Education Flashcards

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1
Q

Explain what is meant by the social class gap

A

SOCIAL CLASS GAP:

A child from a working class background is less likely to:

Be in a nursery or a pre-school play group
Leave school with 5 or more A*-C (9-4) grades at GCSE
Progress to university

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2
Q

What is a child from a working class background more likely to?

A

start school unable to read

fall behind in reading, writing and numeracy

suffer from mental health problems, illness, poor attendance and poor performance

be placed in lower sets

study vocational subjects

achieve lower scores in SATs and GCSEs

attend a failing school

A shorter educational career

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3
Q

State statistics in relation to the class gap in education

A

According to a government review, poverty damages a child’s chances in life before they reach the age of 2. It found that children from the poorest homes hear 13 million words by the time they are age 4, while those from more affluent households hear 45 million.

The gap in science knowledge between pupils aged 7-11 on FSMs and the rest of their classmates is 15% - it is 16% in Maths.

Children from middle class families, on average perform better than working class children and the class gap in achievement grows wider as children get older.

They do better at GCSE: children of higher professionals are 2-3 times more likely than children of routine manual workers to gain A-C grades (9-4) at GCSE. In 2015, 35% of pupils eligible for FSMs gained 5+ A-C (9-4), compared with 63% of pupils from wealthier backgrounds.

Children of the middle class stay longer in full-time education and take the great majority of university places. Between the early 80s and late 90s, the proportion of poorer children who graduate from university increased by 3% (only), compared to 26% from wealthier families. (Social Mobility Foundation)

38.5% of children from the quarter of UK areas with the lowest incomes achieve 5+ GCSE passes at C or above compared to 72.5% of children from the quarter of the UK with the highest incomes.

A Durham university study in 2016 found privately educated children are two years ahead of students in the state sector by the time they reach 16.

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4
Q

What did a UCL and kings college London study find about educational achievement and social class background?

A

A child’s social background is the crucial factor in academic performance and that a school’s success is based not on its teachers, the way it is run, or what type of school it is, but overwhelmingly, on the class background of its pupils.
Although a school’s performance is accounted for by the social make-up of its pupils, the study found that, whatever their background, children do better the more ‘middle-class’ the school they attend.
Put simply, it was found that the more middle class the pupils, the better they do. A child’s chances of success in Britain today are still largely dependent on the background and earnings of its parents.

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5
Q

Explain Perry and Francis review into differences in educational achievement

A

PERRY and FRANCIS (2010) produced a detailed review of the research into differences in educational achievement. In summary they found that social class remains the strongest predictor of educational achievement in the UK, where the social class gap for educational achievement is one of the most significant in the developed world. They recognise that this has been identified as a policy concern by all three main political parties, illustrating as it does both the extent of wider social inequality in the UK and a barrier to meritocracy and social mobility.

The previous Education Secretary Michael Gove told a Commons education committee in 2010 that “rich, thick kids” do better than “poor, clever” children, even before they start school.

Although the blunt and emotive language provoked criticism from the National Association of Head Teachers, PERRY and FRANCIS note that there is a broad agreement with Gove’s essential message: that of the clear connection between poverty and educational underachievement; and the problem of this relationship for the notion of a meritocratic and fair society.

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6
Q

What studies do Perry and Francis draw upon that support their argument that social class is the stronger predictor of educational attainment

A

PERRY and FRANCIS identify that many recent statistical studies have highlighted that social class is the strongest predictor of educational attainment in Britain including the National Equality Panel (2010); Sodha and Margo (2010); Kerr and West (2010).

Research by the National Equality Panel (2010) and Sodha and Margo (2010) highlight that British children’s educational attainment is overwhelmingly linked to parental occupation, income, and qualifications. Marked differences become apparent during early childhood with regard to readiness for school (National Equality Panel, 2010). By the age of three, poor children have been assessed to be one year behind richer ones in terms of communication (BBC 2010) and in some disadvantaged areas, up to 50% of children begin primary school without the necessary language and communication skills (National Equality Panel 2010).

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7
Q

How does compulsory education widen inequalities in education

A

As compulsory schooling progresses, educational inequalities continue to widen between children from poor families and those from more affluent backgrounds. Using free school meals as the best available indicator of socio-economic background statistics show that at Key Stage 2, 53.5% of pupils eligible for free school meals reach the expected level (i.e. level 4 or above) in English and mathematics, compared with 75.5% of pupils who are not eligible. Furthermore, Cassen and Kingdon (2007) and Kerr and West (2010) found that these children are more likely to attend the lowest-performing schools in deprived areas They are also disproportionately likely to have been in care, and/or have special educational needs.

Although Kerr and West (2010) note that this is a widespread international phenomenon and research has shown that social deprivation has a negative impact on educational attainment across all OECD countries, the UK has a particularly high degree of social segregation and is one of the nations with the most highly differentiated results among OECD countries.

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8
Q

What did the report institute of fiscal studies estimate on how many children will be in relative poverty?

A

A report by the Institute for Fiscal Studies estimates that by 2022, 37% of children will live in relative poverty in the Uk, with the greatest rise expected in wales, the north-east, the east midlands and Northern Ireland

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9
Q

What explanations for social class differences sociologists are interested in?

A

Sociologists are interested in why there is a social class gap in educational achievement and have developed a number of explanations. These can be grouped into ‘internal’ and ‘external’ explanations or factors (though in reality they are often interlinked).

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10
Q

What is meant by external explanation?

A

External explanation are preoccupied with explaining the social class gap as a consequence of factors outside of schools e.g. home background, parental support, cultural beliefs and values etc

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11
Q

What is meant by the internal explanation?

A

Internal explanation are preoccupied with explaining the social class gap as a consequence of factors inside of schools e.g, the type of school a pupil attends, a set/band they are in, teacher-pupil interactions and pupil sub-culture

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12
Q

Explain External explanations

A

External Explanations:
Sociologists who focus on external factors emphasise the influence of the home, culture and wider society. They develop a more macro level of analysis and a structural explanation of the social class gap in educational achievement. It is often viewed as an input/output approach, where achievement is explained in terms of what pupils bring or fail to bring with them.

The following external factors that affect pupils’ achievement will be considered:
(a) Material Deprivation

(b) Cultural Deprivation

(c) Cultural Capital

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13
Q

Explain the theory of material deprivation

A

THEORIES OF MATERIAL DEPRIVATION

Theories of material deprivation are linked to economic poverty. The view is that as a result of a lack of financial resources in working class homes, children are deprived of material resources and facilities which would enhance their educational progress and thus achievement. Low income is understood as creating a barrier to learning, where children are unable to make the most of educational opportunities. Therefore, as a result of material deprivation working class children are disadvantaged in school and in their education.

Example of material deprivation include:

  • lack of stationary
  • lack of internet/technology
  • lack of food and a balance diet
  • warm clothes (lack of)
  • heated home and warm food
  • a nice home (lack of)
  • overcrowded house (no space to work or sleep)
  • missing opportunities e.g school trips
  • not being able to afford a tutor
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14
Q

How is poverty closely linked to educational achievement

A
  • 90% of failing schools are found in deprived areas
  • Douglas argues that a ‘barren’ household is not the best ingredient for educational success
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15
Q

Explain housing in relation to material deprivation

A

Housing:
Poor housing can affect pupils’ achievement both directly and indirectly. Overcrowding can make it harder to study and do homework and can lead to disturbed sleep from sharing bedrooms and young children’s development can be impaired through a lack of space for safe play and exploration. Poor housing can impact on a child’s health and welfare leading to more accidents in the home and cold or damp housing can cause ill health. Families in temporary accommodation suffer more psychological distress, infection and accidents and find that their schooling is disrupted from constantly having to move.

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16
Q

Explain diet and health in relation to material deprivation

A

. Diet and health:
Howard (2001) notes that young people from poorer homes have a lower intake of energy, vitamins and minerals. Poor nutrition affects health, weakening the immune system and lowering energy levels – this may lead to difficulties concentrating in class and more absences from school. Children from poorer homes have more absences from school are also more likely to have emotional or behavioural problems. According to Wilkinson (1996) among 10 year-olds, the lower the social class, the higher the rate of hyperactivity, anxiety and conduct disorders, all of which are likely to have a negative effect on their education. Blanden and Machin (2007) found that children from low-income families were more likely to engage in externalising behaviour (such as fighting and temper tantrums), which are likely to disrupt their schooling.

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17
Q

Explain finances in relation to material deprivation

A

. Finances:
Children from poorer families have to do without equipment and miss out on experiences that would enhance their educational achievement. Bull (1980) refers to this as ‘the costs of free schooling’. Research by Tanner et al (2003) found that the cost of items such as transport, uniforms, books, calculators and sport, music and art equipment, places a heavy burden on poor families. Smith and Noble (1995) add that poverty acts as a barrier to learning in other ways, such as inability to afford private schooling or tuition and poorer quality schools. Furthermore, Ridge (2002) found that children in poverty are more likely to take on jobs and that this often has a negative impact on school work. Going to university involves getting into debt to cover tuition fees, books and living expenses. Attitudes towards debt may deter prospective working-class students from going to university. Research by Callender and Jackson (2005) found that working class students are more debt-averse and saw more costs than benefits from going to university. Those who do go are less likely to receive financial support from their families and are more likely to apply to local universities so they could live at home. This gives working class students less opportunity to go to the highest status universities. Additionally, dropout rates are also higher for universities with a large proportion of poor students: for example, 13% at Sunderland, a university with a large working-class intake, but only 1.4% at Oxford, where over 4 in 10 students come from private schools.

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18
Q

Explain cultural deprivation

A

THEORIES OF CULTURAL DEPRIVATION

Theories of cultural deprivation are linked to the home, cultural background and parental values. The view is that as a result of socialisation patterns working class parents do not instill values which encourage children to value school and their education and to be aspirational and ambitious. Working class culture is understood as inadequate – as failing to nurture, stimulate and enrich educational interest and therefore working-class children lack the ‘cultural equipment’ essential for educational success and are therefore at a disadvantage.

Examples of cultural deprivation include:

  • a ‘book poor’ home - a household with no reading material/children books or newspapers to aid children’s development
  • lacking cultural opportunities e.g travel, visiting galleries/museums - WC world more small - not exposed to enrichment opportunities

According to cultural deprivation theorists, many working-class families fail to socialise their children adequately. These children grow up ‘culturally deprived’ and lack the cultural equipment required to do well at school so under-achieve

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19
Q

Explain intellectual development in relation to cultural deprivation

A

Intellectual development:
This refers to the development of thinking and reasoning skills, such as the ability to solve problems and use ideas and concepts. Cultural deprivation theorists argue that many working-class homes lack the books, educational toys and activities that would stimulate a child’s intellectual development. Therefore, children from working class homes start school without having developed the intellectual skills required to progress.

In a longitudinal study ‘The Home and the School’ DOUGLAS (1964) traced the educational careers of 5,362 British children born in the first week of March 1946 through primary school and then followed the progress of 4,720 of the original sample through secondary school up to the age of 16. Comparing the achievement of high ability pupils, he found that 77% of UMC, 60% of LMC, 53% of UWC and 37% of LWC pupils gained good O-Level results. The social class differences in results for lower ability pupils were even greater. DOUGLAS found important social class differences in primary socialisation patterns suggesting that middle class children receive greater attention and stimulation from their parents which in turn fosters intellectual progress. He based some of his arguments on additional sociological and psychological research identifying social class variations in child-rearing practices. Middle class socialisation patterns are understood as laying a better foundation for high achievement and therefore middle-class children are at an advantage as family and school environments positively reinforce each other.

BERNSTEIN and YOUNG (1967) reached similar conclusions arguing that middle class mothers are more likely to choose toys that encourage thinking and reasoning skills and prepare children for school.

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20
Q

Explain attitudes and values in relation to cultural deprivation

A

Attitudes and values:
Cultural deprivation theorists argue that parents’ attitudes and values are a key factor affecting educational achievement. DOUGLAS argued that the single most important factor affecting educational progress was the degree of parental interest shown in a child’s education. He concluded that generally, middle class parents take a greater interest in their children’s education and value it more – which motivates children to do well. This he argued was evident from the fact that they are more likely to attend parents’ evenings, make more frequent visits to school to talk to teachers and support children with their homework etc. DOUGLAS noted that parental interest becomes even more important as children get older.

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21
Q

Evaluates Douglas view on attitudes and values

A
  • Blackstone and Mortimore argue that WC parents may value their children’s education as much as MC parents but may encounter more difficulties accessing the school e.g may not have flexible working hours to take time off work, transport problems - cost, child care costs
  • many wc parents may struggle with helping their children’s homework as their educational knowledge is limited
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22
Q

Explain research by Hyman in relation to attitudes and values

A

Research by HYMAN (1967) found that the values of the working class create a self-imposed barrier to educational and career success. They tend to believe they have less opportunity for individual advancement and place less value on achieving high status jobs – so they see no point in education. Subcultural beliefs and values place a greater value on securing a good steady job straight from school

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23
Q

Explain Sugarman’s view on the four features that act as a barrier to educational achievement

A

Similarly, SUGARMAN (1970) argues that working-class subculture has four key features that act as a barrier to educational achievement:

Present-time orientation:
Thinking and living the present the here and now.

This can be contrasted with future time orientation which refers to thinking and planning in the future for middle class

Immediate gratification: Wanting benefits, pleasure, satisfaction reward gratification now

This can be contrasted with deferred gratification where the individual will sacrifice short-term rewards for long term benefits and rewards in the future

Fatalism:
A belief that you cannot change how things are as they are predetermined and predestined.

This can be contrasted with activism for the middle class which emphasises individual achievement and aspirations

Collectivism: A belief that group/collective effort is required to generate change.

This can be contrasted with individualism which emphasises individual achievement and aspirations

SUGARMAN claims that the differences in the nature of middle and working-class occupations produce differences in attitudes and values. Middle class jobs are secure careers offering prospects for continuous individual advancement which is in direct contrast to working class jobs. These different values and beliefs are internalised and then passed on to the next generation of each subculture through the socialisation process. He concludes that the subcultural values and attitudes of the working class place them at a distinct disadvantage within the education system because they clash with the middle-class values and ethos of the school. School is an extension of middle-class values and therefore middle class culture equips children for success, whereas working class values fail to do so.

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24
Q

Explain Language in relation to cultural deprivation

A

. Language:
The importance of language for educational achievement was highlighted by BEREITER and ENGLEMANN (1966). They claim that the language used in lower class homes is deficient and as a result, children fail to develop the necessary language skills required in school. Because of the importance of speech to communication and learning, it affects our capacity to be educated, our capacity to articulate our understanding and therefore our educational achievement.

BERNSTEIN (1975) developed a socio-linguistic theory where he sought to explain how a person’s social class position shapes the sort of language, or more specifically the speech codes that people use. He distinguished between two speech codes restricted code and elaborated code

According to BERNSTEIN it is the elaborated code that is used in education (by teachers, textbooks and in exams) and is therefore vital for educational success. Not only is it taken as the ‘correct’ way to speak and write, but it is also a more effective tool for explicitly conveying meaning, analysing information, for logically and rationally developing an argument and for handling complex concepts – all essential skills in education. Crucially, schools do not teach pupils how to use this code. Early socialisation into the elaborated code means that middle class children are already fluent users of the code when they start school. Thus, they feel ‘at home’ in school and are more likely to succeed. In contrast, working class children, lacking the code in which schooling takes place, are likely to feel excluded and to be less successful as schools fail to teach them how to use the elaborated code.

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25
Q

What is meant by restricted code?

A

RESTRICTED CODE:

-The structure of this code reflects its function – the speaker assumes that listeners share the same set of meanings and experiences - it is context-bound.

-Meanings conveyed are particularistic in that they are specific to the shared situation of the speaker and the listener. This means that the speaker takes for granted that the audience will grasp his/her meaning – the code is implicit.

-Sentences tend to be short, often unfinished, grammatically simple and predictable and there is limited use of adjectives and adverbs.

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26
Q

Explain elaborated code

A

ELABORATED CODE:

-The structure of this code reflects its function - it is used for the transmission of facts and the accurate delivery of processes.

-The meanings transmitted are explicit and it is characterised by longer, grammatically more complex and varied sentences with a wide range of vocabulary.

-The speaker does not orientate his/herself to the listener but to the messages that s/he wishes to convey. As such, its meanings are universalistic as it is context-free.

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27
Q

State examples of cultural capital

A

Individuals gain cultural capital by their socialisation and their lifestyle – it relates to an appreciation of art, culture, literature, politics – it also links to people’s tastes in music, food, travel etc.

Cultural capital can be gained through reading, visiting galleries, museums, travelling, keeping abreast of current affairs etc.

Essentially, cultural capital is the opposite of being culturally deprived and it provides an excellent foundation for educational success.

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28
Q

Explain present-time orientation and future time orientation

A

Present-time orientation: Thinking and living in the present, the here and now. This is in contrast to future time orientation: planning and thinking of future time orientations.

(WC jobs encourage PTO as they provide little scope for career advancement – absence of career structure, whereas MC careers provide continuous scope for personal advancement in income and status – aspirational – so encourage FTO).

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29
Q

Explain immediate gratification and deferred gratification

A

Immediate gratification: Wanting benefits, pleasure, satisfaction, gratification now in contrast to deferred gratification: delaying rewards and gratification - sacrificing short term rewards for longer term benefits and rewards in the future.

(WC jobs encourage this attitude of IG as full earning potential reached immediately, whereas MC careers enable DG).

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30
Q

Explain fatalism and activism

A

Fatalism: A belief that you cannot change how things are as they are predetermined and predestined. This is in contrast to activism: a more proactive approach where individuals are encouraged to take steps to improve situation/status

(MC careers: enable advancement through promotion, whereas WC jobs have more limited scope for change and improvement).

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31
Q

Explain collectivism and individualism

A

Collectivism: A belief that group/collective effort is required to generate change in contrast to individualism which emphasises individual achievement and aspirations.

(WC jobs: traditionally emphasised the role of trade unions as a way of gaining improvement in contrast to MC careers which focus on individual advancement).

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32
Q

Explain the theory of cultural capital

A

THEORIES OF CULTURAL CAPITAL

This refers to the knowledge, attitudes, values, tastes and abilities of the middle class. Through socialisation middle class children acquire an understanding of what the education system requires for success. Middle class culture is a type of capital as it gives an advantage to those who possess it as it is valued by the education system and therefore aids educational success

The French Marxist sociologist BOURDIEU (1977) developed a distinctive cultural explanation for the differences in attainment between the social classes. He states that there are important links between the class structure, home background, culture and experiences in schooling which results in social and cultural inequalities being transferred from one generation to the next (schools work in such a way that the middle class remain middle class and the working stay working class). However, unlike cultural deprivation theorists, Bourdieu does not blame the working classes themselves for this. He places responsibility with the class system and the education system for giving middle class pupils advantages and privileges which enable them to succeed within education.

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33
Q

Explain Bourdieu term of cultural capital

A

Bourdieu uses the term CULTURAL CAPITAL to refer to the knowledge, attitudes, values, language, tastes and abilities of the middle class which they gain through socialization. He sees middle class culture as a type of capital because, like wealth, it gives an advantage to those who possess it. Middle class pupils are at an advantage in school as their culture and its language, interests, attitudes etc. is highly valued (their class has imposed its knowledge on the masses and has defined their own culture as worthy of being sought and possessed). They are therefore, more able to meet the demands of the curriculum and therefore rewarded with qualifications (EDUCATIONAL CAPITAL). For Bourdieu, schools are therefore not neutral places; they are biased in favour of the middle classes. Schools reproduce the culture of the dominant class rather than transmitting the culture of society as a whole.

For Bourdieu, children born into the middle and upper classes have an inbuilt advantage as their culture has capital and is the culture of the school. He claims that many working-class pupils feel devalued and rejected and ‘get the message’ that education is not meant for people like them and respond by truanting, early leaving or just not trying (think of the lads in Paul Willis’ study). His primary argument therefore, is that the education system reproduces the dominant culture and in doing so helps to reproduce the class system.

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34
Q

How did sociologist Sullivan test Bourdieu’s ideas?

A

In order to test BOURDIEU’S ideas SULLIVAN (2001) used questionnaires to conduct a survey of 465 pupils in four schools. To assess their cultural capital, she asked them about a range of activities, such as reading and TV viewing habits and whether they visited galleries, museums and the theatre. She also tested their vocabulary and knowledge of cultural figures. She found that those who read complex fiction and watched serious TV documentaries developed a wider vocabulary and greater cultural knowledge, indicating greater cultural capital. The children with greatest cultural capital were children of graduates and these pupils were more likely to be successful at GCSE and middle class. Supporting BOURDIEU, BALL (1991) and GERWITZ (1995) also state that middle class parents are more privileged, they have more cultural capital and are able to use this to ensure that their children secure a place in the school of their choice.
Supporting Bourdieu, Ball (1991) and Gewirtz (1995) also state that middle class parents are more privileged, they have more cultural capital and are able to use this to ensure that their children are secured a place in the school of their choice.

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35
Q

Evaluate the cultural capital

A
  • Unlike the cultural deprivation theory - Bourdieu do not see working class culture as inferior or blame the working for underachievement of their children
  • statistical research suggests material deprivation and cultural deprivation are more significant factors in explaining class differences than cultural capital
  • unfair to blame schools for being biased against WC children when schools put extra resources into helping Wc children
  • if theory is true, there are no practical solutions to reduce class inequalities
  • theory relevant with neoliberal education policies
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36
Q

Explain what is meant by compensatory education

A

Compensatory education is a policy designed to address the problem of cultural deprivation specifically and material deprivation more generally by providing additional resources to schools and communities in deprived areas. Compensatory education programmes attempt to intervene early in the socialisation process to compensate children for the early deprivation they experience at home

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37
Q

Explain the famous example of operation head start in the US

A

A famous example of compensatory education is Operation Head Start: This was a multi-billion dollar U.S scheme providing pre-school education in poorer areas. It’s aim was to provide planned enrichment to improved deprived children’s environment – to help develop skills and instill aspiration and ambition. It included improving parental skills, setting up nursery classes and home visits by educational psychologists. The US children’s TV programme Sesame Street was initially part of Operation Head Start: providing a fun means of transmitting values, attitudes and skills needed for educational success – such as the importance of punctuality, numeracy and literacy.

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38
Q

Explain and state examples of Uk compensatory educational schemes

A

In Britain there have been several compensatory education programmes. In the 1960s Educational Priority Areas were established and more recently the last Labour government introduced many initiatives designed to overcome economic and social disadvantage including:

  • Sure Start: aimed at pre-school children and families in disadvantaged areas providing home visits, play centres and financial help for childcare. The aim was to promote the physical, intellectual and social development of babies and young children so that they can flourish when they go to school, thereby breaking the cycle of disadvantage. One objective of Sure Start was to improve children’s ability to learn by establishing high quality environments that promote early learning, provide stimulating and enjoyable play and improve language skills.
  • Education action Zones: providing additional resources and funding to schools in disadvantaged areas, replaced by the Excellence in Cities programme.
  • The Aim Higher programme: to raise the aspirations of groups who are under-represented in higher education.
  • Educational Maintenance Allowances: (replaced by the bursary system) payments to students from low-income backgrounds to encourage them to stay on after 16.
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39
Q

Explain the compensatory education policy of pupil premium

A

Aside from previous Labour governments, the Coalition Government introduced the policy of Pupil Premium in 2011. This allocated additional funding for each poor pupil to be in a school and was designed to assist their education depending on their specific needs. Despite these programmes, the gap between the educational achievement of poor children and their more affluent peers remains. Furthermore, there are concerns that cultural deprivation theories and compensatory education programmes individualise the problem of working-class underachievement and ignore wider structural inequalities in both the education system and society as a whole that contribute to the social class gap.

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40
Q

State criticisms of cultural deprivation theory

A

Cultural deprivation theory (CDT) has been widelycriticised as an explanation of social class differences in education.

Nell Keddie (1973) describes CDT as a ‘myth’. She dismisses the idea that failure at school can be blamed on a culturally deprived home background, arguing that a child cannot be deprived of its own culture.

She argues that WC children are culturally different, not culturally deprived. They fail because they are put at a disadvantage by an education system that is dominated by MC values

Keddie claims that CDT is a victim blamingexplanation – it deflects attention away from theproblem’schildren face inschool and blames theirhome background, rather than focusing onchallenging discrimination in school and teachers’ anti-WC prejudices.

Similarly,Troyna and Williams (1986)critiquethe view thatWC speech isrestricted and inadequate. They claim that the problem is notWC language, but school’s attitude towardsit. They claim that teachers have a’speech hierarchy’ where they label MC speech highest and WC lowest.

Furthermore, BlackstoneandMortimore(1994),challenge the idea thatWC parents are notinterested intheir children’s education. They recognisethat WC parents may attendfewerparents’ eveningsetc. However, they argue that this is not because they lack interest, but becausethey worklonger or irregular hours and would lose income if theytook time off work or they are put off by the school’s MC culture.

Furthermore, they may want to help their child progress but maylack the education to doso. There is also some evidencethat schools with mainlyWC pupils haveless effective systems of parent-school contacts, thus making it more difficult for parents to keep in touchabout their children’sprogress.

It should also be highlighted that CDT was developed by sociologists in the 1960s and 1970s. Society was very different then and it was more likely that WC communities did not value education in the same way they do today. Education is valued much more in today’s societythan in the past – by all social classes.

There are children who are CD who succeed in education, suggesting that CD is only part of the explanation.

Therefore, there are many criticisms of CDT – which call into question its validity and relevance.

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41
Q

state criticisms of material deprivation theory

A

Economic poverty and material deprivation (MD) are real problems impacting on children’s lives and educational experiences. However, while material factors clearly play a part in achievement, the fact that some children from poor families succeed suggests that MD is only part of the explanation.

For a number of years,successive governmentshave attempted to overcome MD (and CD) by introducingprogrammes of compensatory education. These certainlydo not alleviateMD, but they attempt to provide opportunitiesto
children from more
disadvantaged backgroundsby encouraginggreater participation in higher education.

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42
Q

Explain pupil class identities

A

Sociologists are also interested in how pupils’ class identities that are formed outside school interact with the school and its values to produce educational success and failure. ARCHER et al (2010) focus on the interaction between working class pupils’ identities and school and how this produces underachievement. To understand this relationship, they draw on the BOURDIEU’s (1984) concept of habitus.

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43
Q

Explain what is meant by habitus

A

Habitus refers to the dispositions or learned, taken-for-granted ways of thinking, being and acting that are shaped by a particular social class. It includes lifestyle and consumption preferences, outlook on life and expectations about what is normal or realistic for ‘people like us’. A group’s habitus is formed as a response to its position in the class structure. The middle class have the power to define their habitus as superior and impose it on the education system and therefore pupils who have been socialised at home into middle class tastes and preferences gain ‘symbolic capital’: status and recognition from the school and are deemed to have worth and value.

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44
Q

Explain symbolic violence according to Bourdieu and Archer

A

BOURDIEU calls the withholding of symbolic capital ‘symbolic violence’. ARCHER found that working class pupils felt that to be educationally successful, they would have to change how they talked and presented themselves. Thus, for working class students, educational success is often experienced as a process of ‘losing yourself’. They felt unable to access ‘posh’, middle class spaces such as university and professional careers, which were seen as ‘not for the likes of us’. Many pupils were conscious that society and the school looked down on them. This symbolic violence led them to create alternative ways of creating self-worth, status and value. They did so by constructing meaningful class identities for themselves by investing heavily in ‘styles’, especially through consuming branded clothing such as Nike. Style performances were heavily policed by peer groups and not conforming was ‘social suicide’, whereas the right appearance – although conflicting with the school dress code - earned symbolic capital.

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45
Q

Explain Nike identities

A

ARCHER argues that the school’s middle-class habitus leads teachers’ interpreting the ‘street’ style of working-class pupils’ as evidence of bad taste and therefore they stigmatise working class pupils’ identities. She concluded that working class pupils’ investment in ‘Nike’ identities is not only a cause of their educational marginalisation by the school; it also expresses their positive preference for a particular lifestyle. As a result, working class pupils may choose self-elimination or self-exclusion from education. In other words, not only do they ‘get the message’ that education is not for the likes of them, but they actively choose to reject it because it does not fit in with their identity or way of life.

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46
Q

Do studies support Archer’s study ?

A

ARCHER’s study largely addresses working class identity and educational failure. However, many working-class pupils succeed and go to university. Even here, however, the clash between working class identity and the habitus of higher education is a barrier to success. Research by EVANS (2009) found that this is partly due to a process of self-exclusion., e.g. not applying to elite universities as they are ‘not for the likes of us’.

Studies reveal a consistent pattern of a middle-class education system that devalues the experiences and choices of working-class people as worthless or inappropriate. As a result, working class pupils are often forced to choose between maintaining their working-class identities or abandoning them and conforming to the middle-class habitus of education in order to succeed.

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47
Q

Explain the interactionist contribution in relation to education

A

The explanations for differences in achievement examined so far all assume that achievement can be explained by factors beyond the school. Sociologists focused their analysis on what pupils brought or failed to bring to their experiences of schooling. As a result, working class underachievement was explained in terms of cultural and material deprivation or other structural constraints. However, a sustained challenge to these explanations was mounted by interactionist sociologists working within the social action approach with their roots in interpretive sociology. Interactionists have shifted the focus of analysis and concentrate their attention on the processes internal to the school. They criticise other sociologists for failing to give sufficient attention to the impact of schooling itself. Through detailed in-depth qualitative studies, they have illuminated the way in which school itself and the figures within it contribute to differences in achievement.

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48
Q

What do interactionists attempt to understand about education and what do they argue?

A

Interactionists attempt to understand the meaning of interaction and how individuals define situations and how they see themselves. To interactionists, your view of yourself, your self-concept is produced in interaction with others. That is, how you see yourself is partly formed by the view that you think others have of you, e.g. you might think you are funny, but if don’t laugh at you or give you positive feedback, you may be forced to reconsider your view of yourself.

In relation to education, interactionists argue that a pupil’s self-concept is influenced by teachers and other pupils. Interactionists see education as directed by meanings and definitions which are negotiated in schools and claim that class differences in education are socially constructed in the classroom. Drawing on the concept of labelling, they believe that teachers have specific expectations of pupils and more general expectations of particular streams, sets or bands. If a label is fixed, teachers may start to interpret a pupil’s behaviour in light of the label. They argue that labelling can go on to affect the self-concept of an individual to the degree that they may begin to act in terms of it. When individuals conform to a label that has been applied to them, a self-fulfilling prophecy is said to have occurred.

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49
Q

Explain Labelling interactionist theory according to Hargreaves et al

A

HARGREAVES et al (1927)
They analysed the way that pupils came to be typed and labelled by teachers. Based on interviews and observations they examined the way teachers ‘got to know’ their new pupils. They identified three stages to this process:
1. Speculation: teachers made guesses about what types of pupils they were dealing with based on factors such as ability and enthusiasm for work, how likeable they were, appearance, personality, conformity to discipline etc. At this point teachers are tentative in their views and are willing to amend them.

  1. Elaboration: at this point a teacher’s hypothesis is tested and confirmed or contradicted. They become more confident in their judgement of pupils.
  2. Stabilisation: teachers now feel that they know the pupils and are therefore not surprised or puzzled by their actions. From this point the future actions of pupils will be evaluated in terms of the label
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50
Q

Explain interactionist labelling theory in relation to Becker

A

BECKER (1977)
Becker made his observations in a Chicago high school. He found that classifications, judgements and evaluations of students were made in terms of a standard ‘ideal pupil’ and found that pupils from middle class non-manual backgrounds came closest to this ideal. He claimed that the meanings in terms of which students are assessed, judged and evaluated can have significant effects on attitude and behaviour in the classroom, as well as achievement. Becker found that teachers perceived pupils in a particular way and this expectancy influenced how they worked and interacted with students.

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51
Q

Explain interactionist theory in relation to Cicourel and Kitsuse (1963)

A

CICOUREL and KITSUSE (1963)
They argued that teachers are in an important position to affect a pupil’s progress. They conducted a study examining the decisions that tutors made in an American high school. The tutors had an important role determining student’s access to college and course. They found that rather than evaluating pupils on the basis of their ability, social class background was the most influential factor. Pupils of middle-class origins were seen to be ‘natural’ prospective college students. Cicourel and Kitsuse concluded that classifications of pupil’s abilities and potential were influenced by a whole range of non-academic factors. Tutors labelled pupils according to social class background.

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52
Q

Explain self-fulling prophecy according to Rosenthal and jacobson

A

ROSENTHAL and JACOBSON (1968)
Their research was designed to test the idea of the self-fulfilling prophecy. Conducting their research in an elementary school in California, they examined the effects and consequences of teacher’s definitions and expectations of pupils. As part of their research they arranged for all pupils in the school to sit a standard intelligence test and then they informed the teacher of each class the names of pupils who, on the basis of the test results would be expected to make rapid progress. Unknown to the teachers, Rosenthal and Jacobson had selected the names of the pupils at random. Therefore, the difference between the selected pupils and the rest was only in the mind of the teacher. A year later they returned to the school and re-tested all of the pupils – the selected group made excellent progress. Since there was no evidence that these pupils as a group were any different from the other, Rosenthal and Jacobson concluded that their progress was due to higher teacher expectations. They assumed that teachers must have communicated and conveyed their higher expectations to the pupils and they acted in terms of them. The result was a self-fulfilling prophecy.

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53
Q

Why have interactionists been accused of generalising the effects of labelling

A

However, interactionists have been accused of generalising the effects of labelling. They have been criticised for assuming that the same type of label is applied to a pupil by all teachers and for believing that labelling inevitably leads to a self-fulfilling prophecy. This positions pupils as passive when they are often active and have the ability and power to resist labels and prove teachers wrong. Negative labels can actually motivate students and have positive effects – therefore the consequences of labelling are not always predictable.

FULLER (1984)
Research by Fuller confirmed this. She conducted research in a London comprehensive school with a group of black working-class girls in Year 11. They were aware of the low expectations that teachers had of them, however whilst they were anti-school they were pro-education. Despite negative labelling they succeeded and did not produce a self-fulfilling prophecy.

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54
Q

Explain setting and streaming in relation to Keddie

A

SETTING AND STREAMING:

Setting and streaming are ways of grouping pupils according to their ability. Setting is where whole classes of pupils are put into different groups or sets for particular subjects while streaming involves grouping them for all subjects. Research has shown that being placed in a low set or stream may undermine pupils’ confidence and discourage them from trying. Teachers may have lower expectations and be less ambitious and give less knowledge to lower set/stream pupils.

KEDDIE (1971)
Keddie found that teachers taught those in higher streams/sets differently from those in lower groups. They were expected to behave better and do more work, teachers gave them more and different types of educational knowledge, which in turn gave them greater opportunities for educational success. She found that working class pupils (who are more likely to be in lower streams) might underachieve partly because they have not been given access to the knowledge required for educational success.

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55
Q

Explain setting and streaming in relation to Ball’s view

A

BALL (1981)
Ball conducted research at Beachside Comprehensive and found that top stream students were ‘warmed up’ by encouragement to achieve highly and to follow academic courses of study. In contrast lower stream students were ‘cooled-out’ and encouraged to follow lower status vocational and practical courses and consequently achieved lower levels of academic success, frequently leaving school at the earliest opportunity. Ball found that setting and streaming is often linked to social class and therefore the higher a pupil’s social class, the greater the chance of being allocated to a top stream. In this way Ball concluded that setting and streaming contribute to the underachievement of working-class pupils. He found that one of the effects of streaming, setting and labelling is to deprive those who are labelled as ‘failures’ in the bottom streams of status. In response to this, many often rebel against the school (think of Willis’ work).

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56
Q

Explain the interactionist contribution to pupil subcultures (lacey and Hargreaves et al)

A

PUPIL SUBCULTURES:

HARGREAVES (1976)
Like Ball and Willis, Hargreaves found that bottom stream pupils often rebel against the school and develop an alternative set of values, attitudes and behaviour in opposition to the academic aims of the school. This is called and anti-school or counter-school subculture. Hargreaves (like Willis) found that the anti-school subculture provided a means for pupils to improve their own self-esteem by achieving the success and status in their peer group that was denied to them by the school. As bottom stream pupils, they are more likely to be from working class backgrounds and this further contributes to their underachievement.

LACEY (1970)
In his study of a boys’ grammar school, Lacey found that streaming polarised boys into a pro-school and an anti-school subculture. Middle class pupils found in high streams were committed to the values of the school and gained their status through the approved academic route. Their values are those of the school and they are therefore form a pro-school subculture. This can be contrasted to the anti-school subculture.

57
Q

Explain the school in relation to Rutter et al

A

. THE SCHOOL:

RUTTER et al (1979)
In their study entitled ‘Fifteen Thousand Hours: Secondary Schools and their Effects on Children’, Rutter et al argue that ‘good’ schools make a difference to the life chances of all pupils. The features of the school’s organisation which make a difference and make a ‘good’ school include: teachers being well prepared for lessons and setting and marking classwork and homework regularly, having high expectations of pupils’ academic performance, setting examples of behaviour, placing emphasis on praise and reward, treating pupils as reasonable people and taking an interest in and encouraging pupils to do well. They also found that a ‘good’ school has an ethos and atmosphere that reflects the above points and has a mixture of abilities in the school

58
Q

Explain marketisation and selection in relation to gilbourn and youdell

A

MARKETISATION AND SELECTION:

Interactionists focus on micro processes in schools, such as labelling, the self-fulfilling prophecy and streaming. However, schools operate within a wider education system, whose policies directly impact on these micro processes to produce class differences in achievement.

GILBOURN and YOUDELL (2001)
Marketisation and selection explain why schools are under pressure to stream and select pupils. For example, schools need to achieve a good league table position if they are to attract pupils and funding. The policy of publishing league tables creates what Gilborn and Youdell call the ‘A-to-C economy’. This is a system in which schools ration their time, effort and resources concentrating them on those pupils they perceive as having the potential to get five or more grade Cs and so boost the school’s league table position. They call this process ‘educational triage’.

59
Q

Explain the education triage or A-to-C economy

A

Triage literally means ‘sorting’ and they claim that the A-to-C economy produces educational triage. Schools categorise pupils into ‘those who will pass anyway’, ‘those with potential’ and ‘hopeless cases’. Teachers do this, using notions of ‘ability’ in which working class and black pupils are labelled as lacking ability. As a result, they are likely to be labelled as ‘hopeless cases’, segregated into lower streams offering a different curriculum and exams. This produces a self-fulfilling prophecy and failure. However, unlike Interactionists they link triage to marketisation policies within the education system as a whole and show how these combined with teachers’ stereotypical ideas of pupils lead to differences in achievements.

Marketisation also explains why schools are under pressure to select more able, largely middle-class pupils who will gain the school a higher position in the league tables. Then those schools with a good league table position will be better placed to attract other able/middle class pupils, making the school more popular and so increasing its funding. While popular schools can afford to be more selective and screen out less able or more ‘difficult’ pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds, unpopular schools are obliged to take them, get worse results, become less popular and see their funding further reduced. These pressures have resulted in increased social class segregation between schools.

60
Q

Explain Bartlett’s contribution in relation to marketisation and selection

A

BARTLETT (1993)
He argues that marketisation leads to popular schools: (a) cream-skimming: selecting higher ability pupils who gain the best results and cost less to teach and (b) silt-shifting: off-loading pupils with learning difficulties who are expensive to teach and get poor results. Therefore, it appears that marketization and selection processes have created a polarised education system: popular, successful, well-resourced schools with more able largely middle-class intake at one extreme and unpopular, ‘failing’, under-resourced schools with mainly low-achieving working-class pupils at the other.

61
Q

Evaluate interactionist theory of education

A
  • self-fulfilling prophecy can be criticised for assuming that labels made by teachers will be accurate as pupils may resist the labels and prove them wrong
    e.g negative labels may motivate students to prove their teachers and school wrong which has a positive effect
  • Anti-school subcultures are not limited to certain streams as top streams may be anti-school while bottom streams may have a pro-school culture
  • internal theorists can be criticised for ignoring external factors which also play into social class educational differences e.g home, cultural factors, which are relevant to achievement
  • internal theorists can be criticised for suggesting that teachers label based on social class and that all teachers are unprofessional by treating their pupils unequally according to social class
  • teachers may want to improve / champion wc students rather than discriminate as some may put effort into helping disadvantaged students
  • labels do not always have an inevitable outcome
  • students may feel positive expectations and feel pressured by teachers
  • effects of streaming/sets are not the same for everyone
62
Q

Explain the gender gap in achievement

A

Although girls had begun to improve their educational achievement in the 1980s, until the early 1990s boys significantly outperformed girls in all levels of education. Gender still has an impact on educational achievement today, but the trend has completely reversed, and it is girls who now outperform boys. On average girls are doing better than boys at all stages of education (however note recent A-Level data for 2017):

63
Q

Explain the gender gap on starting school

A

On starting school: Children are given baseline assessments on what they know, understand and can do when starting school. A national survey of 6,953 children found that girls scored higher in all tests. 62% of girls could concentrate without supervision for 10 minutes compared to 49% of boys. 56% of girls could write their own name and spell it correctly compared to 42% of boys. In 2013, teacher assessments of pupils at the end of Year 1 showed girls ahead of boys, by between 7-17% points in all seven areas of assessed learning. According to government data, 70% of children with identified special educational needs are boys.

64
Q

Explain the gender gap at key stage 1 to 3

A

At Key Stages 1 to 3: girls do consistently better than boys, this is particularly so in English, where the gender gap widens with age. The gap is narrower in Maths and Science, but girls still do better.

65
Q

Explain the gender gap at gcse

A

At GCSE: the percentage of pupils achieving five or more GCSEs A-C in 2014 was 73.1% for girls and 64.3% for boys, a gap of 8.8% and a small increase on 2013. In 2011 there was 6.9% gap in the percentage of pupils gaining top grades, with 19.6% of boys and 26.5% of girls gained A-A grades. Despite the introduction of three new linear qualifications (and the downgrading of coursework), in 2017, girls widened their GCSE lead over boys A*-C grades (and 9 to 4) with a 9.5% difference. 71% of female entries were awarded at least a C or 4, compared with 61% of males.

66
Q

Explain the gender gap at AS and A-level and vocational courses

A

At AS and A Level and vocational courses: girls are more likely to pass and get higher grades, though the gender gap is narrower than at GCSE. In 2013, 46.8% of girls gained A or B grades at A-Level, but only 42.2% of boys. At both AS and A-Level girls are more likely to gain grades A-C, even in so-called ‘boys’ subjects such as Maths and Physics. The average A-Level points score in state schools was 295 for girls and 274 for boys. However, in 2017, boys overtook girls in terms of top grades at A-Level for the first time in 17 years. The figures show that 8.8% of boys’ entries were awarded an A*, the highest grade available, compared to 7.8% of girls’ entries, a 1% gap that equates to thousands of candidates. A larger proportion of girls achieve distinctions in every subject, including engineering and construction where girls are a tiny minority of the students.

67
Q

Explain the gender gap in higher education

A

In Higher Education: males outnumbered females by 2:1 in 1970/1, whereas 57% of first degree graduates from UK universities in 2009 and 2010 were women.

68
Q

state external factors for the gender-gap in education

A
  • the impact of feminism
  • changes in employment
  • changing ambitions
  • changes in the family
69
Q

Explain the external factor of the impact of feminism

A

Feminism has provided more equal rights for females; it has helped bring about legal changes and has promoted equal opportunities in society. As a result it has helped to raise girls expectations and ambitions.
Feminism has encouraged girls to rethink their self-image and to become more aspirational, rather than only seeing their future in the stereotypical traditional way as a wife/mother.

70
Q

Explain changes in employment as external factor

A

As a consequence of changes in legislation (Equal Pay act 1970 and the Sex Discrimination Act 1975) and changes in social attitudes, females see their future in terms of paid work rather than in gender stereotypical ways. They understand the necessity of qualifications.
This reflects greater and more equal career opportunities.
Girls have benefitted from being exposed to more successful career women who act as positive role models

71
Q

Explain changing ambitions as an external factor

A

Sue Sharpe (1974) conducted research with a sample of WC girls in a London comprehensive school. They viewed educational success as unfeminine and had low aspirations. Marriage was their main goal.
She repeated her research in 1994 with a similar sample and found that there was a great change in priorities and the girls were far more aspirational. Her findings show a major change in the way girls see themselves and their future.
Research by Francis (2001) found that increasingly today, girls are rejecting the traditional female role and understanding the importance of education.
Fuller (2011) found that educational success was a central aspect of girls identity, they saw themselves as creators of their own future and had an individualised notion of self and aimed for a professional career that would enable them to support themselves.

72
Q

Explain changes in the family as an external factor

A

An increase in divorce, cohabitation, SPFs, smaller families and a decrease in marriages have impacted on girls’ attitudes towards education.
They recognise that they need to take on more of a breadwinner role and this may encourage girls to look to themselves and their own qualifications to make a living and be financially independent.

73
Q

state internal factors for the gender gap in education

A
  • equal opportunities policies
  • positive role models in schools
  • GCSE and coursework
  • teacher attention
  • challenging stereotypes in the curriculum
  • selection and league tables
74
Q

Explain the internal factor of equal opportunities policies

A

Equal opportunities policies:
Many sociologists argue that feminist ideas have had a major impact on the education system. Those who run the system are now much more aware of gender issues and teachers are more sensitive to the need to avoid gender stereotyping. The belief that boys and girls are equally capable and entitled to the same opportunities is now part of mainstream thinking in education and influences educational policies. For example, policies such as GIST (Girls into Science and Technology) and WISE (Women into Science and engineering) encouraged girls to pursue careers in non-traditional areas and the introduction of the National Curriculum made girls and boys study mostly the same subjects, which was often not the case previously.

75
Q

Explain the internal factor of positive role models in schools

A

Positive role models in schools:
There has been an increase in the proportion of female teachers and head teachers. These qualified women in professional positions may act as role models for girls. It could be argued that primary schools in particular have become ‘feminised’, with a virtually all-female staff and this could influence pupils into seeing schooling as a ‘female’ activity.

76
Q

Explain the internal factor of GCSE and coursework

A

GCSE and coursework:
Some sociologists argue that changes in the way pupils are assessed have favoured girls and disadvantaged boys. Gorard (2005) observed that the gender gap was pretty constant from 1975 until 1988-9 when it increased sharply. This was the year that GCSEs were introduced bringing with them coursework as a major part of most subjects. He believes that this change in assessment is the main reason for the gender gap in achievement. Mitsos and Brown (1989) support this view. They conclude that girls are more successful at coursework because they are more conscientious and better organised; spending more time on it, taking more care in presentation and are better at meeting coursework deadlines. However, Elwood (2005) argues that although coursework has some influence, exams have more influence on final grades and girls also do better in exams than boys.

77
Q

Explain the internal factor of teacher attention

A

Teacher attention:
Research shows that the way teachers interact with girls and boys differs. Spender (1983) found that teachers spend more time with boys and that they are able to demand more of the teacher’s time and gain more attention. However French and French (1993) argue that the amount of attention given to girls and boys is quite similar and on occasions where boys are given more attention it is usually because they attract more reprimands. Similarly, Swann and Graddol (1994) found that boys are generally more boisterous and attract the teacher’s gaze more than girls, resulting in them gaining more opportunities to speak in class. They found that boys dominated whole-class discussion, whereas girls preferred pair and group work and were better at listening and cooperating. In the main, they found that the way teachers interacted with girls was more positive and focused around schoolwork rather than behaviour in boys which attracts negative attention from teachers. This could lead to a positive self-fulfilling prophecy with girls and a negative one in boys.

78
Q

Explain the internal factor of challenging stereotypes in the curriculum

A

Challenging stereotypes in the curriculum:
Many sociologists point to the removal of gender stereotypes and sexist images from textbooks, reading schemes and other learning materials as a factor which has removed a barrier to girls’ achievement.

79
Q

Explain the internal factor of selection and league tables

A

Selection and league tables:
Marketization has created a more competitive climate where schools see girls as desirable recruits because they achieve better exam results. Jackson (1998) believes that high achieving girls are attractive to schools as they can boost a school’s league table position, whereas low achieving boys are not. This creates a self-fulfilling prophecy because if girls are more likely to be recruited to good schools, they have a greater likelihood of doing well. Slee (1998) notes that boys are less attractive to schools because they are likely to suffer from behavioural problems and are four times more likely to be excluded. As a result, they are more likely to be perceived as a ‘liability’.

80
Q

Is their social class differences in girls achievement?

A

While girls on average now achieve more highly than in the past, not all girls are successful. In particular, there are social class differences in girl’s achievement. For example, in 2013 only 40.6& of girls from poorer families achieved five A*-C GCSEs, whereas 67.5% of those not on FSMs did so.

81
Q

Explain symbolic capital

A

Symbolic capital:
According to feminists such as Archer et al (2010) one reason for these differences is the conflict between working class girls’ feminine identities and the values and ethos of the school. In her study of working-class girls, she used the concept of symbolic capital to understand this conflict. Symbolic capital refers to the status, recognition and sense of worth that we are able to obtain from others. Archer found that by performing their working-class feminine identities, the girls gained symbolic capital from their peers. However, this brought them into conflict with school, preventing them from acquiring educational capital and economic capital.

82
Q

State the several strategies that Archer identifies

A

Archer identifies several strategies that the girls followed for creating a valued sense of self. These included adopting a hyper-heterosexual feminine identity, having a boyfriend and being ‘loud’

83
Q

Explain the hyper-heterosexual feminine identities

A

Hyper-heterosexual feminine identities: Many invested considerable time, money and effort in constructing ‘desirable’ and ‘glamorous’ hyper-heterosexual, feminine identities that combined black urban American styles with unisex sportswear and ‘sexy’ clothes, make-up and hairstyles. This brought status from their female peer group and avoided them being ridiculed or called a ‘tramp’. However, it also brought them into conflict with school and teachers saw the girls’ preoccupation with appearance as a distraction that prevented them engaging with education. This led to the school ‘othering’ the girls – defining them as ‘not one of us’, incapable of educational success and thus less worthy of respect. Bourdieu describes this process as symbolic violence: the harm done by denying someone symbolic capital, for example by defining their culture as worthless. According to Archer, from the school’s point of view, the ‘ideal female pupil’ identity is a de-sexualised and middle-class one that excludes many working-class girls.

84
Q

Explain boyfriends in relation to the several strategies

A

Boyfriends: While having a boyfriend brought symbolic capital, it got in the way of schoolwork and lowered girls’ aspirations. This included losing interest in going to university, in studying ‘masculine’ subjects or gaining a professional career. Instead these girls aspired to ‘settle down’, have children and work locally in working class feminine jobs such as childcare.

85
Q

Explain being loud

A

. Being ‘loud’: Some working-class girls adopted ‘loud’ feminine identities that often led them to be outspoken, independent and assertive, for example questioning teachers’ authority. This failure to conform to the school’s stereotype of the ideal female pupil identity as passive and submissive to authority and brought conflict with teachers, who interpreted their behaviour as aggressive rather than assertive.

86
Q

Explain the working class girls dilemma

A

Working-class girls’ dilemma: Archer argues these strategies result in working-class having a dilemma: their feminine identities and educational success conflict with one another and the former leads to underachievement in the latter. They are therefore faced with a dilemma of either gaining symbolic capital from their peers by conforming to a hyper-heterosexual feminine identity or gaining educational capital by rejecting this. Some girls tried to resolve this dilemma by defining themselves as ‘good underneath’ (despite the teachers’ negative views of them), reflecting their struggle to achieve a sense of self-worth within an education system that devalues them.

87
Q

What does research by evans show about the working class girl dilemma

A

While some working-class girls do go on to higher education, research by Evans on 21 working-class sixth form girls in a south London comprehensive school found that even they may be disadvantaged by their gender and class identities. She found that girls wanted to go to university to increase their earning power to help their families rather than themselves. This ‘caring’ aspect of working-class feminine identity produces a desire to live at home with their families while studying. Economic necessity was a further reason for living at home and studying at a local university. However, although living at home made university more affordable, it also limited their choice of university and the market value of their degree and self-exclusion from elite universities. Archer argues that a preference for the local is a key feature of working-class habitus and may place a limit on their success.

88
Q

State external factors of boys and achievement

A
  • boys and literacy
  • socialisation
  • globalisation and the decline of traditional male jobs
89
Q

Explain boys and literacy as an external factor

A

a) Boys and literacy: according to the DCSF (2007) the gender gap is mainly the result of boys’ poorer literacy and language skills which is likely to affect boys’ performance across a wide range of subjects. One reason for this may reflect the reality that parents spend less time reading to their sons. Another could be that because it is mothers who do most of the reading, it is therefore viewed as a feminine activity

90
Q

Explain socialisation as an external factor in boys achievement

A

Socialisation: Edwards and David (2000) argue that boys mature more slowly than girls because primary socialisation encourages boys to be more boisterous and attention-seeking. This may lead to a lack of concentration in class. Burns and Bracey (2001) found that the socialisation of boys may lead to over-confidence. Boys are then often surprised when they fail exams and tend to put their failure down to bad luck, not lack of effort.

91
Q

Explain globalisation as an external factor in boys achievement

A

Globalisation and the decline of traditional male jobs: since the 1980s there has been a significant decline in heavy industries, engineering and manufacturing partly as a consequence of the globalisation of the economy, which has led to much manufacturing relocating to developing countries to take advantage of cheap labour. Traditionally, these sectors of the economy mainly employed males. Mitsos and Browne (1998) claim that this decline in male employment opportunities has led to an ‘identity crisis’ for men, where they recognise they are less likely to occupy the traditional breadwinner role. This has had a negative impact on boys’ motivation within schools.

92
Q

Explain the internal factor of feminisation of schools in relation to boys achievement

A

Feminisation of education: Sewell (2006) argues that education has become ‘feminised’ - schools do not nurture ‘masculine’ traits such as competitiveness and leadership and now celebrate qualities more closely associated with girls, such as methodical working and attentiveness in class. This he argues, puts boys off education. Sewell sees coursework as a major cause of gender differences in achievement as boys do less well in coursework-based subjects as they are generally less organised than girls

Feminisation examples can include:

  • schools having more female teachers than males
  • qualities such as methodical working and attentiveness being praised and celebrated as they are feminine traits and behaviours
  • coursework - girls do better
  • environment of classroom tends to clash with masculine traits
  • sports day emphasis moved away from winning to taking part - feminine
93
Q

Explain the internal factor of shortage of male primary school teachers

A

Shortage of male primary school teachers:
The increasing lack of strong positive male role models both at home and school is said to be the cause of boys’ underachievement. A Yougov (2007) poll found 39% of 8-11 year-old boys do not have any lessons with a male teacher. Most boys surveyed said the presence of a male teacher made them behave better and 42% said it made them work harder. This feminisation of primary schools is understood to place boys at a disadvantage. However, research conducted by Francis (2006) and Read (2008) challenges the claim that the culture of primary schools is feminised and that only male teachers can exert the firm discipline that boys need to achieve. Frances found that two-thirds of 7-8 year-olds did not think that the gender of their teacher was relevant. Contrastingly, Haase (2008) claims that it is better to think of primary schools as ‘masculinised educational structures that are numerically dominated by women’.

94
Q

suggest reasons why the shortage of male teachers may not explain boys underachievement

A
  • boys may achieve higher with female teachers
  • boys underachievement could be linked to understanding of lessons or or home factors/ cultural values
  • gender not relevant - mainly it is about attitude than gender
  • boys still have rolemodels with men teachers being headteachers or history lessons about men
95
Q

Explain laddish subcultures in relation to internal factors of boys achievement

A

Laddish subcultures:
The growth of laddish subcultures is believed to have contributed to boys’ underachievement. Epstein (1998) examined the way in which masculinity is constructed within school. Working class boys are more likely to be harassed and labelled and subjected to homophobic verbal abuse if they appear as ‘swots’. This supports Francis’ (2001) finding that boys viewed being called a ‘swot’, as a threat to their masculinity. She argues that laddish culture is becoming increasingly widespread – as girls move into traditional masculine careers, many become increasingly ‘laddish’ in their effort to construct themselves as non-feminine, and as a result of negative teacher labelling

96
Q

What following initiatives have been introduced to address the boys underachievement

A

The following initiatives have been introduced to try to address this problem:

Scrapping coursework in most subjects
The Raising Boys

Achievement Project: this involves a range of teaching strategies, including single-sex teaching.

The Dads and Sons campaign: encourages fathers to be more involved with their sons’ education.

The Reading Champions Scheme: uses male role models celebrating their own reading interests.

97
Q

Explain the link between gender, class and ethnicity

A

It would be very wrong to assume that boys are a ‘lost cause’. In fact, over recent years the achievement of both sexes has actually improved considerably. Boys may now be lagging behind girls, but boys today are still achieving more than they did in the past. Furthermore McVeigh (2001) observes that the similarities in girls’ and boys’ achievement are far greater than the differences, especially when compared with social class or ethnic differences.

Social class is the strongest predictor of educational achievement: the class gap at GCSE is three times greater than the gender gap. As a result, girls and boys of the same social class tend to achieve fairly similar results. By contrast, pupils of the same gender but different social classes achieved widely different results. For example, girls from the highest social class were 44 points ahead of girls from the lowest class. Research by Francis and Skelton (2011) found that girls on FSM continue to underperform in relation to girls and boys not on FSM – drawing attention to the fact that whilst gender clearly does influence achievement, the extent of this influence itself depends on pupil’s class (and ethnic group) and these figures show that class is a more important influence on a pupil’s achievement than gender.

Therefore, we need to take into account the interplay of class, gender and ethnicity in order to reach a better understanding of differences in educational achievement. As Connolly (2006) suggests, there may be an ‘interactions effect’ – so that certain combinations of gender, class and ethnicity have more effect than others. For example, being female raises performance more when ‘added to’ being black Caribbean than it does when ‘added to’ being white. By contrast, class differences have more effect in producing performance differences among white pupils than black pupils. Reflecting this interplay of class, gender and ethnicity, nationally, the main concern today is the educational underachievement of white working-class boys

98
Q

Explain the explanation for gender subject choice in relation to early socialisation

A

Subject choice at GCSE, A-Level and degree level is gendered. Some subjects remain predominately a male preserve, while others are mainly studied by females. A number of factors are considered here to explain the gendered nature of subject choice:

  1. EARLY SOCIALISATION:
    According to Oakley (1973) gender role socialisation contributes towards gendered subject choice. Norman (1988) observes that from an early age girls and boys are treated very differently, given different toys and encouraged to take part in different activities and this can channel their development and interest in different subjects and careers. Byrne (1979) states that schools reinforce this. Teachers’ expectations are gendered, they encourage girls to be quiet, passive, helpful, clean and tidy and boys are expected to be tough, rough and noisy. Many sociologists argue that as a result of gendered socialisation patterns girls and boys develop different tastes in reading and Murphy and Elwood (1998) argue that these influence different subject choices. Boys prefer hobby books and information texts while girls are more likely to read stories about people and this helps to explain why boys prefer the sciences and girls prefer subjects such as English and the Humanities. Browne and Ross (1991) argue that children’s beliefs about ‘gender domains’ (tasks and activities that boys and girls see as male or female ‘territory’ and therefore as relevant to themselves) are shaped by their early experiences – children are more confident when engaging in tasks they see as part of their gender domain and this influences what subjects they see as ‘girl’ or ‘boy’ subjects.
99
Q

Explain gendered subject images in relation to gender subject choice explanation

A

GENDERED SUBJECT IMAGES:
The gender image that a subject ‘gives off’ affects who will want to choose it. Kelly (1984) argues that science is seen as a boys’ subject as science teachers tend to be male; the examples that they use and those found in textbooks often draw on boys’ experiences; boys monopolise the lab and equipment acting as if it is ‘theirs’. However, a DfES study (2007) found that pupils who attend single-sex schools tend to hold less stereotyped subject images. Leonard (2006) found that this results in them making less traditional subject choices. Analysing data on 13,000 pupils she found that compared to pupils in mixed schools, girls in girls’ schools were much more likely to take maths and science A-Levels (particularly Physics) and boys in boys’ schools were much more likely to take English and modern languages. Girls from single-sexed schools were also more likely to study male-dominated subjects at university and to earn higher salaries.

100
Q

Explain peer pressure as an explanation for gender subject choice

A

. PEER PRESSURE:
Subject choice can also be influenced by peer pressure. Other boys and girls may apply pressure to an individual if they disapprove of his or her choice and this negative response can be very influential. Paetcher (1998) found that because pupils see sport as mainly falling within the male gender domain, girls who are ‘sporty’ have to cope with an image that contradicts the conventional stereotype. This may explain why girls are more likely than boys to opt out of sport. By contrast, an absence of peer pressure from the opposite sex may explain why girls in single-sex schools are more likely to choose traditional boys’ subjects. The absence of boys may mean there is less pressure on the girls to conform to restrictive stereotypes of what subjects they can or cannot study.

101
Q

Explain gendered career opportunities in relation to gendered subject choice

A

GENDERED CAREER OPPORTUNITIES:
Employment is highly gendered. Women are concentrated in a narrow range of occupations and ‘women’s jobs’ often involve similar work to that performed by housewives. Over half of all women’s employment falls within four categories: clerical, secretarial, personal services and occupations such as cleaning. By contrast, only a sixth of male work in these jobs. The sex-typing of occupations affects boys’ and girls’ ideas about what kinds of job are possible or acceptable. Thus, for example, if boys get the message that nursery nurses are women, they will be less likely to opt for a career in childcare. In turn, this affects what subjects and courses they will choose. This also helps to explain why vocational courses are much more gender-specific than academic ones, since vocational studies are by definition more closely linked to students’ career plans. The significance of the gendered nature of subject choice is that it has major implications for the continuation of the gendered nature of the labour market.

102
Q

Explain gender identity and schooling

A

Pupils’ school experiences may reinforce their gender and sexual identities. CONNELL (1995) argues that school reproduces ‘hegemonic masculinity’: the dominance of heterosexual masculine identity and the subordination of female and gay identities. Feminists argue that experiences in school act as a form of social control to reproduce patriarchy.

103
Q

Explain verbal abuse in relation to gender identity and schooling

A

. Verbal abuse: What CONNELL calls ‘a rich vocabulary of abuse’ is used by pupils to police one another’s sexual identities through negative labels. Name-calling puts girls down if they behave in certain ways and acts as a form of social control to make them conform to male expectations. LEES (1986) notes that boys call girls ‘slags’ if they appear sexually available, but there is no equivalent term for males. MAC AN GHAILL (1992) found that anti-school working class boys’ subcultures use verbal abuse to reinforce their definitions of masculinity. They called other working-class boys who worked hard, ‘dickhead achievers’ and boys ‘gay’ for being friendly towards teachers or girls.

104
Q

Explain teachers in relation to gender identity and schooling

A

Teachers: HAYWOOD and MAC AN GHAILL (1996) found that male teachers reinforced gender identities be telling boys off for ‘behaving like girls’ and ignoring boys’ verbal abuse of girls. ASKEW and ROSS (1988) argue that male teachers’ behaviour can subtly reinforce gender e.g. ‘rescuing’ female colleagues from disruptive classes.

105
Q

Explain the male gaze in relation to gender identity and schooling

A

The male gaze: is a visual form of social control where male pupils and teachers look at girls as sexual objects. Boys who don’t participate in this form of surveillance may be labelled as ‘gay’ – also a form of social control.

106
Q

Explain double standards in relation to gender identity and schooling

A

. Double standards: exist, where moral standards are applied to one group reflecting patriarchal ideology. LEES (1993) found that boys boast about their sexual exploits and conquests, but label girls’ negatively for the same behaviour.

107
Q

Explain female peer pressure groups - policing identity in relation to gender identity and schooling

A

. Female peer groups - policing identity: ARCHER (2010) found that working class girls gain symbolic capital by performing a hyper-heterosexual identity. Female peers’ police this identity and girls’ risk being called a ‘tramp’ if they fail to conform. RINGROSE (2013) found working class girls faced a tension between an idealised feminine identity (loyalty to peer group) and a sexualised identity (competing for boys). ‘Slut shaming’ and ‘frigid shaming’ are social control labels used to police each other’s identities.

108
Q

Explain inequalities in the educational achievement of different ethnic groups

A

There are inequalities in the educational achievement of different ethnic groups:
(a) There are differences in the achievement between ethnic groups, e.g. pupils of Chinese origin do better than black pupils.

(b) There are differences within ethnic groups, e.g. pupils of Indian origin do better than pupils of Pakistani or Bangladeshi origin.

109
Q

Explain gender and class differences within and between gender ethnic groups

A

There are also important gender and class differences within and between ethnic groups. Among all groups other than Gypsy/Roma and Traveller children, girls do better than boys. Similarly, within each ethnic group, middle class children do better than working class children.

White pupils’ achievements are very close to the national average, which is not surprising, since whites are by far the largest group, accounting for four fifths of all pupils. However, closer analysis shows major class differences, with many working class white pupils performing at a lower level than that of other ethnic groups. According to Hastings (2006), white pupils make less progress between 11 and 16 than black or Asian pupils, and it is possible that whites may soon become the worst performing ethnic group in the country.

110
Q

state reasons for ethnic differences

A
  • ethnic minorities tend to be more aspirational - to have a better life as minorities seen education as a way to succeed in life
  • cultural pressure to do well - parental values/involvement
  • low aspirations for white pupils
  • english may not be their first language
  • strict parents - parents prioritise education
  • education see as vital way to have a better life
  • parents whos english not first language may struggle to help their child with homework or reading
  • might not have cultural pressure - white wc pupils
  • cultural pressure + class - education may be seen as ‘project’ parents invest for their children’s extracurricular
  • material deprivation and poverty
  • labelling / stereotypes because of ethnic origin
  • material/cultural deprivation
111
Q

state external factors for ethnic differences in achievement

A
  • cultural deprivation
  • attitudes and values
  • family structure and parental support
  • material deprivation
  • racism in wider society
112
Q

Explain intellectual and linguistic skills in relation to cultural deprivation

A

Intellectual and linguistic skills: Cultural deprivation theorists see the lack of intellectual and linguistic skills as a major cause of under-achievement for many minority children. They believe that many children from low-income black families lack intellectual stimulation and enriching experiences which leaves them poorly prepared for school as they have not been able to develop reason and problem-solving skills. Bereiter and Englemann (1966) believe that the language spoken by low-income black American families is inadequate for achieving educational success, seeing it as ungrammatical, disjointed and incapable of expressing abstract ideas. There is also concern that children who do not speak English at home may be held back educationally. However, Gilborn and Mirza (2000) found that Indian pupils do very well despite often not having English as their home language.

113
Q

Explain attitudes and values in relation to cultural deprivation as an external factor

A

Attitudes and values: Cultural deprivation theorists link educational achievement to differences in values, attitudes and aspirations. They argue that some black children have been socialised into a subculture that instils a fatalistic attitude that emphasises immediate gratification. This discourages them from valuing education and leaves them unequipped for success.

114
Q

Explain family structure and parental support in relation to cultural deprivation as an external factor

A

Family structure and parental support: Moynihan (1965) argued that because many black families are headed by a lone mother, children are deprived of adequate care because of financial problems and they are also denied a male role model. He saw cultural deprivation as a cycle where inadequately socialised children from unstable families go on to fail at school and become inadequate parents themselves. New Right theorists have put forward similar explanations. Sewell (2009) argues that it is not the absence of fathers as role models that leads to black boys underachieving. Instead, he sees the problem as a lack of nurturing or ‘tough love’. This results in black boys finding it hard to overcome the emotional and behavioural difficulties of adolescence. In the absence of the restraining influence of a nurturing father, street gangs of other fatherless boys offer black boys ‘perverse loyalty and love’. These present boys with a media inspired role model of anti-school black masculinity, whose ideas Arnot (2004) describes as ‘the ultra-tough ghetto superstar, an image constantly reinforced through rap lyrics and MTV videos’.

Many black boys are therefore subject to powerful anti-educational peer group pressure – most of the boys interviewed by Sewell argued that the greatest barrier to success was pressure from other boys. Speaking in Standard English and achieving in school were often viewed with hostility by their peers and seen as ‘selling out’ to the white establishment. He argues that black students do worse than their Asian peers because of cultural differences in socialisation and attitudes to education. As he puts it, while one group is being nurtured by MTV, the other is clocking up the educational hours. Sewell concludes that black children, particularly boys – need to have greater expectations placed on them to raise their aspirations. However, critical race theorists such as Gilborn (2008) argue that it is not peer pressure but institutional racism within the education system that systematically produces the failure of large numbers of black boys.

115
Q

Explain Pryce’s view on the family structure in relation to the underachievement of black and carribean pupils

A

Pryce (1979) also saw family structure as contributing to the under-achievement of black Caribbean pupils, arguing that West Indian life is more turbulent and lacking in support. Comparing black and Asian pupils, he claims that Asinas are higher achievers because their culture is more resistant to racism and gives them a greater sense of self-worth, whereas black pupils have lower self-esteem and under-achieve. However, Lawrence (1982) challenges the view and claims that black pupils fail – not because of the factors identified by Pryce, but because of racism in and outside of schools. GILBORN and MIRZA (2000) found that in one LEA, black children were the highest achievers on entry to primary school (20% above the local average), yet by the time it came to GCSE, they had the worst results of any ethnic group – 21% below the average. Similarly, STRAND’s (2010) analysis of the entire national cohort of over 530,000 7–11-year-olds shows how many black pupils fall behind after starting school. He found that black Caribbean boys not entitled to FSM, especially the more able pupils, made significantly less progress than their white peers. Therefore, if a group can begin their compulsory schooling as the highest achievers and yet finish as the lowest achievers, this challenges the assumption made by theorists who focus on external factors – such as cultural deprivation – that black children enter school unprepared.

116
Q

How do sociologists explain the higher achievement of certain asian groups?

A

Explaining the higher achievement of certain Asian groups, Driver and Ballard (1981) argue that Asian family structures bring educational beliefs as they are more positive and supportive towards education and have higher aspirations for their children’s future. Basit (1997) argued that Asian parents view education as a type of capital that can transform the lives of their children, so offer much support. Reflecting this, Lipton (2004) argues that adult authority in Asian families positively reinforces that found in school, and parents are more likely to be supportive of school behaviour policies. He found that Asian children are well-behaved and work hard at school, as their parents expect them to be respectful towards adults. Parents are generally supportive of school behaviour and sanctions. Furthermore, research by Archer and Francis (2005) found that Chinese parents see education as a ‘family project’ and have high levels of engagement in their children’s education. They have high expectations of their children, invest lots of time and money in their education - setting much extra study at home and are very successful in securing places for their children in high-achieving, good schools.

117
Q

Why do some sociologists see asian families as an obstacle for success?

A

However, some sociologists see Asian families as an obstacle for success, despite the high levels of achievement of some Asian minorities. For example, Khan (1979) sees Asian families as ‘stress ridden’, bound by tradition and with a controlling attitude towards children, particularly girls. Furthermore, Pilkington (1997) argues that cultural explanations should be treated with caution as they often generalise and divert attention away from material inequalities and the possible failings of the education system itself.

118
Q

Explain material deprivation as an external factor in relation to ethnic differences in education

A

MATERIAL DEPRIVATION:

Back in 1985, the Swann Report estimated that social class differences account for at least 50% of the difference in achievement between ethnic groups - the class background of a pupil is often more relevant in explaining differences in achievement, rather than the ethnic origin of a pupil. It concluded that if the class position of ethnic minorities isn’t taken into account, there is a danger that the effects of cultural deprivation may be over-estimated and the effects of poverty and material deprivation that ethnic minorities are more likely to face will be under-estimated.

Ethnic minorities are more likely to suffer from material deprivation. Evidence from Flaherty (2004) found that: Pakistanis and Bangladeshis are over 3 times more likely than whites to be in the poorest fifth of the population; 15% of ethnic minority households live in overcrowded conditions compared with only 2% of white households; Pakistanis are nearly twice as likely to be in unskilled or semi-skilled jobs compared to whites and more likely to be involved in shift work.

Palmer (2012) also found that almost half of all ethnic minority children live in low-income households, compared to a quarter of white children; ethnic minorities are three times more likely to be homeless and almost twice as likely to be unemployed compared to whites and almost half of Bangladeshi and Pakistani workers earned under £7 per hour, compared with only a quarter of whites.

119
Q

Why are some ethnic minorities at a greater risk of material deprivation

A

There are a variety of reasons to explain why some ethnic minorities may be at greater risk of material deprivation that results from unemployment, low pay and overcrowding: Many live in economically depressed areas with high unemployment; cultural factors such as the tradition of purdah in some Muslim households which prevents women from working; a lack of language skills, and foreign qualifications not being recognised in the UK for more recently arrived migrants; asylum seekers not being allowed to work and racial discrimination in the job market. Such inequalities are reflected in the proportion of children from ethnic groups who are eligible for FSMs, for example 44% of children of Bangladeshi origin compared to 11% of white British children.

However, Gilborn and Mirza (2000) argue that even when comparisons are made between pupils of the same social class but different ethnic minorities, differences in achievement can be found. For example, even middle-class black pupils do comparatively poorly at GCSE in comparison to white middle-class pupils

120
Q

Explain racism in wider society as an external factor for ethnic differences

A

RACISM IN WIDER SOCIETY:

Many sociologists point out that the greater poverty and material deprivation experienced by ethnic minorities is the product of racism in wider society. These problems combined have a negative effect on the educational prospects of children from ethnic minorities. According to Mason (2000) ‘discrimination is a continuing and persistent feature of the experience of Britain’s citizens of minority ethnic origin’. This helps to explain why members of ethnic minorities are more likely to face unemployment and low pay, and this in turn has a negative effect on their children’s educational prospects.

121
Q

state and explain the outside factors to ethnic differences in achievement

A

Basit (1997) argued that asian parents view education as a type of capital that can transform the lives of their children so offer much support

Lipton (2004) found that asian children, particularly those from muslim backgrounds are well-behaved and work hard at school, as their parents expect to be respectful towards adults. Parents are generally supportive of school behaviour and sanctions

Archer and Francis (2005) found that chinese parents see education as a family project and have high expectations of their children and invest lots of time and money in their education

122
Q

Why would external explanations for ethnic differences be criticised?

A

However, research to cast doubt on some of the explanations for external differences includes Gilbourn and Mirza (2000) study. They found that in one LEA black children were the highest achievers on entry to primary school (20% above the local average), yet by the time it came to GCSE, they had the worst results at any ethnic group - 21% below the average

Similarly, STRAND’s (2010) analysis of the entire national cohort of over 530,000 7-11 years old shows how many black pupils fall behind after starting school. He found that black carribean boys not entitled to FSM, especially the more able pupils made significantly less progress than their white peers

If a group can begin their compulsory schooling as the highest achievers and yet finish as the lowest achievers this challenges the assumption made by theorists who focus on external factors such as cultural deprivation that black children enter school unprepared

Instead it suggests that factors internal to the educational system itself may play a significant role in the creation of ethnic differences in achievement

123
Q

Which ethnic group is highest achievers on entry to primary school according to sociologists?

A

According to GILBORN and MIRZA (2000), in one LEA, black children were the highest achievers on entry to primary school (20% above the local average), yet by the time it came to GCSE, they had the worst results of any ethnic group – 21% below the average. Similarly, STRAND’s (2010) analysis of the entire national cohort of over 530,000 7-11 year olds, shows how many black pupils fall behind after starting school. He found that black Caribbean boys not entitled to FSM, especially the more able pupils, made significantly less progress than their white peers. The fact that a group can begin their compulsory schooling as the highest achievers and yet finish as the lowest achievers, challenges the assumption made by theorists who focus on external factors, such as cultural deprivation theory that argues that black children enter school unprepared due to inadequate socialisation.

124
Q

Explain the internal factor of labelling according to Coard

A

Labelling:
COARD argues that teachers have lower expectations of black pupils which encourages a SFP. He also found that black pupils are disproportionately found in lower streams and are more likely to be excluded from school. In general, studies show that often teachers see black, and to a lesser extent, Asian pupils as being far from ‘ideal’. For example, black pupils are often seen as disruptive and Asians as passive. GILBORN (1990) found that boys of Afro-Caribbean origin often have labels ‘unruly’, ‘disrespectful’, and ‘difficult to control’ applied to them and were more likely to be given detention than other pupils. Black pupils felt teachers underestimated their ability. He claims that teachers interpreted (or misinterpreted) the dress and manner of speech of Afro-Caribbean pupils as representing a challenge to their authority and this reflected their ‘racialised expectations’. GILBORN concluded that in perceiving their treatment to be unfair, the pupils responded, understandably, in accordance with their labels. Therefore, much of the conflict between teachers and black pupils stem from racial stereotypes rather than the pupils’ actual behaviour.

125
Q

Explain sewell and Wright’s contribution to labelling in relation to racist stereotyping

A

SEWELL (2009) found that racist stereotyping led teachers to see all black boys, regardless of their attitude, as ‘rebels’: who rejected the goals and rules of the school and expressed their opposition through peer-group membership, conforming to the stereotype of the ‘black macho lad’ – even though only a small minority behaved in this way. He found that many of the boys who did conform to this stereotype, did so as a response to racism.

WRIGHT (1992) conducted a detailed study of four multi-racial primary schools involving observations of 970 pupils and 57 staff, interviews with 4 heads and parents of 38 children, plus an analysis of test results. She found that the majority of staff, whilst being committed to the ideals of equality of opportunity in theory, often discriminated in class. She found that Afro-Caribbean boys received a disproportionate amount of negative attention and disapproval by teachers reflecting the label that they were expected to be more disruptive and low achievers. In contrast, Asian girls seemed invisible to teachers and received less attention. WRIGHT also found that when attempts were made to embrace different cultural experiences, mistakes and problems often emerged

126
Q

Explain Mirza’s research in relation to labelling

A

MIRZA (1992) conducted research using a sample of 198 young people including 62 black females aged 15-19 who were the main focus of her study. They all attended one of two comprehensive schools in south London. She conducted observations, used questionnaires and informal unstructured interviews and also used secondary sources. Her findings were published in her book ‘Young, Female and Black’. She found that the girls classified teachers into a number of groups ranging from those who were overtly racist (in language and behaviour), through to those who were liberal in their attitude (well-intentioned but patronising), to those who were anti-racists (over-zealous in their campaigns). Overall, MIRZA found that the black girls in her study were concerned with academic success and prepared to work hard. They did sometimes encounter racism, but they felt that the majority of the teachers were genuinely trying to meet the needs – but most were failing to do so. MIRZA concluded that it was not the effects of labelling as such that held the girls back or the culture of the girls, rather it was the result of the well-meaning but misguided behaviour of many of the teachers

127
Q

Explain pupil identities as an internal factor

A

Pupil identities:
Teachers often define pupils as having stereotypical ethnic identities. According to ARCHER (2008 & 2010) teachers’ dominant discourse defines ethnic minority pupils’ identities as lacking the favoured identity of the ‘ideal pupil’. From interviews with teachers and students she argues the ethnic minority pupils are likely to be seen as having either a ‘pathologised pupil identity’ or a ‘demonized pupil identity’. Asian girls in particular were viewed as having a ‘pathologised pupil identity’: plodding, conformist, passive and culture-bound ‘over-achiever’ succeeding through hard work rather than natural ability, whereas black students were characterized as having a ‘demonized pupil identity’: unintelligent, challenging, peer-led, culturally deprived under-achiever with hyper-sexualised behaviour. Even the successes of ethnic minority pupils are seen in terms of over-achievement, (Chinese students were praised for success but viewed as having achieved it in the ‘wrong’ way – through hard working, passive conformism rather than natural ability) - since ‘proper’ achievement is seen as the natural preserve of the privileged, white, middle class ideal pupil.

128
Q

Explain pupil responses and subcultures

A

. Pupil responses and subcultures:
Ethnographic research by FULLER (1984) of a small group of girls of West Indian origin found that the subculture that emerged enabled them to reject the labels applied to them. These girls, unlike their male peers directed their frustrations and anger towards achievement in school. Their response to racism was pride in their gender and race and a determination to work hard and prove their worth. She found that they were not conforming ‘good’ pupils, they were pro-education and not pro-school and through subtle ways showed their defiance. This study highlights that pupils may still succeed even when they refuse to conform, and negative labelling does not always lead to a SFP of failure.

MAC AN GHAILL (1992) conducted research with a sample of 25 Afro-Caribbean and Asian students studying A-Levels in a sixth form college in the Midlands and reached similar conclusions. Between 1986 and 1988 he carried out detailed observations and conducted interviews with the students, teachers, parents and representatives of the black community in the area. Although all of the students had different educational backgrounds and achievements all had experienced problems in schooling, however their experiences varied depending on their gender and ethnic origin. Despite this, all of the sample had enjoyed success but largely as a result of survival strategies that they had employed. Many felt that they had been the victims of negative labelling and although these labels created extra barriers to their learning many of the sample overcame them.

129
Q

Explain critical race theory in relation to institutional racism

A

Critical Race Theory:
Critical race theory highlights the importance of institutional racism: discrimination that is built into the way institutions operate. For critical race theorists such as ROTHMAYR (2003), institutional racism is a ‘locked-in inequality’: The scale of historical discrimination is so great that there no longer needs to be any conscious intent discriminate – the inequality becomes self-perpetuating: it feeds on itself. GILBORN (2008) agrees and sees ethnic inequality as “so deep rooted and so large that it is a practically inevitable feature of the education system”. In short, inequality is locked into schools - it is endemic and embedded within the very fabric of the education system

130
Q

Explain marketisation, selection and segregation

A

Marketisation, selection and segregation:
GILBORN (1997) argues that marketisation has given schools greater scope to select their pupils and this puts some ethnic minority pupils at a disadvantage. This is because selection gives more scope for the negative stereotypes to influence decisions about school admissions. The Commission for Racial Equality 1993 found evidence of ethnic bias in the British education. They noted that racism in school admission procedures means that ethnic minority children are more likely to end up in unpopular schools. The report identifies: reports from primary schools that stereotype pupils, racist bias in interviews for school places, lack of information and application forms in minority languages and parents often being unaware of how the waiting list works and the importance of deadlines etc.

131
Q

Explain the ethnocentric curriculum

A

Ethnocentric Curriculum:
The term ethnocentric describes an attitude or policy that gives priority to the culture and viewpoint of one particular ethnic group while disregarding others – cultural bias. TROYNA and WILLIAMS (1986) describe the curriculum in British schools as ethnocentric because it gives priority to white culture and English language. COARD (1971) argues that the British education system makes black children feel inferior in every way. He claims that the content of education ignores black people and experiences arguing that the people whose lives are studied and acclaimed are white, and black culture, history, literature, music and art are all conspicuous by their absence from the curriculum. For example, in history, the British are portrayed as bringing civilisation to the ‘primitive’ peoples they colonized. This image of black people as inferior undermines black children’s self-esteem and contributes to their underachievement. He states that the attitudes to race conveyed in the classroom are reinforced by pupils outside of it. COARD believes that these experiences have important consequences for black children who are likely to develop a negative self-concept.

132
Q

Explain criticisms of the internal factor of ethnocentric curriculum

A

However, it is not clear what impact the ethnocentric curriculum has. For example, while it may ignore black and Asian culture, Indian and Chinese pupils’ achievement is above the national average. Nevertheless, the ethnocentric curriculum is interpreted by many as an example of institutional racism – discrimination that is built into the way an institution operates.

133
Q

Other than the curriculum, briefly outline the two ways in which schools could be seen to be ethnocentric

A

-not accommodating for other dietary requirements of other religions

  • in history, the british are portrayed as bringing civilisation to the ‘primitive’ peoples they colonised
  • uniform requirements applied in non-faith schools
  • curriculum ignores Black people experiences, culture, history, literature, music and art
134
Q

Explain assessment as an internal factor

A

Assessment:
GILBORN (2008) argues that ‘the assessment game’ is rigged so as to validate the dominant culture’s superiority. If black children succeed as a group, ‘the rules will be changed to re-engineer failure’. For example, in the past, primary schools used ‘baseline assessments’ which tested pupils when they started school. However, these were replaced in 2003 by the ‘foundation stage profile’ (FSP). The result of this change was that, overnight, black pupils now appeared to be doing worse than white pupils across all six developmental areas that it measured. GILBORN explains this as a result of two related institutional factors: 1. The FSP is based entirely on teachers’ judgements, unlike the baseline assessments which were based on written tests. 2. The FSP is completed at the end, rather than the start of the reception year. He concluded that both of these factors increased the likelihood of teachers’ stereotyping affecting the results. This reflects a study of GCSEs by SANDERS and HORN (1995) who found that where more weighting is given to tasks assessed by teachers, rather than written exams, the gap between the scores of different ethnic groups widens.

135
Q

Explain access to opportunities as an internal factor

A

. Access to opportunities:
GILBORN (2008) draws on official statistics which show that white pupils are over twice as likely as Black Caribbeans and five times more likely than Black Africans to be identified as part of the ‘Gifted and Talented’ programme. Furthermore, TIKLY et al (2006) found that despite the ‘Aim Higher’ initiative, in 30 schools studied, black pupils were more likely to be placed in lower sets and entered for lower tier GCSE exams. Research by STRAND (2012) found a white-black achievement gap in maths and science tests at age 14 as black pupils were systematically under-represented in entry to higher tier tests. He concluded that this was the result of teachers’ lower expectations leading to a SFP. In what GILBORN calls the ‘new IQism’, he argues that teachers and policymakers make false assumptions about the nature of pupils’ ability or potential – which they see as a fixed quality that can be easily measured and quantified resulting in a pupil being put into the correct set or stream. However, he argues that there is no genuine measure of potential.

However, SEWELL (2009) argues that racism in schools is not powerful enough to prevent individuals from achieving. In his view, external factors are more relevant for the failure of large numbers of BAME pupils – particularly for the underachievement of black boys.

136
Q

Explain locked-in inequality

A

LOCKED-IN INEQUALITY:

Critical race theory highlights the importance of institutional racism: discrimination that is built into the way institutions operate

For critical race theorists, such as Rothmayr (2003), institutional racism is a ‘locked-in inequality’: the scale of historical discrimination is so great that there no longer needs to be any conscious intent to discriminate - the inequality becomes self-perpetuating: it feeds on itself

Giborn (2008) agrees and sees ethnic inequality as ‘so deep-rooted’ and so large that it a practically inevitable feature of - it is endemic and embedded within the very fabric of the education system

137
Q

State criticisms of critical race theory

A

However, critics argue that widespread racism among teachers is highly unlikely as teachers subscribed to professional ethics that forbid them from expressing such views. Racists comments are likely to attract peer disapproval and sanctions from school managers (It is also against the law)

Some critics argue that pupils may be targeted to use teacher racisms as an excuse for their own shortcomings

Critics of critical race theory challenge the idea that the educational system is institutionally racist. They point to the fact that Chinese and Indian students perform better than the white majority and argue that if these two groups do so well, how then can there be institutional racism in education?

138
Q

How does Gilborn (2005) respond to critical race theory criticisms

A

However, Gilborn (2008) responds by stating that the image of pupils from Chinese and Indian origin, as hard-working ‘model minorities’ performs an ideological function. It conceals the fact that the education system is institutionally racist:

It makes the system appear fair, egalitarian and meritocratic - that these students succeed because they make the effort and take advantage of the opportunities offered to them

  • It justifies the failure of other minorities such as black boys that they fail because they are unwilling or unable to make effort, due to their ‘unaspirational’ home culture
  • It ignores the fact that ‘model minorities’ still suffer from racism in schools. For example, chinese students report higher levels of harassment to black pupils of Afro-carribean origin