education policy. Neoliberals believe that the state should not provide services such as education, health and welfare.

It is based on the idea that the state must not dictate to individuals and should not try to regulate a free-market economy. So governments should encourage competition, privatise state-run businesses and deregulate markets

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
15
Q

how has neo-liberal ideas influenced governments?

A

Neoliberals ideas have influenced all governments since 1979 - whether conservative, labour or coalition but particularly conservative

neoliberals believe that the value of education lies in how well it enables the country to compete in the global marketplace

they argue that this can only be achieved if schools become more like businesses, empowering parents and pupils as consumers and using competition between schools to drive up standards

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
16
Q

what is the new right?

A

the new right is a conservative political view that totally incorporates neoliberal economic ideas

A central principle of new right thinking is the belief that the state cannot meet people’s needs and that people are best left to meet their own needs through the free market

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
17
Q

the new right emphasises the importance of market forces in education and believe that there are only TWO important roles of the state.

explain these roles

A
  • the state imposes a framework on schools within which they have to compete, e.g. publishing Ofsted reports and league tables of schools’ results ensure that the state provides parents with information with which to make an informed choice between schools
  • the state ensures that a shared culture is transmitted. By imposing a standardised national curriculum it ensures that schools socialise pupils into single cultural heritage
How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
18
Q

outline features central to the new right view on education which are similar to functionalists

A
  • They believe that some people are naturally more talented than others
  • They favour an education system run on meritocratic principles of open competition
  • They believe that education should serve the needs of the economy by preparing people for work
  • They maintain that education should socialise pupils into shared collective values such as competition and instil a sense of national identity and citizenship.
How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
19
Q

what is a key difference between the new right and functionalist view on education

A

a key difference between the NR and functionalism is that when the Conservatives gained power in 1979, they did not believe that the education system was achieving these goals

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
20
Q

explain why the new right was critical of state education and explain new vocationalism

A

First of all, the NR were critical of state education, seeing it as inefficient because it failed to produce pupils with the skills needed for the economy. To address this problem, they introduced a policy in the 1980s that became known as New Vocationalism: this is where a range of vocational education courses were introduced by the Conservative government. These included: (a) GNVQ courses (General National Vocational Qualification) which were taught in schools as an alternative to academic courses. They aimed to prepare students for work by teaching job-specific skills in the classroom and placing students into the workplace for work experience placements. (b) The YTS (Youth Training Scheme) was introduced. This was a one-year training scheme that combined work experience with education for unemployed school leavers - to provide skills and help them become more employable.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
21
Q

explain why the new right critical of state education and how do they reflect this idea in policies

A

The NR were critical of education because it was run by the state. They believed that private schools delivered higher quality education because, unlike state schools, they are answerable to paying consumers – the parents. A central idea guiding NR thinking is the belief that the state cannot meet people’s needs and that people are best left to meet their own needs through the free market. This is reflected in the notion of:

(a) Marketisation: this creates an ‘education market’ where the NR believed that competition should be created between schools to make education more business-like. They believed that the marketisation of education would force schools to become more responsive to parents’ wishes and like private businesses; schools would have to compete to attract ‘customers’ by improving their ‘product’ which would lead to an increase in educational standards.

(b) Parentocracy: by empowering them as the consumers of education, parents were transformed into customers/clients of the education marketplace. Parents were granted greater power to shape their children’s educational future by giving them the right to choose which school to send their children to (previously, children were allocated to schools in their catchment area by their LEA (local education authority)). The NR believed that this would bring greater diversity, choice and efficiency to schools increasing their ability to meet the needs of pupils, parents and employers.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
22
Q

explain marketisation in relation to new right

A

Marketisation: this creates an ‘education market’ where the NR believed that competition should be created between schools to make education more business-like. They believed that the marketisation of education would force schools to become more responsive to parents’ wishes and like private businesses; schools would have to compete to attract ‘customers’ by improving their ‘product’ which would lead to an increase in educational standards.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
23
Q

explain parentocracy in relation to new right

A

Parentocracy: by empowering them as the consumers of education, parents were transformed into customers/clients of the education marketplace. Parents were granted greater power to shape their children’s educational future by giving them the right to choose which school to send their children to (previously, children were allocated to schools in their catchment area by their LEA (local education authority)). The NR believed that this would bring greater diversity, choice and efficiency to schools increasing their ability to meet the needs of pupils, parents and employers.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
24
Q

evaluate the new right perspective on education

A
  • critics of the new right argue that problems in education are not a result of state controlled education but a lack of state funding of it;

Ball (1994) and Gerwitz (1995) both argue that competition between schools is more likely to benefit the middle class who can use their cultural and economic capital to ensure that their children gain access to the most desirable of school;

Marxists argue that education does not impose a shared culture but the culture of the dominant class and devalues the culture of the working class and ethnic minorities.

critics would argue that the real cause of low educational standards is not state control but social inequality and inadequate funding of state schools.

There is a contradiction between the new right support for parental choice on the other hand the state imposing a compulsory national curriculum on all its schools on the other

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
25
Q

explain the difference in how functionalists see society and education and Marxists.

A

Functionalists see society and education as based on a value consensus, Marxists see it as a based on class division and capitalist exploitation. They believe the status quo is maintained because the bourgeoisie control the state and this enables them to maintain their dominant position as the education system functions to prevent a revolution and maintain capitalism.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
26
Q

According to Althusser (1971) the state consists of two essential elements or ‘apparatuses’ both of which serve to keep the bourgeoisie in power.

State these apparatuses

A
  • the repressive state apparatuses (RSAs)
  • the ideological state apparatuses (ISAs)
How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
27
Q

Explain what is meant by the repressive state apparatuses (RSAs)

A

Repressive state apparatuses maintain the rule of the bourgeoisie by force or threat of it. The RSAs include the police, courts and army. When necessary they use physical coercion/force to repress the working class

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
28
Q

Explain what is meant by the ideological state apparatuses (ISAs)

A

Ideological state apparatuses maintain the rule of the bourgeoisie by controlling people’s ideas, values and beliefs. The ISAs include religion, mass media and the education system.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
29
Q

Althusser (a Marxist) argues that the education system is an important ISA which performs two functions:

A
  • education reproduces class inequality by transmitting it from generation to generation, by failing each successive generation of working class pupils
  • education legitimates class inequality by producing ideologies (sets of ideas and beliefs) that disguise its true cause. The function of ideology is to persuade workers to accept that inequality is inevitable and that they deserve their subordinate position in society. If they accept these ideas and develop a false class consciousness they are less likely to challenge of threaten capitalism
How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
30
Q

What do Bowles and Gintis mean by schools fostering types of personality development compatible with the relationships of domination and subordination in work and society as a whole

A

According to Bowles and Gintis (1976) the education is best understood as an institution which acts to perpetuate the social relationships which exist in economic life. Schools foster types of personality development compatible with the relationships of domination and subordination in work and society as a whole.

This means that schools teach pupils to follow rules, to be submissive, to be obedient and conforming which puts them in a subordinate position. This prepares them for the hierarchical relationships within work and makes them accept authority and capitalism which requires a workforce with the kind of attitudes, behaviour and personality-type suited to their role as alienated and exploited workers willing to accept hard work, low pay and orders from above.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
31
Q

Bowles and Gintis also argue that the education system operates in a way that allows for Schools to foster types of personality development compatible with the relationships of domination and subordination in work and society as a whole.

How does the education system do this?

A

Bowles and Gintis argue that the education system operates in a way that allows for Schools to foster types of personality development compatible with the relationships of domination and subordination in work and society as a whole through the use of a hidden curriculum.

A hidden curriculum refers to a curriculum that runs alongside the official curriculum but is an unofficial curriculum where pupils are taught lessons through the everyday experiences of being in school, unofficial/informal learning where pupils learn the rules, expectations, punctuality, attendance and behaviour of the school

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
32
Q

Bowles and Gintis argue that the education system reproduces an obedient workforce for capitalism that will accept inequality as inevitable. HOW?

A

For Bowles and Gintis, the role of the education system in a capitalist society, is to reproduce an obedient workforce that will accept inequality as inevitable. They argue that there are close parallels between schooling and work, as they put it, schooling takes place in ‘the long shadow of work’.

Reflecting this view, they concluded that the relationships and structures found in education mirror or correspond to those of work:

  • relationships of authority and control
  • relationships of domination and subordination
  • fragmentation of knowledge
  • motivation by external rewards
How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
33
Q

state the four functions of the correspondence principle

A
  • relationships of authority and control
  • relationships of domination and subordination
  • fragmentation of knowledge
  • motivation by external rewards
How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
34
Q

Explain the correspondence principle of relationships of authority and control

A

. Relationships of authority and control: The relationships of authority and control among teachers and between teachers and students reflects the hierarchy of authority in the workplace. The fact that schools operate on a hierarchical principle of authority prepares individuals for work as it fosters deference to authority and an acceptance of hierarchy. The alienation that students experience through their lack of control in school is mirrored in the alienation through workers’ lack of control over production.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
35
Q

Explain the correspondence principle of domination and subordination

A

Relationships of domination and subordination: The relationships of domination and subordination differ in relation to type of school and level of schooling - schools do different things to different pupils. In lower streams and year groups there is closer supervision and few choices whereas higher levels are trusted to get on with self-directed study. This reflects the different levels of the occupational structure: at lower levels workers are closely supervised and given orders and the higher levels are trusted to internalise the company’s goals. This is also mirrored in the school itself – schools which cater for pupils largely from working class backgrounds emphasise obedience, conformity and dependability, whereas independence, innovation, initiative and creativity are discouraged.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
36
Q

explain the correspondence principle of fragmentation of knowledge

A

Fragmentation of knowledge: The fragmentation and compartmentalisation of knowledge into unconnected subjects reflects the fragmentation of work through the division of labour into small, meaningless tasks.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
37
Q

explain the correspondence principle of motivation by external rewards

A

Motivation by external rewards: Pupils are motivated by extrinsic rewards and satisfaction, rather than from interest in the subjects studied. This reflects and mirrors closely the roles of wages as motivation for the workforce, rather than intrinsic satisfaction from the job itself.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
38
Q

Explain what Bowles and Gintis mean by the education system preventing the poor and working class rebelling against capitalism

A

Bowles and Gintis (like Althusser) argue that the education system helps to prevent this from happening, by legitimating class inequalities. It does this by producing ideologies that serve to explain and justify why inequality is fair, natural and inevitable.

They claim that the education system is a ‘gigantic myth-making machine’. A key myth that it promotes is the ‘myth of meritocracy’ which serves to justify the privileges of the higher classes, making it appear that they gained them through succeeding in an open and fair competition in school. This helps persuade the working class to accept inequality as legitimate and makes it less likely that they will seek to overthrow capitalism.

The education also justifies poverty by promoting the ‘poor are dumb’ myth. It blames poverty on the individual rather than blaming capitalism. It therefore contributes to reconciling workers to their exploited position, making them less likely to rebel against the system.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
39
Q

evaluation of the Marxist perspective

A
  • Marxist approach is very useful in that it exposes the ‘myth of meritocracy’ and highlights that education reproduces and legitimises class inequality.
  • critical such as Morrow and Torres (1998) criticise Marxists for taking a ‘class first’ approach. This means that see class inequality and ignores other kinds. They see non-class inequalities see non-class inequalities, such as ethnicity, gender and sexuality as equally important.
  • They argue that sociologists must explain how education reproduces and legitimises all forms of inequality - not just class and how different forms of inequality are inter-related.
  • the correspondence principle developed by Bowles and Gintis states that school mirror the workplace. This is because capitalism requires large numbers of low-skilled workers to put up with alienating, repetitive work on mass production assembly lines. This system is referred to as FORDISM because the Ford motor company was the first to introduce it. Bowles and Gintis see the mass education system as preparing pupils to accept this kind of work
  • Assumes all students passively accept everything they are taught in school, fails to recognise pupils may rebel against school ideas through anti-school subcultures etc
  • fails to explain why anti-school subcultures exist or why pupils may reject the school values
  • not all pupils accept the hierarchy
How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
40
Q

explain the postmodernist perspective

A

Postmodernists argue that the Marxist view is outdated. They claim that society has entered a new phase and is totally different from the society that Marxists and functionalists have written about.

Postmodernists argue that class divisions are no longer important and society is more fragmented and diverse. They also claim that the economy has shifted away from the assembly-line mass production and is not based on ‘flexible specialisation’ where production is customised for small specialist markets. This post fordist system requires a skilled, adaptable workforce able to use advanced technology and transfer their skills from one specialised task to another.

Post-fordism requires a different kind of education system. Instead of preparing pupils to be low-skilled, low-paid obedient workers, education must encourage self-motivation, self-supervision and creativity.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
41
Q

why do postmodernists argue that education has become more diverse and responsive to the needs of different individuals and groups

A

Postmodernists argue that education has become more diverse and responsive to the needs of different individuals and groups.

In their view, the correspondence principle no longer operates and they believe that education reproduce diversity, not inequality.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
42
Q

why do Marxists criticise postmodernists on the idea of post-fordism

A

Marxists critique the arguments put forward by postmodernists and claim that the changes generated by Post-Fordism result in low paid workers being exploited more than ever before. They also claim that the education system still prepares the majority of pupils to defer to authority etc. in the future.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
43
Q

Who is Neo-marxist Paul Willis influenced by?

A

Neo-Marxist Willis, is influenced by Marxist ideas and believes that education has helped to prop up capitalism by reproducing and legitimising class inequalities. He also supports their idea regarding the ‘myth of meritocracy’.

However, he rejects the idea that pupils are passive to indoctrination. He claims that they can resist such control and this is illustrated in the existence of anti-school subcultures that reject school values and rules

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
44
Q

Describe Willis’s research in summary

A

Willis combined his Marxist ideas with interpretive sociology and conducted detailed qualitative research in schools. (qualitative research methods enable sociologists to conduct small-scale in-depth research and to get ‘up close’ to the social actors they are studying)

Willis studied a small sample of 12 WC boys during the last 18 months in school and he followed them as they made their transition into work. These lads were part of an anti-school subculture and did not passively accept the hierarchical system of schools

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
45
Q

What do all marxists agree on in relation to education?

A

All Marxists agree that capitalism cannot function without a workforce that is willing to accept exploitation. Likewise, all Marxists see education as reproducing and legitimising class inequality. That is, it ensures that working class pupils are slotted into and accept jobs that are poorly paid and alienating. The Marxist approach is therefore useful in exposing the ‘myth of meritocracy’.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
46
Q

How do Marxists differ to Neo-Marxists

A

Marxists such as Bowles and Gintis see education as a fairly straightforward process of indoctrinating the myth of meritocracy, Paul Willis (1977) study shows that working class pupils are resist such attempts to indoctrinate them. Neo-marxists work such as will’s work helps to explain why pupils reject school values and rules. His work is less deterministic than Bowles and Gintis as he rejects their view that schools ‘brainwash’ pupils into passively accepting their fate

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
47
Q

Explain Willi’s interpretive approach

A

Willis is interested in the way in which schooling serves capitalism. However, he combines this with an interpretive approach that focuses on the meanings that pupils giver to their situation and how these enable to resist indoctrination which contains an extra dimension which may differ to the findings of Bowles and Gintis found.

Additionally. Marxist’s used qualitative research techniques usually associated with interpretive sociology when conducting his research. Therefore, Willis achieved a synthesis between macro and micro analysis, structural and social action theory and his explanation is seen as Neo-Marxist theory on education.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
48
Q

who did Willis do his study on

A

Willis studied a group of 12 working class boys during their 18 months at school and follow them as they made their transition from school to work. Their school was located in the middle of a large working class housing estate in the west midlands

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
49
Q

What did Willis find in his research of 12 lads

A

He found that this group of 12 lads formed a distinctive friendship group with its own particular attitude which led to the development of a counter-school subculture. This counter-school/anti-school subculture was opposed to the values of the school and Willis found that the lads demonstrated a fierce opposition to authority. They rejected educational success as defined by the school and saw the conformist behaviour of hardworking pupils as a source of amusement and mockery. The boys prioritised having a ‘laff’ to relieve the monotony and boredom of school and at the same time whilst flouting school rules and values helped them overcome the boredom of school, it was also a way to gain the status that school denied them. He found that the lads rejected educational qualifications because they knew that they were not essential for work - they realised that they were destined to work in the same factory as their dads, brothers etc and therefore saw education and qualifications as irrelevant to them.

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
50
Q

Willis noted the similarity between anti-school counter culture and what?

A

Willis notes the similarity between the anti-school counter culture and the ‘shop-floor’ culture of male manual workers. Both cultures see manual work as superior and intellectual work as inferior and effeminate. The lads identify strongly with male manual work and this explains why they see themselves as superior both to girls and to the ‘effeminate’ ear’oles who aspire to non-manual jobs

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
51
Q

what correspondence principle does Willis find between the attitudes and behaviours developed by lads in school

A

Willis found a correspondence between the attitudes and behaviours developed by the lads in school and the culture displayed on the factory floor at work. However, unlike Bowles and Gintis, he claimed that the lads were not submissive and were not shaped by the educational system. He concluded that they actively created and shaped the correspondence that was found between school and work. However, ironically their very resistance and rejection of the school meant that they were destined for low skilled jobs that capitalism needs to be performed - and as a consequence they were also destined to maintain their low class position. Furthermore, the lads counter/anti-school subculture helps them accept the inferior pay and conditions of associated with work in a capitalist labour force. Having become accustomed to boredom and finding ways of amusing themselves in school, they don’t expect satisfaction from work and are good at finding diversions to cope with the tedium of unskilled work

52
Q

Why does willis argue that anti-school subcultures do not entirely adapt to the requirements of the capitalist workforce

A

Willis found that the anti school subculture was not entirely adapted to the requirements of a capitalist workforce as it contains an important hidden criticism of the dominant ideology of individualism, egalitarianism and meritocracy underpinning the education system specifically and capitalism more generally. The lads understood that individual effort and ability does not always secure success, they saw through the ‘con-trick’ of education and the ‘myth’ of meritocracy and rather recognised that any improvements to their status would come from collective action rather than individual achievement

53
Q

Evaluation of the neo-marxist view

A
  • Willis rejects the view that school simply ‘brainwashes’ pupils into passively accepting their fate. By combining marxist and interactionists approaches, he shows how pupils may resist the school and yet how this still leads them into working class jobs.
  • willis works has stimulated a great deal of research into how education reproduces and legitimates other inequalities. For example, Paul Connolly (1998) explores how education reproduces both ethnic and gender inequalities.
  • critics of willis would argue that his account of the ‘lads’ romanticises them, portraying them as working class heroes despite their anti-social behaviour and sexist attitudes.
  • his small scale study of 12 boys in one school is also unlikely to be representative of other pupils experiences and it would be risky to generalise his findings
  • willis work can be criticised for being qualitative than quantitative which narrows his research down as it is not generalisable and unrepresentative
  • willis research can be criticised for being gender-blind and classist as he does not account for wc girls and other classes who may be apart of anti-school subcultures
  • willis research can be criticised for being outdated as it was done in 1976 but can be used to argue why his research was done mostly on white working class boys as they were the main people who were apart of anti-school subcultures
  • research is useful in illustrating that all pupils are not indoctrinated and show that people can reject indoctrination
54
Q

outline two ways in which schools operate on meritocratic principles

A

exams - schools teach pupils through exams that through their hard work and effort they can achieve the grades they want through individualism

sports day - students taught through their hard work and ability they can win and achieve success which creates the idea that success is achieved

55
Q

outline three criticisms of functionalist theory of education

A
  • too idealistic view of education - fails to recognise how schools devalue the experiences of BAME groups through ethnocentric curriculum
  • gaps in education - reveal the unmeritocratic nature of educational achievement as private schools sent 1,310 pupils to Oxbridge
  • existence of anti-school subcultures and bullying - contradict functionalist ideas of social unity and integration in schools
56
Q

outline two features central to the new right on education

A
  • they believe that some people are naturally talented than others
  • they believe education should serve the needs of the economy by preparing people to work
57
Q

outline two reasons why marxists would argue that the education system is not meritocratic

A
  • education reproduces class inequalities by transmitting it from generation to generation by socialising working class pupils with the ‘poor are dumb myth’ which lets the cycle continue rather than stop it.
  • education legitimises class inequalities by producing ideologies to justify their inequality and justify the privileges of the higher classes by persuading the working class to believe that inequality is inevitable and accept their subordinate position rather than challenge the system
58
Q

outline three ways in which the correspondence principle operates within school

A
  • relationships of authority and control - relationships of authority and control among teachers and students reflect the hierarchy of authority in the workplace similar to an occupational hierarchy.
  • relationships of domination and subordination -
    depending on the type of school and level of schooling schools do different things to different pupils e.g. lower streams more supervised which reflects the different levels of the occupational structures as lower level workers closely supervised while higher have more authority
  • motivation by external rewards - pupils are motivated by extrinsic rewards and satisfaction rather than from interest in the subjects studied which reflects and mirrors closely the roles of wages as motivation for the workplace rather than intrinsic satisfaction from the job itself.
59
Q

identify one reason why postmodernists are critical of the marxist view of education

A
  • postmodernists argue that the marxist view is outdated as they claim society has entered a new phase where society is more fragmented and diverse with markets moving away from mass production to specialist markets
60
Q

outline two ways that the neo marxist view of education differs from the marxist view

A
  • neo marxists argue that wc pupls can resist attempts to indoctrinate them through rejecting school values and rules
  • neo marxists do not believe pupils are deterministic or the idea that pupils passively accept their fate
61
Q

outline two criticisms of willis study

A
  • willis research can be criticised for being gender blind or classist as his research does not account for how working class girls or students from other classes may reject the values of school or be apart of anti-school subcultures
  • can be criticised for being qualitative research/ small sample as it can be argued his research is not generalisable or be representative of wider society.
62
Q

define education policy

A

educational policy refers to the plans and strategies for education introduced by the government. Policies instruct schools and LEAS.

63
Q

what type of issues are educational policy

A
  • equal opportunities
  • selection and choice
  • control of education
  • marketisation and privatisation
64
Q

when did the state start to provide some responsibility in relation to education

A

Previously, education was only available to a minority of the population. It was provided by fee-paying schools for the wealthy or by churches and charities for a few of the poor. It was only in 1870 with the Forster Education Act that the state began to assume some responsibility and provided free education, however it did not make it compulsory until 1880 (from the ages of 5-13).

In this period the type of education children gained reflected their social class position and it did little to change pupils’ ascribed status. Middle class pupils followed an academic curriculum and working-class pupils were equipped with basic numeracy and literacy skills needed for routine work and values to encourage deference to authority. The limited education of the majority of the population was highlighted in the Second World War when many army recruits were found to be illiterate. This wastage of talent and resources made many fear that Britain’s industrial performance would be threatened by such a poorly educated workforce. As a result of such concerns, the 1944 Butler Education Act was introduced to radically change the nature and structure of the education system.

65
Q

what did the 1944 butler education act introduce

A
  • the tripartite system
66
Q

what ideas was the tripartite system and 1944 butler education act based on

A

From 1944 education began to be shaped by the idea of meritocracy – that individuals should achieve their status in life through their own efforts and abilities, rather than it being ascribed by their class background. The 1944 Butler Education Act enshrined this belief and was based on the notion that every child should be given an equal chance to develop his/her talents to the full within a free system of state education.

67
Q

explain the tripartite system

A

The Act introduced the tripartite system of education, as children were to be selected and allocated to one of three different types of secondary school, supposedly reflecting and according to their aptitudes and abilities. The system was designed to provide separate but equal schooling and the three schools were to have parity of esteem – equal status.

The different aptitudes and abilities were to be identified by the 11+ exam which was taken by every child at the age of 11 and would be used to select and allocate pupils to their appropriate school. Educationalists at the time believed that this national test was an accurate indicator of the suitability of a particular pupil for a specific school. However, a later test, the 13+ was offered to pupils if it became clear that they had been allocated to the ‘wrong’ school (in reality very few were re-tested and transferred).

  1. Secondary grammar schools: were for pupils who ‘passed’ the 11+ – these pupils were mainly middle class. It offered an academic curriculum and access to non-manual jobs and higher education. Less than 20% of the population attended these schools.
  2. Secondary modern schools: offered a non-academic, ‘practical’ curriculum and access to manual work for pupils who ‘failed’ the 11+. These pupils were mainly working class.
  3. The third type, technical schools existed in very few areas with only 5% of the population attending. Therefore, in reality the system was more bipartite than tripartite
68
Q

evaluate the tripartite system

A
  • Rather than promoting meritocracy and eradicating social class divisions, the TS was judged to be ‘socially divisive’ by reproducing class inequality. This was achieved by channelling the two social classes into two very different types of school offering different and unequal opportunities. Critics argued it was an obstacle to equality of opportunity.
  • The schools did not have ‘parity of esteem’
  • It also reproduced gender inequality by requiring girls to gain higher marks in the 11+ exam.
  • It also led to regional inequalities as there were disparities in the numbers of grammar places available in different areas.
  • It also legitimated inequality from the ideology that ability is inborn and that it can be measured in a single test.
69
Q

explain the comprehensive system and what did the system aim to achieve?

A

As a result of mounting criticisms, in 1965 the Labour government instructed LEAs to convert to a comprehensive system of secondary schooling. This aimed to overcome the class divide of the tripartite system and make education (and thus society) more meritocratic and egalitarian. The philosophy behind the comprehensive system emphasised integration and inclusion rather than segregation and separation. The 11+ was to be abolished and all pupils within the same catchment area would attend the same mixed ability comprehensive. However, it was left to the LEA to decide whether to ‘go comprehensive’ and not all did, (particularly Conservative run LEAs). As a result, the grammar-secondary modern divide still exists in many areas.

70
Q

evaluate the comprehensive system

A

Functionalists argue that comprehensives promote social integration by bringing children of different social classes and abilities together in one school.

However early research by Ford (1969) found little evidence of social integration as a result of setting and streaming.

They also see comprehensives as more meritocratic as it gives pupils a longer period of time to develop and show their abilities, rather than selecting pupils at the age of 11.

However, Marxists argue that comprehensives are not meritocratic. Rather, they reproduce class inequality from one generation to the next through streaming and labelling. By not selecting pupils at 11 it contributes towards the ‘myth of meritocracy’, by making failure look like it is the fault of the individual rather than the system and people believe the system is fairer and just.

71
Q

evaluate the comprehensive system

A

Functionalists argue that comprehensives promote social integration by bringing children of different social classes and abilities together in one school. However early research by Ford (1969) found little evidence of social integration as a result of setting and streaming. They also see comprehensives as more meritocratic as it gives pupils a longer period of time to develop and show their abilities, rather than selecting pupils at the age of 11.

However, Marxists argue that comprehensives are not meritocratic. Rather, they reproduce class inequality from one generation to the next through streaming and labelling. By not selecting pupils at 11 it contributes towards the ‘myth of meritocracy’, by making failure look like it is the fault of the individual rather than the system and people believe the system is fairer and just.

72
Q

state policies from the 1988 education reform act that encourage marketisation

A
  • national curriculum
  • testing and attainment targets
  • publication of league tables and OFSTED inspection reports
  • parental choice
  • open enrolment
  • formula funding
  • grant maintained schools
  • local management of schools
73
Q

explain the ERA policy of national curriculum

A

National curriculum: the government laid down a standardised national curriculum to ensure that schools and pupils concentrate on what they saw as the core and foundational subjects

74
Q

explain the ERA policy of testing and attainment targets

A

testing and attainment targets: attainment targets were established and SATS introduced to ensure targets were being met and maintained

75
Q

explain the ERA policy of publication of league tables and Ofsted inspection reports

A

Publication of league tables and Ofsted inspection reports: that rank each school according to its exam performances e.g SATS, GCSES and A-Levels

76
Q

Explain the ERA policy of parental choice

A

Parental choice: parents were given the right to send their children to the school of their choice. To facilitate this, schools produced prospectuses including comparisons of their SATS and exam results with the national average

77
Q

explain the ERA policy of open enrolment

A

Open enrolment: a policy of open enrolment forced all schools to recruit pupils up to their maximum capacity

78
Q

explain the ERA policy of formula funding

A

Formula Funding: a new system of funding was introduced based on enrolments

79
Q

explain the ERA policy of Grant Maintained schools

A

Grant Maintained Schools: schools were encouraged to opt out of LEA control and become self-governing, funded directly from government. These schools had the right to select pupils through entry exams

80
Q

explain the ERA policy of local management of schools

A

Local management of schools: the act increased the powers and the independence of schools. Responsibility of 85% of the budget was removed from LEAs and given to head teachers and governors

81
Q

state the other policy changes introduced by the conservatives during 1988 and 1993

A
  • the replacement of GCES (O-Levels) and CSEs with the GCSE qualification in 1988 as before this replacement only higher bands did o-levels which were held in high esteem while lower bands did CSE which were not held in high esteem and did not able you to do a-levels.
  • in 1993 polytechnics were allowed to become universities as there was a two-tier system between polytechnics and older universities and the government wanted to combat this
82
Q

How did the new labour governments emphasise marketisation

A

the new labour governments of blair and brown followed with similar policies of marketisation that emphasised standards, diversity and choice

83
Q

How did the conservative liberal democrat coalition government emphasise marketisation

A

in 2010, the conservative liberal democrat coalition government took marketisation even further by creating academies and free schools

84
Q

state criticisms of the education reform act 1988 policies

A

NATIONAL CURRICULUM:
LAWTON (1989) argued that the NC undermined local democratic control of education and the independence of the teaching profession by centralising power in the hands of the government. He argued that the content of the NC was very traditional and unimaginative in its exclusion of certain subjects claiming that it neglected important areas of learning such as political understanding, economic awareness and many other cross-curricular themes. JOHNSON (1991) also criticised it on the grounds that it defined certain types of knowledge as worthy of study while excluding others. He argued that the use of a single curriculum for all pupils based on a common culture did not encourage equality of opportunity. MacNEIL (1990) stated that it reflected white Anglo-Saxon culture and excluded the contribution of minority ethnic groups. Reflecting this, the NC has been accused of being ethnocentric. For example:

  • African, Afro-Caribbean and Asian history is neglected, and the emphasis is placed on the benefits of British colonialism.
  • In literature emphasis is placed on traditional and classical English writers such as Shakespeare, Hardy, Milton and Dickens.
  • European languages dominate the language component of the NC.
  • Religious specifications reflected Christian religious traditions and could not treat other major religions in the same way.

(b) SATs:
Critics argue that SATs have turned education into a rat race. They claim that frequent formal testing of children at a young age can lead to labelling and that it changes the nature of education in a detrimental way.

(c) LEAGUE TABLES:
Most academics and teachers argue that league tables give parents (and others) a misleading impression of the quality of a school. A school’s position in the league table was originally based only on crude exam data leading critics to argue that they revealed more about the social class backgrounds of pupils than the quality or effectiveness of the school itself. League tables can therefore conceal under-performing schools in advantaged middle-class areas and good schools in working class areas. Therefore, league tables may not show how much value has been added by the school. Critics also note that the emphasis on league table results and presenting a ‘good’ image to parents in the educational marketplace may have the effect of making it harder for poorer schools to improve as pupils go elsewhere. Therefore, poorer schools may lack the resources to improve performance.

BARTLETT et al (1933) notes that the introduction of league tables encourages schools to engage in:
Cream-skimming: ‘Good’ schools can be more selective, effectively ‘choosing’ their own customers and recruiting high achieving, mainly middle-class pupils. As a result, these pupils gain an advantage.
Silt-shifting: ‘Good’ schools can avoid taking less able pupils who are likely to get poor results and damage the school’s league table position.

(d) FUNDING FORMULA:
As a result of popular schools gaining more funds, they can attract and afford better-qualified teachers and better facilities. Again, their popularity allows them to be more selective and attracts more able or ambitious, generally middle-class applicants who can thrive. Whereas, unpopular schools lose income and find it difficult to match the teacher skills and facilities of their more successful rivals. A study of international patterns of educational inequality by the Institute for Public Policy Research (2012) found that competition-orientated education systems produce more segregation between children of different social backgrounds.

(e) PARENTAL CHOICE:
The Canadian Centre for Educational Sociology conducted a 5 year study in Scotland and found that far from promoting parental choice, increased competition and open enrolment proved to be a retrograde step. The increased emphasis on testing and competition between schools undermined the principles of comprehensive schooling and represented a move back to the era of the tripartite system. They concluded that the key effect of giving parents the right to choose, increased segregation between working and middle-class pupils as middle class parents were in a stronger position to pick schools with a good academic record which benefitted from a more privileged intake.

BALL and GEWIRTZ (1995) conducted research between 1991-94 in 14 schools in three neighbouring LEAs. They visited 15 schools, attended meetings, examined LEA documentation and interviewed teachers and head-teachers and 150 parents whose children were about to start secondary school. Their aim was to assess the effects of that the ERA reforms were having on education and educational opportunities for different social groups. They found that in this new educational climate schools were very keen to attract academically able as opposed to all pupils, in order to boost their reputation and position in the league tables. They detected a shift in emphasis away from what schools can do for pupils, to what pupils can do for schools. Therefore, rather than schools improving their educational standards they became more focused on attracting ‘good’ pupils. They claim that the ERA led to a significant shift in the value framework of educational provision whereby commercial rather than educational principles became increasingly dominant in the making of curriculum, organisational and resource allocation. They believe that in this new climate schools became far more concerned with their image and pupils have become like commodities sought after to promote the school rather than their own needs.

BALL and GEWIRTZ identify three main types of parents:
1. Privileged-skilled choosers: These were mainly professional middle-class parents were able to exploit the new market place in education more effectively than working class parents. Because of their own higher levels of education they were more able to use their cultural and economic capital to ensure their children go to the school of their choice. They found that middle class parents possessed the knowledge, contacts and capital to understand and compare schools in league tables, know more about how to access school inspection report, afford transport costs or move closer to the ‘best’ schools and make appointments with head teachers, multiple applications and make appeals if refused a place at their chosen school.

  1. Disconnected-local choosers: These were working class parents whose choices were restricted by their lack of cultural capital (less confident in their dealings and knowledge of school and the admissions procedures and less able to manipulate the system to their own advantage) and economic capital (limited funds meant that the nearest school was often the only realistic option).
  2. Semi-skilled choosers:
    These parents were also mainly working class, but compared to disconnected-local choosers, they were more ambitious for their children. However, they too lacked cultural capital and found it difficult to make sense of the education market, often having to rely on other people’s opinions about schools. They were often frustrated at their inability to get their children into the schools they wanted.

Thus, although in theory the education market gives everyone greater choice, BALL and GEWIRTZ argue that in practice middle-class parents possess cultural and economic capital and have more choice than working-class parents. They concluded that the measures introduced as a result of the ERA which were designed to make education more market-orientated, served to make education less egalitarian and produced a more socially differentiated and divisive system.

85
Q

evaluate the policy of the national curriculum 1988 ERA

A

NATIONAL CURRICULUM:
LAWTON (1989) argued that the NC undermined local democratic control of education and the independence of the teaching profession by centralising power in the hands of the government. He argued that the content of the NC was very traditional and unimaginative in its exclusion of certain subjects claiming that it neglected important areas of learning such as political understanding, economic awareness and many other cross-curricular themes. JOHNSON (1991) also criticised it on the grounds that it defined certain types of knowledge as worthy of study while excluding others. He argued that the use of a single curriculum for all pupils based on a common culture did not encourage equality of opportunity. MacNEIL (1990) stated that it reflected white Anglo-Saxon culture and excluded the contribution of minority ethnic groups. Reflecting this, the NC has been accused of being ethnocentric. For example:

  • African, Afro-Caribbean and Asian history is neglected, and the emphasis is placed on the benefits of British colonialism.
  • In literature emphasis is placed on traditional and classical English writers such as Shakespeare, Hardy, Milton and Dickens.
  • European languages dominate the language component of the NC.
  • Religious specifications reflected Christian religious traditions and could not treat other major religions in the same way.
86
Q

evaluate the policy of SATS ERA 1988

A

SATs:
Critics argue that SATs have turned education into a rat race. They claim that frequent formal testing of children at a young age can lead to labelling and that it changes the nature of education in a detrimental way

87
Q

evaluate the policy of league tables ERA 1988

A

LEAGUE TABLES:
Most academics and teachers argue that league tables give parents (and others) a misleading impression of the quality of a school. A school’s position in the league table was originally based only on crude exam data leading critics to argue that they revealed more about the social class backgrounds of pupils than the quality or effectiveness of the school itself. League tables can therefore conceal under-performing schools in advantaged middle-class areas and good schools in working class areas. Therefore, league tables may not show how much value has been added by the school. Critics also note that the emphasis on league table results and presenting a ‘good’ image to parents in the educational marketplace may have the effect of making it harder for poorer schools to improve as pupils go elsewhere. Therefore, poorer schools may lack the resources to improve performance.

BARTLETT et al (1933) notes that the introduction of league tables encourages schools to engage in:

Cream-skimming: ‘Good’ schools can be more selective, effectively ‘choosing’ their own customers and recruiting high achieving, mainly middle-class pupils. As a result, these pupils gain an advantage.

Silt-shifting: ‘Good’ schools can avoid taking less able pupils who are likely to get poor results and damage the school’s league table position.

88
Q

evaluate the policy of funding forming ERA 1988

A

As a result of popular schools gaining more funds, they can attract and afford better-qualified teachers and better facilities. Again, their popularity allows them to be more selective and attracts more able or ambitious, generally middle-class applicants who can thrive. Whereas, unpopular schools lose income and find it difficult to match the teacher skills and facilities of their more successful rivals. A study of international patterns of educational inequality by the Institute for Public Policy Research (2012) found that competition-orientated education systems produce more segregation between children of different social backgrounds.

89
Q

evaluate the policy of parental choice 1988 ERA

A

PARENTAL CHOICE:
The Canadian Centre for Educational Sociology conducted a 5 year study in Scotland and found that far from promoting parental choice, increased competition and open enrolment proved to be a retrograde step. The increased emphasis on testing and competition between schools undermined the principles of comprehensive schooling and represented a move back to the era of the tripartite system. They concluded that the key effect of giving parents the right to choose, increased segregation between working and middle-class pupils as middle class parents were in a stronger position to pick schools with a good academic record which benefitted from a more privileged intake.

BALL and GEWIRTZ (1995) conducted research between 1991-94 in 14 schools in three neighbouring LEAs. They visited 15 schools, attended meetings, examined LEA documentation and interviewed teachers and head-teachers and 150 parents whose children were about to start secondary school. Their aim was to assess the effects of that the ERA reforms were having on education and educational opportunities for different social groups. They found that in this new educational climate schools were very keen to attract academically able as opposed to all pupils, in order to boost their reputation and position in the league tables. They detected a shift in emphasis away from what schools can do for pupils, to what pupils can do for schools. Therefore, rather than schools improving their educational standards they became more focused on attracting ‘good’ pupils. They claim that the ERA led to a significant shift in the value framework of educational provision whereby commercial rather than educational principles became increasingly dominant in the making of curriculum, organisational and resource allocation. They believe that in this new climate schools became far more concerned with their image and pupils have become like commodities sought after to promote the school rather than their own needs.

BALL and GEWIRTZ identify three main types of parents:
1. Privileged-skilled choosers: These were mainly professional middle-class parents were able to exploit the new market place in education more effectively than working class parents. Because of their own higher levels of education they were more able to use their cultural and economic capital to ensure their children go to the school of their choice. They found that middle class parents possessed the knowledge, contacts and capital to understand and compare schools in league tables, know more about how to access school inspection report, afford transport costs or move closer to the ‘best’ schools and make appointments with head teachers, multiple applications and make appeals if refused a place at their chosen school.

  1. Disconnected-local choosers: These were working class parents whose choices were restricted by their lack of cultural capital (less confident in their dealings and knowledge of school and the admissions procedures and less able to manipulate the system to their own advantage) and economic capital (limited funds meant that the nearest school was often the only realistic option).
  2. Semi-skilled choosers:
    These parents were also mainly working class, but compared to disconnected-local choosers, they were more ambitious for their children. However, they too lacked cultural capital and found it difficult to make sense of the education market, often having to rely on other people’s opinions about schools. They were often frustrated at their inability to get their children into the schools they wanted.

Thus, although in theory the education market gives everyone greater choice, BALL and GEWIRTZ argue that in practice middle-class parents possess cultural and economic capital and have more choice than working-class parents. They concluded that the measures introduced as a result of the ERA which were designed to make education more market-orientated, served to make education less egalitarian and produced a more socially differentiated and divisive system.

90
Q

what ideas were new labour policies on education influenced by

A

The educational policies of the New Labour governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown were influenced by both the New Right (NR) and Social Democratic ideas. Labour retained and modified NR policies such as marketisation, however at the same time, it was also committed to reducing inequality and aimed to improve working class opportunity.

91
Q

state new labour policies that were influenced by the new right - promoting diversity, competition and choice

A

(a) Past Labour governments were committed to the ideals and principles of the comprehensive system, however Blair believed the system needed to be modernised (more diverse) and part of this process involved the expansion of the Conservative policy of specialist schools. In 1997 Labour inherited 196 specialist schools from the Conservatives and by 2007 there were over 2,500 – over 75% of all secondary schools in England and Wales. These are intended to be centres of excellence and raise standards of teaching and learning in their particular specialist subjects and they can select 10% of their pupils, choosing those who have an aptitude for their specialist subject.

(b) The 2006 Education and Inspections Act gave schools greater freedom to be selective by setting their own admission arrangements.

(c) Failing schools, often in low-income communities were closed because they failed to meet targets. As part of the ‘Fresh Start’ programme (2001), they were re-opened as city academies. They had new head teachers and often new staff, new names, uniforms and sometimes buildings. The key objective of this policy was to improved educational standards, particularly in disadvantaged communities, (these can be contrasted with the academisation programme pursued by the Coalition government).

(d) Labour accepted the NR view that competition between schools would raise standards and they retained league tables as a means for parents to assess a school’s performance. However, in 2006 they introduced an additional table based on social factors, as a result schools in low income areas with average exam results might score highly because their results are better than expected in view of the background of their students.

(e) Labour initiated programmes of privatisation: exam boards and SATs testing, as well as some Ofsted inspections were placed in private hands. It also initiated the Private Finance Initiative (PFI), which involved private contractors and the state jointly funding the building of new schools and colleges.

(f) In 1998, as part of the Teaching and Higher Education Act, Labour introduced tuition fees across the UK for undergraduate and postgraduate university courses. Originally introduced at around £3,000 per year, they increased to £9,000 per year when the Coalition government were in power (Scotland does not charge fees for HE).

92
Q

explain the new labour policy of specialist skills

A

Past Labour governments were committed to the ideals and principles of the comprehensive system, however Blair believed the system needed to be modernised (more diverse) and part of this process involved the expansion of the Conservative policy of specialist schools. In 1997 Labour inherited 196 specialist schools from the Conservatives and by 2007 there were over 2,500 – over 75% of all secondary schools in England and Wales. These are intended to be centres of excellence and raise standards of teaching and learning in their particular specialist subjects and they can select 10% of their pupils, choosing those who have an aptitude for their specialist subject.

93
Q

explain the new labour policy of 2006 education and inspections act

A

The 2006 Education and Inspections Act gave schools greater freedom to be selective by setting their own admission arrangements.

94
Q

explain the new labour policy of city academies

A

Failing schools, often in low-income communities were closed because they failed to meet targets. As part of the ‘Fresh Start’ programme (2001), they were re-opened as city academies. They had new head teachers and often new staff, new names, uniforms and sometimes buildings. The key objective of this policy was to improved educational standards, particularly in disadvantaged communities, (these can be contrasted with the academisation programme pursued by the Coalition government).

95
Q

explain the new labour policy of additional table on league tables

A

Labour accepted the NR view that competition between schools would raise standards and they retained league tables as a means for parents to assess a school’s performance. However, in 2006 they introduced an additional table based on social factors, as a result schools in low income areas with average exam results might score highly because their results are better than expected in view of the background of their students.

96
Q

explain the new labour policy of programmes of privatisation of exam boards and sats testing

A

Labour initiated programmes of privatisation: exam boards and SATs testing, as well as some Ofsted inspections were placed in private hands. It also initiated the Private Finance Initiative (PFI), which involved private contractors and the state jointly funding the building of new schools and colleges.

97
Q

explain the new labour policy of tutition fees

A

In 1998, as part of the Teaching and Higher Education Act, Labour introduced tuition fees across the UK for undergraduate and postgraduate university courses. Originally introduced at around £3,000 per year, they increased to £9,000 per year when the Coalition government were in power (Scotland does not charge fees for HE).

98
Q

state new labour policies that are influenced by social democratic influence and aiming to reduce inequality

A

New Labour’s educational policy was a paradox: While it was influenced by the NR, it was also based on social democratic views and aimed to ensure equality of opportunity. In the policy document ‘Excellence in Cities’ (1997) they stated that they intended to overcome economic and social disadvantage and to make equality of opportunity a reality. They set about targeting support on disadvantaged groups by introducing measures such as:

a) In 1997 some disadvantaged communities were identified and designated Education Action Zones (EAZ) providing additional resources and funding (this was then replaced by their Excellence in Cities programme in 1999).

(b) The Educational Maintenance Allowance (EMA) introduced in 1997 aimed to increase the number of young people from low income backgrounds to stay in school, study A-Levels and apply to university.

(c) The New Deal (1998) for young people aimed to help the young unemployed gain qualifications to improve their chances of finding work.

(d) Free pre-school nursery provision was introduced in 1998.

(e) Sure Start children centres (1999) aimed to give pre-school children a better start in life. It brought together a range of educational and other services to support poorer parents in order to tackle cultural and material deprivation, which placed working class children at a disadvantage before they even started school.

(f) The Gifted and Talented initiative (2002) identified the top 5% of students aged 11-18 in inner city secondary schools and provide them with extra study support.

(g) The Aim Higher initiative (2004) aimed to widen participation in higher education particularly among students from low income backgrounds.

(h) Raising the school leaving age in 2008 to 17 (later increased to 18 in 2015), was designed to reduce the number of ‘Neets’ (those ‘not in education, employment or training’).

Labour also introduced policies to raise achievement and standards more generally such as reducing primary school class sizes and introducing the National Literacy Strategy, literacy and numeracy hours, homework clubs, home and school contracts and ‘naming and shaming’ the worst performing schools.

99
Q

explain the new labour policies of:

  • education action zones
  • education maintenance allowance
  • new deal
  • free school nursery provision
A

(a) In 1997 some disadvantaged communities were identified and designated Education Action Zones (EAZ) providing additional resources and funding (this was then replaced by their Excellence in Cities programme in 1999).

(b) The Educational Maintenance Allowance (EMA) introduced in 1997 aimed to increase the number of young people from low income backgrounds to stay in school, study A-Levels and apply to university.

(c) The New Deal (1998) for young people aimed to help the young unemployed gain qualifications to improve their chances of finding work.

(d) Free pre-school nursery provision was introduced in 1998.

100
Q

explain the new labour policies of:

  • sure start
  • gifted and talented initiative
  • aim higher initiative
  • raising the school leaving age
  • national literacy strategy
A

e) Sure Start children centres (1999) aimed to give pre-school children a better start in life. It brought together a range of educational and other services to support poorer parents in order to tackle cultural and material deprivation, which placed working class children at a disadvantage before they even started school.

(f) The Gifted and Talented initiative (2002) identified the top 5% of students aged 11-18 in inner city secondary schools and provide them with extra study support.

(g) The Aim Higher initiative (2004) aimed to widen participation in higher education particularly among students from low income backgrounds.

(h) Raising the school leaving age in 2008 to 17 (later increased to 18 in 2015), was designed to reduce the number of ‘Neets’ (those ‘not in education, employment or training’).

Labour also introduced policies to raise achievement and standards more generally such as reducing primary school class sizes and introducing the National Literacy Strategy, literacy and numeracy hours, homework clubs, home and school contracts and ‘naming and shaming’ the worst performing schools.

101
Q

state criticisms of new labour policies

A
  • critics such as Melissa Benn (2012) see a contradiction between labour policies to tackle inequality and its commitment to marketisation - something she called the ‘new labour paradox’ as despite introducing policies to reduce inequality such as the education maintenance allowance to encourage students to stay in education. Labour also introduced tuition fees for higher education that may deter them from going to university
  • new labour governments neither abolished fee-paying schools nor removed their charitable status (estimated to be worth over £165 million per year)
102
Q

Explain the main aims of the coalition government policies

A

The Conservative-Liberal Democrat Coalition government elected in 2010 accelerated the move away from an education system based largely on comprehensive schools run LEAs. Most of the coalition measures were introduced when Michael Gove was Secretary of state for education. The policies were strongly influenced by New Right ideas about reducing the role of the state in the provision of education through marketisation and privatisation. Reflecting this: (a) cuts were made to the education budget, as part of the government’s general policy of reducing state spending and (b) through policies such as academies and free schools - the role of the LEA was further reduced.

103
Q

state the two key coalition policies in relation to marketisation and education

A
  • academies
  • free schools
104
Q

explain academies

A

ACADEMIES: From 2010, all schools were encouraged to leave LEA control and become academies. Academies are publicly-funded independent schools. According to Gove, academies benefit from greater freedoms to innovate and raise standards. These include: freedom from local authority control; the ability to set their own pay and conditions for staff; freedoms around the delivery of the curriculum; and the ability to change the lengths of terms and school days. Academies receive the same level of per-pupil funding as they would receive from the local authority as a maintained school, plus additions to cover the services that are no longer provided for them by the local authority. However, academies have greater freedom over how they use their budgets to best benefit their students. They receive their funding directly from the Education Funding Agency (EFA) rather than from local authorities and the governing body has greater autonomy. By 2018, 61% of secondary schools and 21% of primary schools had converted to academy status. Whereas Labour’s original city academies targeted disadvantaged schools and areas, the Coalition government, by allowing any school to become an academy, removed the focus on reducing inequality.

105
Q

explain free schools

A

FREE SCHOOLS: Free Schools are all-ability state-funded schools set up in response to what local people say they want and need in order to improve education for children in their community. Through the Free Schools programme, business leaders, charities, parents, education experts and teachers are able to open schools to address real demand within an area. (Teachers do not need to have a teaching qualification to teach in these schools). Supporters of free schools claim that they give parents and teachers the opportunity to create a new school if they are unhappy with the state schools in their area. They also argue that they improve educational standards by taking control away from the state and giving power to parents.

106
Q

state allen (2010) criticism of free schools

A

However, ALLEN (2010) argues that research from Sweden, where 20% of schools are free schools, shows that they only benefit children from highly educated families. Other critics claim that free schools are socially divisive and that they lower standards – Sweden’s international ranking has fallen since their introduction. Charter schools in the US, which are similar to free schools, have also been criticised for appearing to raise standards but only doing so by strict pupil selection and exclusion policies. In England, evidence shows that free schools take fewer disadvantaged pupils than nearby schools. For example, in 2011 only 6.4% of pupils attending free schools in Bristol were eligible for FSMs, compared to 22.5% of pupils across the city as a whole.

107
Q

evaluate coalition government policies on education

A

Ball (2011) argues that promoting academies and free schools had led to both increased fragmentation and increased centralisation of control over education provision:
(a) Fragmentation: The comprehensive system is being replaced by a patchwork of diverse provision, much of it involving private providers, that leads to greater inequality in opportunities.
(b) Centralisation of control: Central government alone has the power to allow or require schools to become academies or allow free schools to be set up. These schools are funded directly by central government. Their rapid growth has greatly reduced the role of elected local authorities in education.

108
Q

explain other measures introduced by the coalition government

A

Other measures introduced by the Coalition government included:
E-BACCALAUREATE: The E-bac is awarded to pupils who achieve GCSEs in English, maths, a science, a foreign language and a humanity, such as history or geography at grade C or above. The subjects included are designed to ensure that all pupils have the opportunity to study a broad core of subjects, ensuring that doors are not closed off to them in terms of future progression. For example, for pupils hoping to go to university, The Russell Group guide on making informed choices for post-16 education and identifies ‘facilitating subjects’ at A-level. These are the subjects most likely to be required or preferred for entry to degree courses at Russell Group universities and subjects that the government believe will keep the most options open. The E-bac is composed of these ‘facilitating subjects’.

VOCATIONAL SUBJECTS: In January 2012 Gove ordered 96% of GCSE-equivalent vocational qualifications to be stripped from school league tables, following recommendations made in the Wolf report. Therefore, schools are being forced to drop valuable technical, practical and work-related courses or risk getting no credit for the provision. Research supported by the Edge Foundation, an independent education charity found 66% of senior teachers whose schools were cutting vocational provisions admitted the decision had been taken as a result of the changes to the performance tables. Practical training courses have been axed, despite recognition by teachers of their value to pupils. This is despite 85% of senior teachers agreeing that vocational qualifications are valuable for their students.

A-LEVELS: Previously, in 2000, A-levels were split into advanced subsidiary (AS) levels, taken in year 12 and A2s, taken in Year 13. Pupils would study four or five subjects at AS and continue with two or three to A2, counting relevant AS ‘units’ they had completed (and been examined on) towards the final award. They were viewed as a compromise between traditional A-levels and the baccalaureate programme of five or six subjects (usually including compulsory maths and a foreign language) followed by most continental pupils. However, Gove reformed this. From September 2015, AS levels will survive, but will not count towards the full A-level which, he insists, must be taken as a linear two-year course, examined at its conclusion. At the same time, he has introduced new school league tables, giving special credit for pupils who get A-level grades AAB in what he calls “facilitating subjects”, such as chemistry, biology, Latin and maths, which are most likely to get them into elite universities.

H.E TUITION AND EMA:
In 2010 the coalition government increased university tuition fees from 3,000 to 9,000 per year. They also scrapped EMAs

109
Q

explain coalition policies designed to reduce inequality

A

While the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition’s marketisation policies are said to have increased inequality, they also introduced policies aimed at reducing it (largely as a result of Liberal Democrat influence).

Coalition policies designed to reduce inequality:

FREE SCHOOL MEALS: These were introduced for all children in reception and KS1.

PUPIL PREMIUM: Schools with high numbers of students eligible for FSMs were given extra funding for each pupil from a disadvantaged background.

However, Ofsted (2012) found that in many cases Pupil Premium is not spent on those it is supposed to help. Only 1 in 10 head-teachers said that it had significantly changed how they supported pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds.
Furthermore, as part of the coalition government’s ‘austerity’ programme, spending on many areas of education has been cut: spending on school buildings was cut by 60%, many Sure Start centres were closed, the EMA was abolished and university tuition fees tripled to £9,000.

Critics argue that cutting Sure Start and the EMA has reduced opportunities for working class pupils. Similarly, increased university fees may discourage them from entering higher education.

110
Q

state policies designed to promote marketisation

A
  • ERA 1988 Policies
  • free schools
  • academies
  • higher tuition fees increased from 3,000 to 9,000 per year
  • specialist schools
  • 2006 education and inspections act - schools selective with admission arrangements
  • 2006 league tables - additional table
  • privatisation of exam boards, SATS testing, Ofsted inspections / private finance initative
  • 1998 teaching and higher education act - tutition fees
  • parental choice
  • scrapping of vocational qualifications
  • SATS
111
Q

state policies designed to reduce inequalities

A
  • education action zones
  • education maintenance allowance
  • new deal
  • sure start
  • free school meals
  • pupil premium
  • free pre-school nursery provision
  • gifted and talented initiative
  • raising the school leave age to 17 in 2015 raised to 18
  • comprehensive system
  • tripartite system
  • city academies
112
Q

Explain privatisation

A

Privatisationinvolves moving services previously provided by the government into the private sector.

In recent years, there has been a growing trend towards the privatisation of important aspects of education, both in the UK and globally.

As a result, education increasingly becomes a source of profit for capitalists, in what BALL (2007) calls the ‘education services industry’ or ESL

Private companies in the ESI are involved in an ever-increasing range of activities in education, including building schools, providing teachers, careers advice, catering,Ofsted inspection services and even running entire LEAs.

Large scale building projects often involve public-private partnerships (PPPs), where private sector companies provide capital to design, build, finance and operate schools and universities. Typically, such contracts last for 25 years or more, during which time the local council pays a monthly lease and a management fee out of public funds.

Many of these activities are very profitable. According to BALL, companies involved in such work expect to make up to ten times as much profit as they do on other contracts.

Local authorities often find it necessary to enter into these agreements as the only way of building new schools because of a lack of funding by central government.

113
Q

Explain the blurring of the public/private boundary in relation to privatisation

A

BLURRING THE PUBLIC/PRIVATE BOUNDARY:
Many senior officials in the public sector, such as directors of local authorities and head teachers, now leave to set up or work for private sector education businesses, often hired as consultants by schools to advise them. These companies then bid for contracts to provide services to schools and local authorities. For example, two companies set up in this way hold four of the five national contracts for school inspection services. The policy of academisation has also facilitated the blurring of the public/private boundary. Many academies are run and operated by private corporations and become part of a chain. As Pollack (2004) notes, this flow of personnel allows companies to buy ‘insider knowledge’ to help with contracts, as well as side-stepping local authority democracy (reflecting the policy of marketization, New Right ideology and Neoliberalism).

114
Q

Explain the privatisation and the globalisation of education policy

A

PRIVATISATION AND THE GLOBALISATION OF EDUCATION POLICY:
Many private companies in the education services industry are foreign-owned. The exam board Edexcel is owned by the US educational publishing and testing giant Pearson, and according to Ball some Pearson GCSE exam answers are now marked in Sydney and Iowa. Similarly, according to Buckingham and Scanlon (2005), the UK’s four leading educational software companies are all owned by global multinationals (Disney, the US toy companies Mattel and Hambro, and French media corporation Vivendi). Many contracts for educational services in the UK are sold on by the original company to others such as banks and investment funds. In a globalised world, these are often bought by overseas companies.
Conversley, some UK edu-businesses work overseas. For example, Prospects has worked in China, Macedonia and Finland. Often, private companies are exporting UK educational policy to other countries (for example, Ofsted type inspections) and then providing the services to deliver the policies. As a result, nation-states (governments and LEAs) are becoming less important in policymaking, which is shifting to a global level and which is also privatised.

115
Q

Explain the cola-isation of schools in relation to privatisation

A

THE COLA-ISATION OF SCHOOLS:
The private sector is also penetrating education indirectly, for example through vending machines on school premises and the development of brand loyalty through displays of logos and sponsorships – this has become known as the ‘cola-isation of schools’. According to Molnar (2005), schools are targeted by private companies because ‘schools by their very nature carry enormous goodwill and can thus confer legitimacy on anything associated with them’. In other words, they are a kind of product endorsement. However, the benefits to schools and pupils of this private sector involvement are often very limited. For example, according to Ball, a Cadbury’s sports equipment promotion was scrapped after it was revealed that pupils would have to eat 5,440 chocolate bars to qualify for a set of volleyball posts. According to Beder (2009), UK families spent £110,000 in Tesco supermarkets in return for a single computer for schools.

116
Q

Explain education as a commodity in relation to privatisation

A

EDUCATION AS A COMMODITY:
Ball concludes that a fundamental shift is taking place in which privatisation is becoming the key factor shaping educational policy. Policy is increasingly focused on moving educational services out of the public sector controlled by the nation-state, to be provided by private companies instead. In the process, education is being turned into a ‘legitimate object of private profit-making’, a commodity to be bought and sold in an education market.

Privatisation means that the state is losing its role as the provider of educational services. For Ball, the overall effect is that: ‘More and more areas of education are now subject to business practices and financial logics, and bought and sold as assets and made part of investment portfolios. The possibilities of privatisation continually expand, and the ratcheting up of policy over time opens up more education services for profit.’ Similarly, Marxists such as Hall (2011) see Coalition government policies as part of the ‘long march of the neoliberal revolution’. Hall sees academies as an example of handing over public services to private capitalists, such as educational businesses. In the Marxist view, the neoliberal claim that privatisation and competition drive up standards is a myth used to legitimate the turning of education into a source for private profit

117
Q

Explain the impact of neoliberalism can be identified through marketisation and privatisation

A

The impact of neoliberalism can be identified through marketisation and privatisation:
1: The introduction of an internal market within the state education system: This was established by the 1988 ERA, which directed state schools to act more like private businesses, e.g. competing for pupils. However, schooling was still largely delivered by the state, mainly through local authority schools.

2: The privatisation of state education: This takes marketization a step further. In a privatised system, the state ceases to be the actual provider of educational services. Instead, private companies or voluntary organisations deliver education and the state is reduced to two roles: (a) It commissions educational services, putting them up for contract and deciding which private bidder gets the contract. (b) It acts as regulator, setting targets and monitoring performance to ensure that the private providers meet certain standards, e.g. through Ofsted inspections. This form of marketisation began in the late 1980s in a fairly limited way but the trend has steadily accelerated as more areas of the education system have been opened up to private businesses

118
Q

Explain gender education policies

A

Since the 1970s policies such as GIST (Girls into science and Technology) and WISE (Women into Science and Engineering) have been introduced to try and reduce gender differences in subject choice.

Since the 1990s policieshave been introduced to encourage boys to focus on their education and improve their reading: Dads and Sons Campaign, Literacy Hours, Raising Boys Achievement Programme

119
Q

Explain ethnicity policies

A

Policies aimed at raising the achievement of children form minority ethnic backgrounds have gone through several phases:

ASSIMILATION:
Assimilation policies in the 1960s and 70s attempted to assimilate pupils from minority ethnic backgrounds into mainstream British culture by helping those for whom English was not their first language. Compensatory education was a related policy.

However, critics argue that many minority groups at risk of underachieving, already speak English and that the real cause of their underachievement lies in poverty or racism.

MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION:
Multicultural education policies (MCE) in the 1980s and 90s aimed to promote achievement by valuing all cultures in the school curriculum, thereby raising minority pupils’ self-esteem and achievements.

However, critics argue that black pupils do not fail for lack of self-esteem, so MCE is misguided. Critical race theorists argue that MCE is mere tokenism; it picks out stereotypical features of minority cultures for inclusion in the curriculum, but fails to address institutional racism. The New Right criticise MCE, believing education should promote a shared national culture and identity.

SOCIAL INCLUSION:

Social Inclusion policies became the focus in the late 1990s. Policies include:

  • Detailed monitoring of exam results by ethnicity;
  • Amending the Race Relations Act to place a legal duty on schools to promote racial equality;

-Help for voluntary Saturday schools in black communities;

-English as an Additional Language programmes.

Critics argue this a soft approach that focuses on culture, rather than tackling the structural causes of ethnic inequality such as poverty and racism.

120
Q

Explain faith schools

A

The church was the earliest agency to be involved in education. Priest schools existed as early as the seventh century and by the nineteenth century these were the only source of education for the poor. When the state sector emerged, church schools were incorporated within the state sector and recently the number of faiths represented has grown.

Advocates of faith schooling emphasise the higher academic results and supportive community ethos that they offer. They also argue that faith schools allow cultures and religions to be preserved – ensuring the home values are mirrored by schools. This they argue, reduces conflict, helping minority communities to integrate comfortably without persecution. However, critics argue that the higher academic results of faith schools is linked to their selective nature. Furthermore, they are critical of segregating children, pointing to the impact that a faith school can have on the social make-up of the surrounding areas. Both of these factors may undermine communities and create tensions.

121
Q

Explain how some would argue that faith schools have no place in state education

A

At the extreme of the debate, some see no place for religion in state education, arguing that children should be exposed to a variety of belief systems and allowed to form their own opinions. They are particularly critical when religious agendas are perceived to distort the curriculum.

The city academy scheme provided faith groups with an additional way of involving themselves in schooling. 40% of the academies proposed in the early phases were sponsored by faith charities or evangelical individuals. This generated controversies over religious agendas being pushed through the government’s flagships schools. Two academies in the north-east, established by Reg Vardy attracted particular focus and criticism because creationism and intelligent design are taught in science lessons, rather than in RE, as alternatives to scientific theory.

122
Q

Explain private schools

A

PRIVATE SCHOOLS:
Like faith groups, the private sector has a relatively long history. Independent schools evolved in the thirteenth century, including the elite public schools. The fee-charging sector continued to grow into the twenty first century and there are now 1,280 private schools, educating 7% of children in England and Wales.

Though private schools are independent of government, politicians have attempted to share some of their benefits more widely. In 1980 for instance, the Assisted Places Scheme was created and Labour experimented with similar voucher policies. It also threatened to remove the charitable status of schools which could not demonstrate benefits to local communities. However, some would argue that, free from red tape and political agendas, private schools can deliver efficient, quality education. They also contend that it is a parent’s right to pay for a better education for their children. In this context, the problem with the private sector is not its existence, but that not everyone is able to access it (however, policies like voucher schemes aimed to address this).

123
Q

Explain why people are critical of private schools

A

Others are more critical, arguing that whilst private schools exist, meritocracy is impossible. There is certainly evidence to suggest that buying private schooling sets children on a privileged life path. In part, this is linked to the smaller class size and better resources available in the private sector. However, the social networks created in such institutions are equally important, leaving pupils with the ‘insider’ contacts to obtain elite jobs and influential positions.

124
Q

What did the social mobility and Child poverty commission study(2014) find in relation to the backgrounds of those who went to private schools and jobs in society?

A

The Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission Study (2014) produced a detailed analysis of the backgrounds of more than 4,000 business, political, media and public sector leaders and concluded that the UK is deeply elitist. It highlighted the link between public schools and elite positions in society, reporting that elites, educated at independent schools and Oxbridge, still dominate top roles – therefore these key institutions do not represent the public they serve. Whilst the sector educates just 7% of children, their pupils account for a disproportionate number of people in powerful elite positions.
It found that those who had attended fee-paying schools included:
• 71% of senior judges
• 62% of senior armed forces officers
• 55% of top civil servants
• 36% of the Cabinet
• 43% of newspaper columnists
• 53% of senior diplomats

Also privately educated were 45% of chairmen and women of public bodies, 44% of the Sunday Times Rich List and 26% of BBC executives. In politics, half the House of Lords attended independent schools, along with 36% of the cabinet, 33% of MPs and 22% of the shadow cabinet.In sport, 35% of the England, Scotland and Wales rugby union teams and 33% of the England cricket team also went to private schools.
Figures for top people who went to Oxford and Cambridge paint a similar picture. Some 75% of senior judges, 59% of the Cabinet, 57% of permanent secretaries, 50% of diplomats, 47% of newspaper columnists, 38% of the House of Lords, 33% of the shadow cabinet and 24% of MPs hold Oxbridge degrees. In contrast, less than 1% of the whole population are Oxbridge graduates while 62% did not attend university, says the study.

125
Q

Explain neo-liberalism

A

Neoliberalism is an economic doctrine that has had a major influence on education policy. Neoliberals argue that the state should not provide services such as education, health and welfare.

It is based on the idea that the state must not dictate to individuals and should not try to regulate a free-market economy. So governments should encourage competition, privatise state-run businesses and deregulate markets.

Neoliberal ideas have influenced all governments since 1979 – whether Conservative, Labour or Coalition.

They argue that the value of education lies in how well it enables the country to compete in the global marketplace.

They claim that this can only be achieved if schools become more like businesses, empowering parents and pupils as consumers and using competition between schools to drive up standards

126
Q

Explain the new right

A

The New Right is a conservative political view that incorporates neoliberal economic ideas.

A central principle of New Right thinking is the belief that the state cannot meet people’s needs and that people are best left to meet their own needs through the free market.