Education: Gender differences in education Flashcards

1
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The gender gap in achievement: info

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A AS and A-level girls are more likely to sit, pass and get higher grades than boys, though the gap is much narrower than at GCSE. In 2013, for example, 46.8% of girls gained A or B at A-level, but only 42.2% of boys. Even in so-called ‘boys’ subjects such as maths and physics, girls were more likely than boys to get grades A to C.

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2
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External factors and gender differences in achievement- (1) The impact of feminism

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Feminism is a social movement that strives for equal rights for women in all areas of life. Since the 1960s, the feminist movement has challenged the traditional stereotype of a women’s role as solely that of mother and housewife in a patriarchal nuclear family and inferior to men outside the home, in work, education and the law.

Although feminists argue that we have not yet achieved full equality between the sexes, the feminist movement has had considerable success in improving women’s rights and opportunities through changes in the law. More broadly, feminism has raised women’s expectations and self-esteem.

These changes are partly reflected in media images and messages. A good illustration of this comes from McRobbie’s study of girls’ magazines. In the 1970s, they emphasised the importance between of getting married and not being ‘left on the shelf’, whereas nowadays, they contain images of assertive, independent women.

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3
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External factors and gender differences in achievement- (2) Changes in family

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There has been major changes in the family since the 1970’s. These include:
-An increase in the divorce rate
-An increase in cohabitation and a decrease in the number of first marriages
-An increase in the number of lone-parent households.

These changes are affecting girl’s attitudes towards education in a number of ways. For example, increased numbers of female-headed lone-parent families may mean more women need to take on a breadwinner role. This in turn creates a new adult role model for girls- the financially independent woman. To achieve this independence, women need well paid jobs and therefore good qualifications.
Likewise, increases in the divorce rate may suggest to girls that it is unwise to rely on a husband to be their provider. Again, this may encourage girls to look to themselves and their own qualifications to make a living.

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4
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External factors and gender differences in achievement- (3) Changes in women’s employment

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There has been important changes in women’s employment in recent decades. These include the following:

-The 1970 Equal Pay Act makes it illegal to pay women less than men for work of equal value, and the 1975 Sex Discrimination Act outlaws discrimination at work.

-Since 1975, the pay gap between men and women has halved from 30% to 15%.

-Some women are now breaking through the ‘glass ceiling’- the invisible barrier that keeps them out of high-level professional and managerial jobs.

These changes have encouraged girls to see their future in terms of paid work rather than as housewives, Greater career opportunities and better pay for women, and the role models that successful career women offer, provide an incentive for girls to gain qualifications.

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5
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External factors and gender differences in achievement- (4) Girls’ changing ambitions

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The view that changes in the family and employment are producing changes in girls’ ambitions is supported by evidence from research. For example, Sue Sharpe’s (1994) interviews with girls in the 1970s and 1990s show a major shift in the way girls see their future.

In 1974, the girls had low aspirations; they believed educational success was unfeminine and that appearing to be ambitious would be considered unattractive. They gave their priorities as ‘love, marriage, husbands, children, jobs, and careers, more or less in that order’.

By 1990s, girls’ ambitions had changed and they had a different order of priorities- careers and being able to support themselves. Sharpe found that girls were now more likely to see their future as an independent woman with a career rather than as dependent on their husband and his income.

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6
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Internal factors and gender differences in achievement- (1) Equal opportunities policy

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Feminist ideas have had major impact on the education system. Policymakers are now much more aware of gender issues and teachers are more sensitive to the need to avoid stereotyping. The belief that boys and girls are entitles to the same opportunities is now part of mainstream thinking and it influences educational policies.

For example, policies such as GIST (Girls Into Science and Technology) and WISE (Women Into Science and Engineering) encourages girls to pursue careers in these non-traditional areas. Female scientists have visited schools, acting as role models; efforts have been made to raise science teachers’ awareness of gender issues; non-sexist careers advice has been provided and learning materials in science reflecting girls’ interests have been developed.

Boaler (1998) sees the impact of equal opportunities policies as a key reason for the changes in girls’ achievement. Many of the barriers have been removed and schooling has become more meritocratic (based on equal opportunities)- so that girls, who generally work harder than boys, achieve more.

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7
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Internal factors and gender differences in achievement- (2) Positive role models in schools

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There has been an increase in the proportion of female teachers and heads. These women in senior positions may act as role models for girls, showing them women can achieve positions of importance and giving them non-traditional goals to aim for.

Women teachers are likely to be particularly important role models as far as girls’ educational achievement is concerned since, to become a teacher, the individual must undertake a lengthy and successful education herself.

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8
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Internal factors and gender differences in achievement- (3) GCSE and Coursework

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Some sociologists argue that changes in the way pupils are assessed have favoured girls and disadvantaged boys. For example, Gorard found that the gender gap in achievement was fairly constant from 1975 until 1989, when it increased sharply. This was the year in which GCSE was introduced, bringing with it coursework as a major part of nearly all subjects.

Mitsos and Browne (1998) conclude that girls are more successful in coursework because they are more conscientious and better organised than boys. Girls:

-Spend more time on their work
-Take more care with the way it is presented
-Are better at meeting deadlines
-Bring the right equipment and materials to lessons.

Mitsos and Browne argue that these factors have helped girls to benefit from the introduction of coursework in GCSE, AS and A-level.

Along with GCSE has come the greater use of oral exams. This is also said to benefit girls because of their generally better developed language skills.

Sociologists argue that these characteristics and skills re the result of early gender role socialisation in the family. For example, girls are more likely to be encouraged to be neat, tidy and patient. These qualities become an advantage in today’s assessment system, helping girls achieve greater success than boys.

However, Elwood argues that although coursework has some influence, it is unlikely to be the only cause of the gender gap because exams have much more influence than coursework on final grades.

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9
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Internal factors and gender differences in achievement- (4) Teacher attention

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The way teachers interact with boys and girls differs. When French and French (1993) analysed classroom interaction, they found that boys received more attention because they attracted more reprimands.

Swann also found gender differences in communication styles. Boys dominate in whole-class discussion, whereas girls prefer paid-work and group-work and are better at listening and cooperating. When working in groups, girls; speech involves turn taking, and not the hostile interruptions that often characterise boys’ speech.

This may explain why teachers respond more positively to girls, whom they see as cooperative, than to boys, a self-fulfilling prophecy in which successful interactions with teachers promote girl’s self esteem and raise their achievement levels.

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10
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Internal factors and gender differences in achievement- (5) Challenging stereotypes in the curriculum

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Some sociologists argue the removal of gender stereotypes from textbooks, reading schemes and other learning materials in recent years has removed a barrier to girl’s achievement. Research in the 1970s and 80s found that reading schemes portrayed by women mainly as housewives and mothers, that physics books showed them as frightened by science, and that maths books depicted boys as more inventive.

Weiner (1995) argues that since the 1980s, teachers have challenged such stereotypes. Also, in general, sexist images have been removed from learning materials. This may have helped to raise girls’ achievement by presenting them with more positive images of what women can do.

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11
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Internal factors and gender differences in achievement- (6) Selection and league tables

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Marketisation policies have created a more competitive climate in which schools see girls as desirable recruits because they achieve better exam results.

Jackson notes that the introduction of exam league tables has improved opportunities for girls: high-achieving girls are attractive to schools, whereas low-achieving boys are not. This tends to create a self-fulfilling prophecy- because girls are more likely to be recruited by good schools, they are more likely to do well.

Slee argues that boys are less attractive to schools because they are more likely to suffer from behavioural difficulties and are 4 times more likely to be excluded. As a result, boys may be seen as ‘liability students’- obstacles to the school improving its league table scores.

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12
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Internal factors and gender differences in achievement- Two views of girls’ achievement

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Liberal feminists celebrate the progress made so far in improving achievement. They believe that further progress will be made by the continuing development of equal opportunities policies, encouraging positive role models and overcoming sexist attitudes and stereotypes.

Radical feminists take a more critical view. While they recognise that girls are achieving more, they emphasise that the system remains patriarchal and conveys the clear message that it is still a man’s world.

For example,

-Sexual harassment of girls continues at school.

-Education still limits girls’ subject course and career options

Although there are now more female head teachers, male teachers are still more likely to become heads of secondary schools.

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13
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Identity, class and girls’ achievement: info

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Whilst girls on average now achieve more highly than in the past, this does not mean that all girls are successful. In particular, there are social class differences in girls’ achievement. For example, in 2013, only 40.6% of girls from poorer families (those eligible for FSM) achieved 5 A* to C GCSEs, whereas over two-thirds (67.5%) of those not on FSM did so.

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14
Q

Identity, class and girls’ achievement: (1)Symbolic capital

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According to feminists such as Archer et al, one reason for these differences is the conflict between working-class girls’ feminine identities and the values and ethos of the school. In her study of working-class girls, Archer uses the concept of ‘symbolic capital’ to understand this conflict. Symbolic capital refers to the status, recognition and sense of worth that we are able to obtain from others.

Archer found that by performing their working-class feminine identities, the girls gained symbolic capital from their peers. However, this brought them into conflict with school, preventing them from acquiring educational capital (qualifications) and economic capital (middle-class careers).

Archer identifies several strategies that the girls followed for creating a valued sense of self. These included adopting a hyper-heterosexual feminine identity, having a boyfriend and being ‘loud’.

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15
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Identity, class and girls’ achievement: (2)Hyper-heterosexual feminine identities

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Many of the girls invested considerable time, effort and money in constructing ‘desirable’ and ‘glamourous’ hyper-heterosexual, feminine identities. They constructed identities that combined black urban American styles with unisex sportswear and ‘sexy’ clothes, make-up and hairstyles.

The girls’ performance of this identity brought status from their female peer group and avoided them being ridiculed or called a ‘tramp’ for wearing the wrong brand.

However, it also brought them into conflict with school. For example, they were often punished for having the wrong appearance: too much jewellery, the wrong clothing or makeup and so on. Teachers saw the girls’ preoccupation with appearance as a distraction that prevented them engaging with education.

This lead to the school ‘othering’ the girls- defining them as ‘not one of us’, incapable of educational success and thus less worthy of respect. Bourdieu describes this process as symbolic violence. Symbolic violence is the harm done by denying someone symbolic capital, for example by defining their culture as worthless.

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16
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Identity, class and girls’ achievement: (3)Boyfriends

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While having a boyfriend brought symbolic capital, it got in the way of schoolwork and lowered girls’ aspirations. This included losing interests in going to university, in studying ‘masculine’ subjects such as science or in gaining a professional career. Instead these girls aspired to ‘settle down’, have children and work locally in working-class feminine jobs such as childcare.

17
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Identity, class and girls’ achievement: (4)Being ‘loud’

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Some working-class girls adopted ‘loud’ feminine identities that often led them to be outspoken, independent and assertive, for example questioning teachers’ authority. This failed to conform to the school’s stereotype of the ideal female pupil identity as passive and submissive to authority and brought conflict with teachers, who interpreted their behaviour as aggressive rather than assertive.

18
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Identity, class and girls’ achievement: (5)Working-class girls’ dilemma

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Working-class girls are thus faced with dilemma:

-Either gaining symbolic capital from their peers by conforming to a hyper-heterosexual feminine identity.

-Or gaining educational capital by rejecting their working-class identity and conforming to the school’s middle-class notions of a respectable, ideal female pupil.

Some girls tried to cope with this dilemma by defining themselves as ‘good underneath’ (despite the teachers’ negative views on them). This ‘good underneath’ self-image reflects girls’ struggle to achieve a sense of self-worth within an education system that devalues their working-class feminine identities.

Thus, Archer argues that working-class feminine identities and educational success conflict with one another. Working-class girls’ investments in their feminine identities are a major cause of their underachievement.

19
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Boys and achievement: Boys and literacy

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According to the DCSF, the gender gap in mainly the result of boys’ poorer literacy and language skills. One reason for this may be that parents spend less time reading to their sons. Another may be that it is mothers who do most of the reading to young children, who thus to see reading as a feminine activity.

In addition, boys’ leisure pursuits, such as football, do little to help develop their language and communication skills. By contrast, girls tend to have a ‘bedroom culture’ centred on staying in and talking with friends.

Poor language and literacy skills are likely to affect boys’ performance across a wide range of subjects. In response to this problem, government has introduced a range of policies to improve boys’ skills.

20
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Identity, class and girls’ achievement: Globalisation and the decline of traditional men’s jobs

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Since the 1980s, there has been a significant decline in heavy industries such as iron and steel, shipbuilding, mining and engineering. This has been partly the result of the globalisation of the economy, which has led to much manufacturing in industry relocating to developing countries such as China to take advantage of cheap labour.

Traditionally, these sectors of the economy mainly employed men. Mitsos and Browne claim that this decline in male employment opportunities has led to an ‘identity crisis for men’. Many boys now believe that they have little prospect of getting a proper job. This undermines their motivation and self-esteem and so they give up trying to get qualifications.

While there may be some truth in this claim, we should vote that the decline has largely been in manual working-class jobs that require few qualifications. Thus it seems unlikely that the disappearance of such jobs would have much impact on boy’s motivation to obtain qualifications.

21
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Identity, class and girls’ achievement: feminisation of education

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Sewell is reported as claiming that boys fall behind because education has become ‘feminised’. That is, schools do not nurture ‘masculine’ traits such as competitiveness and leadership. Instead, they celebrate qualities more closely associated with girls, such as methodical working and attentiveness in class.

Sewell sees coursework as a major cause of gender differences in achievement. He argues that some coursework should be replaced with final exams and a greater emphasis placed on outdoor adventure in the curriculum.

22
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Identity, class and girls’ achievement: Shortage of male primary school teachers

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The lack of male role models both at home and at school is said to be a cause of boys’ underachievement. For example, large numbers of boys are being brought up in the 1.5 million female-headed lone parent families in the UK.

Some commentators argue that this is because the culture of the primary school has become feminised as a result of being staffed by female teachers, who are unable to control boys’ behaviour. In this view, male teachers are better able to impose the strict discipline boys need in order to concentrate. If this view is correct, it would suggest that primary schools need more male teachers.

23
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Identity, class and girls’ achievement: Are more male teachers really needed?

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Barbara Read (2008) challenges the claim that primary schools are becoming feminized and that only male teachers can impose the strict discipline needed for boys to succeed. In her study of 51 primary school teachers (25 male and 26 female), Read identified two types of teacher language or “discourse” used to express disapproval or criticism of pupils’ behavior. The disciplinarian discourse is explicit and visible, often involving shouting or sarcasm, and is typically associated with masculinity. The liberal discourse, associated with femininity, is implicit and child-centered, treating pupils as adults and expecting respectful behavior. Read found that most teachers, regardless of gender, used the so-called “masculine” disciplinarian discourse to control behavior. She concluded that this disproves claims that primary schools are feminized and that only male teachers can create the strict environment boys need to thrive.

24
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Identity, class and girls’ achievement: ‘Laddish’ subcultures

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Some sociologists argue that the growth of ‘laddish’ subcultures has contributed to boys’ underachievement. Epstein examined the way masculinity is constructed within school. She found that working-class boys are likely to be harassed, labelled as sissies and subjected to homophobic verbal abuse if they appear to be ‘swots’.

This supports Francs’ finding that boys were more concerned than girls about being labelled by peers as swots , because this label is more of a threat to their masculinity than it is to girls’ femininity.

This is because in working-class culture, masculinity is equated with being tough and doing manual work. Non-manual work, and by extension schoolwork, is seen as effeminate and inferior. As a result, working-class boys tend to reject schoolwork to avoid being called ‘gay’.. As Epstein observes, ‘real boys don’t work’- and if they do they get bullied.

25
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Identity, class and girls’ achievement: The moral panic about boys

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Osler notes that the focus on underachieving boys has led to a neglect in girls. This is partly because girls often disengage from school quietly. By contrast, boys’ disengagement often takes the form of public displays of ‘laddish’ masculinity that attracts attention from teachers and policymakers.

Osler gives the example of mentoring schemes aimed at reducing school exclusions among black boys. She points out that these ignore the problem of exclusions among girls, which are increasing more rapidly. Furthermore, girls who are excluded are less likely to obtain places in pupil referral units. Official exclusion rates also mask a wider, hidden problem of exclusion among girls, including self-exclusion and internal exclusion.

26
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Gender and Subject choice- Explanations of gender differences in subject choice (1 Gender role socialisation)

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Gender socialisation is the process of learning the behaviour expected of males and females in society.

Early socialisation shapes children’s gender identity. As Norman notes, from an early age, boys and girls are dressed differently, given different toys and encouraged to take part in different activities.

Schools also play an important part. Byrne shows that teachers encourage boys to be tough and show initiative and not to be weak or behave like sissies. Girls on the other hand are expected to be quiet, helpful, clean and tidy.

As a result of differences in socialisation, boys and girls develop different tastes in reading. Murphy and Elwood show how these lead to different subject choices. Boys read hobby books and information tests, while girls are more likely to read stories about people. This helps to explain why boys prefer science subjects and why girls prefer subjects such as English.

27
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Gender and Subject choice- Explanations of gender differences in subject choice ( gender domains)

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Browne and Ross (1991) argue that children’s beliefs about gender domains are shaped by their early experiences and the expectations of adults. By gender domains, they mean the tasks and activities that boys and girls see as male or female territory and therefore as relevant to themselves. For example, mending a car is seen as falling within the male gender domain, but looking after a sick child is not.

Children are more confident when engaging in tasks that they see as part of their own gender domain. For example, when they are set the same mathematical task, girls are more confident in tackling it when it is presented as being about food and nutrition, whereas boys are more confident if it is about cars.

28
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Gender and Subject choice- Explanations of gender differences in subject choice (2 Gendered subject images)

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The gender image of a subject affects who will want to choose it. Sociologists have tried to explain why some subjects are seen an boys’ or girls’ subjects in the first place. For example, Kelly argues that science is seen as a boys’ subject for several reasons:

-Science teachers are more likely to be men
-The examples teachers use, and those in textbooks, often draw on boys’ rather than girls’ interests
-In science lessons, boys monopolise the apparatus and dominate the laboratory, acting as if it is ‘theirs’.

Colley notes that computer studies is seen as a masculine subject for two reasons:

-It involves working with machines- part of the male gender domain.
-The way it is taught is off-putting to females. Tasks tend to be abstract and teaching styles formal, with few opportunities for group work, which favour girls.

29
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Gender and Subject choice- Explanations of gender differences in subject choice (3 Gender identity and peer pressure)

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Subject choice can be influenced by peer pressure, as boys and girls may disapprove of peers’ choices if they go against gender norms. For example, boys often avoid music and dance because these activities fall outside their gender domain and may attract negative reactions. Carrie Paechter (1998) found that girls who are ‘sporty’ face challenges because sport is seen as a male domain, which contradicts conventional female stereotypes, leading many girls to opt out of sport. Similarly, Alison Dewar (1990) discovered that male college students labeled girls interested in sports as ‘lesbian’ or ‘butch.’ This kind of peer pressure is also evident in subjects like physics, especially in mixed schools, where the Institute of Physics noted that studying physics as a girl can feel “particularly off-putting.” Peers often police subject choices, pressuring students to conform to gender expectations, with girls avoiding subjects like physics. However, in single-sex schools, the absence of boys reduces this pressure, making it more likely for girls to choose traditionally male-dominated subjects.

30
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Gender and Subject choice- Explanations of gender differences in subject choice (4 Gendered career opportunities)

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An important reason for differences in subject choice is the highly gendered nature of employment, where jobs are often categorized as ‘men’s’ or ‘women’s.’ Women’s jobs typically involve roles similar to those traditionally performed by housewives, such as childcare and nursing. Women are concentrated in a limited range of occupations, with over half of all female employment falling into just four categories: clerical, secretarial, personal services, and cleaning. This gendered division of labor influences boys’ and girls’ perceptions of what jobs are acceptable or possible. For example, if boys perceive nursery nursing as a female occupation, they are less likely to pursue courses related to childcare. This also explains why vocational courses are more gender-specific than academic ones, as vocational studies are more directly tied to students’ career aspirations.

31
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Pupils sexual and gender identities- Double standards

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A double standard occurs when one set of moral rules is applied to one group but a different set is applied to another. Regarding gender identity, Sue Lees (1993) highlighted a double standard in sexual morality, where boys often boast about their sexual experiences and are praised for them, while girls face criticism and are labeled as “slags” if they do not have a steady boyfriend, dress in a certain way, or speak openly about their sexual activities. Feminists argue that such double standards are rooted in patriarchal ideologies, which reinforce male dominance while devaluing women. These standards act as a form of social control, maintaining gender inequality by keeping women subordinate to men.

32
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Pupils sexual and gender identities- The male gaze

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Here’s the text rewritten as a paragraph:

The concept of the “male gaze” refers to the way pupils control each other’s identities through visual judgment. Mac an Ghaill describes the male gaze as the way male pupils and teachers look at girls, viewing them as sexual objects and forming judgments based on their appearance. He sees this gaze as a form of surveillance that reinforces dominant heterosexual masculinity while devaluing femininity. It is a method through which masculinity is asserted, often reinforced by the constant sharing of stories about sexual conquests. Boys who fail to display such heterosexual behavior risk being labeled as gay, which highlights the role of the male gaze in maintaining traditional gender and sexual norms.

33
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Pupils sexual and gender identities- Male peer groups

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Male peer groups play a key role in reinforcing definitions of masculinity, often through verbal abuse. Studies by Epstein and Willis highlight how boys in anti-school subcultures label those who excel academically as gay or effeminate. Similarly, Mac an Ghaill’s (1994) study of Parnell School examines how peer groups reinforce various class-based masculine identities. For instance, working-class “macho lads” dismiss other working-class boys who work hard and aspire to middle-class careers, labeling them as the “d***head achievers.” In contrast, middle-class “real Englishmen” cultivate an image of effortless achievement, succeeding without appearing to try. Redman and Mac an Ghaill (1997) further reveal a shift in the dominant masculine identity as boys transition to sixth form, moving from the working-class “macho lad” ideal to a middle-class definition of masculinity emphasizing intellectual ability. This reflects the changing social atmosphere and composition of the sixth form.