Education: Ethnic differences in education Flashcards

1
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External factors and ethnic differences in achievement- (1) cultural deprivation

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Cultural deprivation theory sees the underachievement of some ethnic groups as the result of inadequate socialisation in the home. The explanation has 2 main aspects:

-Intellectual and linguistic skills
-Attitudes and values
-Family structure and parental support

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2
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External factors and ethnic differences in achievement- Cultural deprivation (Intellectual and linguistic skills)

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Cultural deprivation theorists see the lack of intellectual and linguistic skills as a major cause of underachievement for many minority children. They argue that many children from low-income black families lack intellectual stimulation and enriching experiences. This leaves them poorly equipped for school because they have not been able to develop reasoning and problem-solving skills.

There has been concern that children who do not speak English at home may be held back educationally. However, official statistics show that this is not a major factor. For example, in 2010 pupils with English as their first language were only 3.2 points ahead of those without English as their first language (55.2% to 52.0%) when it came to gaining 5 GCSE A* to C passes including English and maths.

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3
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External factors and ethnic differences in achievement- Cultural deprivation (Attitudes and values)

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Cultural deprivation theorists see the lack of motivation as a major cause of the failure of many black children. Most children are socialised into the mainstream culture, which instils ambition, competitiveness and willingness to make the sacrifices necessary to achieve long-term goals. This equips them for success in education. By contrast, cultural deprivation theorists argue, some black children are socialised into a subculture that instils a fatalistic, ‘live for today’ attitude that does not value education and leaves them unequipped for success.

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4
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External factors and ethnic differences in achievement- Cultural deprivation (Family structure and parental support)

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Cultural deprivation theorists argue that this failure to socialise children adequately is the result of a dysfunctional family structure.

(New Right) Murray argues that a high rate of lone parenthood and a lack of positive male role models lead to an underachievement of some minorities.

Murray emphasized that father figures are crucial for teaching discipline, providing support, and acting as a positive example, particularly for boys. He believed that the absence of a father figure led to a breakdown in the family’s ability to instil strong educational values and behavioural standards.

Murray’s argument ties into the gender role theory, which suggests that male role models are necessary for boys to learn socially acceptable behaviours and attitudes toward education. Without this influence, boys in single-parent households may lack the structure or motivation to perform well in school, leading to poorer educational outcomes.

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5
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External factors and ethnic differences in achievement- Cultural deprivation (Sewell: fathers, gangs and culture)

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Sewell argues that it is not the absence of fathers as role models that leads to black boys underachieving. Instead, Sewell sees the problem as a lack of fatherly nurturing or ‘tough love’. This results in black boys finding it hard to overcome the emotional and behavioural difficulties of adolescence.

In the absence of the restraining influence of a nurturing father, street gangs of other fatherless boys offer black boys ‘perverse loyalty and love’. These present boys with a media-inspired role model of anti-school black masculinity.

Sewell argues that black students do worse than their Asian counterparts because of cultural differences in socialisation and attitudes to education. As he puts it, while one group is being nurtured by MTV, the other is clocking up the educational hours. Sewell concludes that black children- particularly the boys- need to have greater expectations placed on them to raise their aspirations.

However, critical race theorists such as Gillborn argues that it is not peer pressure but institutional racism within the education system itself that systematically produces the failure of large numbers of black boys.

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6
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External factors and ethnic differences in achievement- Cultural deprivation (Asian families)

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While many black families have absent fathers, in Sewell’s view Indian and Chinese pupils benefit from supportive families that have an ‘Asian work ethic’ and place a high value on education.

Likewise, Lupton (2004) argues that adult authority in Asian families is similar to the model that operates in schools. She found that respectful behaviour towards adults was expected from children. This had a knock-on effect in school, since parents were more likely to be supportive of school behaviour policies.

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7
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External factors and ethnic differences in achievement- Cultural deprivation (Criticisms of cultural deprivation theory)

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Keddie sees cultural deprivation as a victim-blaming explanation. She argues that ethnic minority children are culturally different, not culturally deprived. They under-achieve because schools are ethnocentric: based in favour of white culture and against minorities.

Driver criticises cultural deprivation theory for ignoring the positive effects of ethnicity on achievement. He shows that the black Caribbean family, far from being dysfunctional, provides girls with positive role models of strong independent women. Driver argues that this is why black girls tend to be more successful in education than black boys.

These critics oppose compensatory education because they see it as an attempt to impose the dominant white culture on children who already have a coherent culture of their own. They propose two main alternatives:

-Multicultural education: a policy that recognises and values minority cultures and include them in the curriculum.

-Anti-racist education: a policy that challenges the prejudice and discrimination that exists in schools and wider society.

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8
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External factors and ethnic differences in achievement- Material deprivation and class (info)

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Material deprivation means a lack of those physical necessities that are seen as essential or normal for life in today’s society. In general, working-class people are more likely to face poverty and material deprivation.

Material deprivation explanations see educational failure as resulting from factors such as substandard housing and low income. Ethnic minorities are more likely to face these problems. For example, according to Palmer (2012):

  • Almost half of all ethnic minority children live in low-income households, as against a quarter of white children.

-Ethnic minorities are almost twice as likely to be unemployed compared with whites.

There are several reasons why some ethnic minorities may be greater at risk of the material deprivation that results from unemployment, low pay and overcrowding:

-Racial discrimination in the labour market and housing market

-A lack of language skills, and foreign qualifications not being recognised by UK employers. These are more likely to affect recently arrived groups, many of whom are refugees. Most members of established minority groups are fluent in English.

-Asylum seekers may not be allowed to take work.

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9
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External factors and ethnic differences in achievement- Cultural deprivation (Does class override ethnicity?)

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If we fail to take the different class positions of ethnic groups into account when we compare their educational achievements, there is a danger that we may over-estimate the effect of cultural deprivation and under-estimate the effect of poverty and material deprivation.

However, even those Indian and Chinese pupils who are materially deprived still do better than most. For example, in 2011, 86% of Chinese girls who received free school meals achieved 5 or more higher grade GCSEs, compared with only 65% of white girls who were not receiving free school meals.

This suggests that material deprivation and social class factors do not completely override the influence of ethnicity.

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10
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External factors and ethnic differences in achievement- Racism in wider society

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While material deprivation and poverty has an impact on the educational achievement of some ethnic minority children, some sociologists argue that poverty is itself the product of another factor- namely, racism.

Rex shows how racial discrimination leads to social exclusion and how this worsens the poverty faced with ethnic minorities. In housing, for instance, discrimination means that minorities are more likely to be forced into substandard accommodation than white people of the same class.

In employment too, there is evidence of direct and deliberate discrimination. For example, Wood et al sent three closely matched job applications to each of almost 1,000 job vacancies. These came from fictitious applicants using names associated with different ethnic groups. For each job, one application appeared to come from a white person and two from members of minority groups. Wood et al found that only one in 16 ‘ethnic minority’ applications were offered an interview, as against one in 9 ‘white applications’.

This helps to explain why members of ethnic minorities are more likely to face unemployment and low pay, and this in turn has a negative effect on their children’s educational prospects.

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11
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Internal factors (1) labelling, identities and responses- 1. Labelling and teacher racism

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To label someone is to attach a meaning or definition to them. For example, teachers may label studies as a troublemaker or cooperative, bright or stupid. Interactionist sociologists study the face-to-face interactions in which such labelling occurs.

When looking at ethnic differences in achievement, interactionists focus on the different labels teachers give to children from different ethnic backgrounds. Their studies show that teachers often see black and Asian pupils as being far from the ‘ideal pupil’. For example, black pupils are often seen as disruptive and Asians as passive. Negative labels may lead teachers to treat ethnic minority pupils differently. This disadvantages them and may result in their failure.

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12
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Internal factors (1) labelling, identities and responses- 1. Labelling and teacher racism (Black pupils and discipline)

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Gillborn and Youdell found that teachers were quicker to discipline black pupils than others for the same behaviour.

Gillborn and Youdell argue that this is a result of teachers’ ‘racialised expectations’ . They found that teachers expected to present more discipline problems and misinterpreted their behaviour as threatening or as a challenge to authority. When teachers acted on this misperception, the pupils responded negatively and further conflict resulted. In turn, black pupils felt teachers underestimated their ability and picked on them. Gillborn and Youdell conclude that much of the conflict between white teachers and black pupils stems from the racial stereotypes teachers hold, rather than the pupils’ actual behaviour.

This may explain the higher level of exclusions from school of black boys.

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13
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Internal factors (1) labelling, identities and responses- 1. Labelling and teacher racism (Black pupils and streaming)

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Gillborn and Youdell found that in the ‘A-to-C economy’, teachers focus on those students who they believe are most likely to achieve a grade C at GCSE- a process the authors call ‘educational triage’ or sorting. As a result, negative stereotypes about black pupil’s ability that some teachers hold means they are more likely to be placed in lower sets or streams.

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14
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Internal factors (1) labelling, identities and responses-1. Labelling and teacher racism (Asian pupils)

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Wright’s study of a multi-ethnic primary school shows that Asian pupils can also be the victims of teachers’ labelling. She found that despite the school’s apparent commitment to equal opportunities, teachers held ethnocentric views: that is, they took for granted that British culture and Standard English were superior.

This affected how they related to Asian pupils. For example, teachers assumed they would have a poor grasp of English and left them out of class discussions or used simplistic, childish language when speaking to them.

Asian pupils also felt isolated when teachers expressed disapproval of their customs or mispronounced their names. In general, teachers saw them not as a threat but as a problem they could ignore. The effect was that Asian pupils, especially the girls, were marginalised- pushed to the edges and prevented from participating fully,

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15
Q

Internal factors (1) labelling, identities and responses- 2 Pupil identities info

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Teachers often define pupils as having stereotypical ethnic identities. According to Archer, teachers’ dominant discourse (way of seeing something) defines ethnic minority pupils’ identities as lacking the favoured identity of the ideal pupil.

Archer describes how the dominant discourse constructs 3 different pupil identities:

-The ideal pupil identity: A white, middle-class masculinised identity, with a normal sexuality. This pupil is seen as achieving in the ‘right’ way, through natural ability and initiative.

-The pathologised pupil identity: An Asian, ‘deserving poor’, feminised identity, either asexual or with an oppressed sexuality. This pupil is seen as a plodding, conformist and culture-bound ‘over-achiever’, a slogger who succeeds through hard work rather than natural ability.

-The demonised pupil identity: A black or white, working-class, hyper-sexualised identity. This pupil is seen as an unintelligent, peer-led, culturally deprived under-achiever.

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16
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Internal factors (1) labelling, identities and responses- 2 Pupil identities (Chinese pupils)

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Archer argues that even those minority pupils who perform successfully can be pathologised (seen s abnormal). For example, Chinese students were simultaneously praised and viewed negatively by the teachers, who saw them as ‘a homogenous passive, quiet and hardworking mass’.

While successful, Chinese students were seen as having achieved success in the ‘wrong’ way- through hardworking, passive conformism rather then natural individual identity. This meant they could never legitimately occupy the identity of ‘ideal pupil’. Archer and Francis sum up the teachers’ view of them as a ‘negative positive stereotype’.

The result of the distinctions that Archer identities is that even the successes of ethnic minority (and female) pupils will only be seen as ‘over-achievement’- since ‘proper’ achievement is seen to be the natural preserve of the privileged, white, middle-class ideal pupil.

17
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Internal factors (1) labelling, identities and responses- 3 Pupil responses and subcultures (Fuller: rejecting negative labels)

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A good example of pupils responding by rejecting negative labels is Fuller’s study of a group of black girls in year 11 of a London comprehensive school. The girls were untypical because they were high achievers in a school where most black girls were placed in low streams.

Fuller describes how, instead of accepting negative stereotypes of themselves, the girls channelled their anger about being labelled into the pursuit of educational success. However, unlike other successful pupils, they did not seek the approval of teachers, many of whom they regarded as racist. Nor did they limit their choice of friends to other academic achievers. Instead, they were friends with other black girls from lower streams.

Also unlike other successful pupils, they conformed only as far as the schoolwork itself was concerned. They worked diligently, but gave the appearance of not doing so, and they showed a deliberate lack of concern about school routines. They had a positive attitude to academic success but, rather than seeking the approval of teachers, they preferred to rely on their own efforts and the impartiality of external exams.

Fuller sees the girls’ behaviour as a way of dealing with the contradictory demands of succeeding as school while remaining friends with black girls in lower steams and avoiding the ridicule of black boys, many of whom were anti-school. They were able to maintain a positive self-image by relying on their own efforts rather than accepting the teacher’s negative stereotype of them.

18
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Internal factors (1) labelling, identities and responses- 3 Pupil responses and subcultures (Mirza: failed strategies for avoiding racism)

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Mirza studied ambitious black girls who faced teacher racism. Mirza found that racist teachers discouraged black pupils from being ambitious through the kind of advice they gave them about careers and option choices. For example, teachers discouraged them from aspiring to professional careers.

A large majority of teachers in the study held racist attitudes. Mirza identifies three main types of teacher racism:

-The colour blind: teachers why believe all pupils are equal but in practice allow racism to go unchallenged.

-The liberal chauvinists: teachers who believe black pupils are culturally deprived and who have low expectations of them.

-The overt racists: teachers who believe blacks are inferior and actively discriminate against them.

Much of the girls’ time in school was spent trying to avoid the effects of teachers’ negative attitudes. The strategies they employed to do this included being selective about which staff to ask for help, getting on with their own work in lessons without taking part and not choosing certain options so as to avoid teachers with racist attitudes.

However, although the girls had high self-esteem, these strategies put them at a disadvantage by restricting their opportunities. Unlike the girls in Fuller’s study, their strategies were unsuccessful.

19
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Internal factors (1) labelling, identities and responses- 3 Pupil responses and subcultures (Sewell: the variety of boys’ responses)

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Sewell focuses on the absences of fathers and the influence of peer groups and street culture to explain the underachievement of black boys. However, he also notes that their responses to schooling, including racist stereotyping by teachers, can affect their achievement. He identifies 4 responses:

-The rebels: were the most visible and influential group, but they were only a small minority of black pupils. They were often excluded from school. They rejected both the goals and the rules of the school and expressed their opposition through peer group membership, conforming to the stereotype of the anti-authority, anti-school ‘black macho lad’. The rebels believed in their own superiority based on the idea that black masculinity equates with sexual experience and virility. They were contemptuous of white boys, who they saw as effeminate, and dismissive of conformist black boys.

-The conformists: were the largest group. These boys were keen to succeed, accepted the school’s goals and had friends from different ethnic groups. They were not part of a subculture and were anxious to avoid being stereotyped either by teachers or their peers.

-The retreatists: were a tiny minority of isolated individuals who were disconnected from both school and black subcultures, and were despised by the rebels.

-The innovators: were the second largest group. Like Fuller’s girls, they were pro-education but anti-school. They valued success, but did not seek the approval of teachers and conformed only as far as schoolwork itself was concerned.
This distanced them from the conformists and allowed them to maintain credibility with the rebels while remaining positive about academic achievement.

Sewell shows that only a small minority fit the stereotype of the ‘black macho lad’ (rebels). Nevertheless, teachers tend to see all black boys in this way and this contributes to the underachievement of many boys, whatever their attitude to school. Furthermore, many of the boys’ negative attitudes are themselves a response to this racism.

20
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Internal factors (1) labelling, identities and responses- 3 Pupil responses and subcultures (Evaluating of labelling and pupil responses)

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Rather than blaming the child’s home background, as cultural deprivation theory does, labelling theory shows how teachers’ stereotypes can be a cause of failure.

However, there is danger of seeing these stereotypes as simply the product of individual teachers’ prejudices, rather than of racism in the way that the education system as a whole operates. For example, Gillborn and Youdell argue that the policy of publishing league tables creates an ‘A-to-C economy’ and leads to large numbers of black and working-class pupils being placed in lower streams or entered for lower-tier exams.

There is also a danger of assuming that once labelled, pupils automatically fall victim to the self-fulfilling prophecy and fail. Nevertheless, as Mirza shows, although pupils may devise strategies to try to avoid teachers’ racism, these too can limit their opportunities.

21
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Internal factors (2) Institutional racism: info

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Troyna and Williams argue that to explain ethnic differences in achievement, we need to go beyond simply examining individual teacher racism. We must also look at how schools and colleges routinely and even unconsciously discriminate against ethnic minorities. They therefore make a distinction between:

-Individual racism: that results from the prejudiced views of individual teachers and others.

-Institutional racism: discrimination that is built into the way institutions such as schools and colleges operate.

22
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Internal factors (2) Institutional racism- Marketisation and segregation

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Gillborn argues that because marketisation gives schools more scope to select pupils, it allows negative stereotypes to influence decisions about school admissions.

Gillborn’s view is supported by Moore and Davenport’s American research. They show how selection procedures lead to ethnic segregation, with minority pupils failing to get into better secondary schools due to discrimination. For example, they found that primary school reports were used to screen out pupils with language difficulties, while the application process was difficult for non-English speaking parents to understand.

These procedures for Racial Equality (1993) identified similar biases in Britain. It noted that racism in school admissions procedures means that ethnic minority children are more likely to end up in unpopular schools. The report identifies the following reasons::

-Reports from primary schools that stereotype minority pupils.

-Racist bias in interviews for school places.

-Lack of information and application forms in minority languages.

23
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Internal factors (2) Institutional racism- Ethnocentric curriculum

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The term ‘ethnocentric’ describes an attitude or policy that gives priority to the culture and viewpoint of one particular ethnic group, while disregarding others. The ethnocentric curriculum is thus a curriculum that reflects the culture of one ethnic group- usually the dominant culture. Many sociologists see the the ethnocentric curriculum as a prime example of institutional racism because it builds a racial bias into the everyday workings of schools and colleges. Examples of the ethnocentric curriculum include:

-Languages, literature and music: Tronya and Williams note that the meagre provision for teaching Asian languages as compared with European languages. David describes the National Curriculum as a ‘specifically British’ curriculum that largely ignores non-European languages, literature and music.

-History: Ball criticises the National Curriculum for ignoring ethnic diversity and for promoting an attitude of ‘little Englandism’. For example, the history curriculum tries to recreate a ‘mythical age of empire and past glories’, while ignoring the history of black and Asian people.

24
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Internal factors (2) Institutional racism- Assessment

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Gillborn argues that ‘the assessment game’ is rigged so as to validate the dominant culture’s superiority. If black children succeed as a group, ‘the rules will be changed to re-engineer failure’. For example, in the past, primary schools used ‘baseline assessments’ which tested pupils when they started compulsory schooling. However, there were replaced in 2003 by a new way of measuring pupils’ abilities, the foundation stage profile (FSP).

The result of this change was that, overnight, black pupils now appeared to be doing worse than white pupils. For example, in one local authority, where black children in 2000 had been the highest achievers on entry to school (20% above the average), by 2003 the new FSP had black children ranked lower than whites across all 6 developmental areas that it measured.

Gillborn explains this reversal as a result of 2 related institutional factors:

  • The FSP is based entirely on teachers’ judgements, whereas baseline assessments often used written tests as well.
  • A change in the timing: the FSP is completed at the end of reception year, whereas baseline assessments were done at the start of primary school.
25
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Internal factors (2) Institutional racism- Access to opportunities

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-The ‘Gifted and Talented’ programme was created with the aim of meeting the needs of more able pupils in inner-city schools. While this might seem to benefit bright pupils from minority groups, Gillborn (2008) points out that official statistics show whites are over twice as likely as Black Caribbeans to be identified to be identified as gifted and talented, and 5 times more likely than Black Africans.

-Exam tiers Similarly, Tikly et al (2006) found that in 30 schools in the ‘Aiming High’ initiative to raise Black Caribbean pupils’ achievements, blacks were nevertheless more likely than whites to be entered for lower tier GCSE exams. This was often because black pupils had been placed in lower sets. The effect is that they can only gain a grade C at best.

26
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Internal factors (2) Institutional racism- The ‘new IQism’

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In what Gillborn call the new IQism, he argues that teachers and policymakers make false assumptions about the nature of pupils’ ‘ability’ or ‘potential’.

They see potential as a fixed quality that can be easily measured- and once a pupil’s potential has been measured, they can be put into the ‘right’ set or stream, onto the Gifted and Talented Programme, and so on. Gillborn and Youdell note that secondary schools are increasingly using old-style intelligence (IQ) tests to allocate pupils to different streams on entry.

For Gillborn, however, there is no genuine measure of ‘potential’. All a test can do, is tell us what a person has learnt already or can do now, not what they may be able to do in the future. This is like the driving test; failing it doesn’t mean you will never be able to drive- simply that you can’t do so now.

27
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Internal factors (2) Institutional racism- Criticism of Gillborn

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Criticisms of Gillborn’s view that ethnic differences in achievement are the result of institutional racism focus on two issues:

  • The underachievement of some minority groups such as black boys

-the ‘overachievement’ of Indian and Chinese pupils

28
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Internal factors (2) Institutional racism- Criticisms of Gillborn (Black boys’ underachievement)

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Critical theorists such as Gillborn argue that institutional racism is the main cause of underachievement. They argue that internal factors within the education system, such as assessment and setting, systematically produce the failure of large numbers of ethnic minority pupils, especially black boys.

By contrast, sociologists such as Sewell reject this view. Although he does not believe that racism has disappeared from schools, he argues that it is not powerful enough to prevent individuals from succeeding. Rather, in Sewell’s view, we need to focus on external factors such as boys’ anti-school attitudes, the peer group and the nurturing role of the father.

29
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Internal factors (2) Institutional racism- Criticisms of Gillborn (Model minorities: Indian and Chinese achievement)

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Critics of the idea that the education system is institutionally racist point to the fact that, as well as underachievement of groups such as black boys, there is also ‘overachievement’ by other, ‘model minorities’. For example, Indian and Chinese students perform better than the white majority.