education - ethnicity external & internal factors

Question 1

state examples of inequalities in educational achievement between different ethnic groups?

Answer 1

• there are differences in achievement between ethnic groups e.g. pupils of Chinese origin do better than black pupils.
• there are differences within ethnic groups, e.g. pupils of Indian origin do better than pupils of Pakistani or Bangladeshi origin
• there also gender and class differences between ethnic groups in achievement as among all groups other than Gypsy/Roma and traveller children, girls do better than boys. Similarly, within each ethnic group, middle class children do better than working class children.

Question 2

State external factors in ethnic differences in achievement

Answer 2

• -> CULTURAL DEPRIVATION:
• intellectual and linguistic skills
• attitudes and values
• family structure and parental support

–> MATERIAL DEPRIVATION

—> RACISM IN WIDER SOCIETY

Question 3

Explain the cultural deprivation factor of intellectual and linguistic skills

Answer 3

Intellectual and linguistic skills:
Cultural deprivation theorists see the lack of intellectual and linguistic skills as a major cause of under achievement for many minority children. They believe that many children from low-income black families lack intellectual stimulation and enriching experiences which leaves them poorly prepared for school as they have not been able to develop or reasoning language skills.

Bereiter and Englemann (1966) believe that the language spoken by low-income black American families is inadequate for achieving educational success, seeing it as ungrammatical, disjointed and incapable of expressing abstract ideas. There is also concern that children who do not speak English at home may be held back educationally. However, Gilborn and Mirza (2000) found that indian pupils do very well despite often not having english as their home language

Question 4

Explain the cultural deprivation factor of attitudes and values

Answer 4

Attitudes and values:
Cultural deprivation theorists link educational achievement to differences in values, attitudes and aspirations. They argue that some black children have been socialised into a subculture that instils a fatalistic attitude that emphasises immediate gratification. This discourages them from valuing education and leaves them unequipped for success .

Question 5

FAMILY STRUCTURE AND PARENTAL SUPPORT: what do Moynihan and Sewell argue about the absence of fathers and families headed by lone mothers?

Answer 5

Moynihan (1965) argued that because many black families are headed by a lone mother, children are deprived of adequate care because of financial problems and they are also denied a male role model. He saw cultural deprivation as a cycle where inadequately socialised children from unstable families go on to fail at school and become inadequate parents themselves. New Right theorists have put forward similar explanations. Sewell (2009) argues that it is not the absence of fathers as role models that leads to black boys underachieving. Instead, he sees the problem as a lack of nurturing or ‘tough love’. This results in black boys finding it hard to overcome the emotional and behavioural difficulties of adolescence

Question 6

FAMILY STRUCTURE AND PARENTAL SUPPORT: where does Arnot argue that boys get their nurturing from in the absence of a father’s nurturing.

Answer 6

In the absence of the restraining influence of a nurturing father, street gangs of other fatherless boys offer black boys ‘perverse loyalty and love’. These present boys with a media inspired role model of anti-school black masculinity, whose ideas Arnot (2004) describes as ‘the ultra-tough ghetto superstar, an image constantly reinforced through rap lyrics and MTV videos’. Many black boys are therefore subject to powerful anti-educational peer group pressure – most of the boys interviewed by Sewell argued that the greatest barrier to success was pressure from other boys. Speaking in Standard English and achieving in school were often viewed with hostility by their peers and seen as ‘selling out’ to the white establishment. He argues that black students do worse than their Asian peers because of cultural differences in socialisation and attitudes to education. As he puts it, while one group is being nurtured by MTV, the other is clocking up the educational hours. Sewell concludes that black children, particularly boys – need to have greater expectations placed on them to raise their aspirations. However, critical race theorists such as Gilborn (2008) argue that it is not peer pressure but institutional racism within the education system that systematically produces the failure of large numbers of black boys.

Question 7

FAMILY STRUCTURE AND PARENTAL SUPPORT: How does family structures contribute to the underachievement of black-carribean pupils and how does this compare to asian pupils?

Answer 7

Pryce (1979) also saw family structure as contributing to the under-achievement of black Caribbean pupils, arguing that West Indian life is more turbulent and lacking in support. Comparing black and Asian pupils, he claims that Asinas are higher achievers because their culture is more resistant to racism and gives them a greater sense of self-worth, whereas black pupils have lower self-esteem and under-achieve. However, Lawrence (1982) challenges the view and claims that black pupils fail – not because of the factors identified by Pryce, but because of racism in and outside of schools. GILBORN and MIRZA (2000) found that in one LEA, black children were the highest achievers on entry to primary school (20% above the local average), yet by the time it came to GCSE, they had the worst results of any ethnic group – 21% below the average. Similarly, STRAND’s (2010) analysis of the entire national cohort of over 530,000 7–11-year-olds shows how many black pupils fall behind after starting school. He found that black Caribbean boys not entitled to FSM, especially the more able pupils, made significantly less progress than their white peers. Therefore, if a group can begin their compulsory schooling as the highest achievers and yet finish as the lowest achievers, this challenges the assumption made by theorists who focus on external factors – such as cultural deprivation – that black children enter school unprepared.

Question 8

FAMILY STRUCTURE AND PARENTAL SUPPORT: how do you explain the higher achievement of certain asian groups?

Answer 8

Explaining the higher achievement of certain Asian groups, Driver and Ballard (1981) argue that Asian family structures bring educational beliefs as they are more positive and supportive towards education and have higher aspirations for their children’s future. Basit (1997) argued that Asian parents view education as a type of capital that can transform the lives of their children, so offer much support. Reflecting this, Lipton (2004) argues that adult authority in Asian families positively reinforces that found in school, and parents are more likely to be supportive of school behaviour policies. He found that Asian children are well-behaved and work hard at school, as their parents expect them to be respectful towards adults. Parents are generally supportive of school behaviour and sanctions. Furthermore, research by Archer and Francis (2005) found that Chinese parents see education as a ‘family project’ and have high levels of engagement in their children’s education. They have high expectations of their children, invest lots of time and money in their education - setting much extra study at home and are very successful in securing places for their children in high-achieving, good schools.

Question 9

FAMILY STRUCTURE AND PARENTAL SUPPORT: why do some sociologists see asian families as obstacles to success?

Answer 9

However, some sociologists see Asian families as an obstacle for success, despite the high levels of achievement of some Asian minorities. For example, Khan (1979) sees Asian families as ‘stress ridden’, bound by tradition and with a controlling attitude towards children, particularly girls. Furthermore, Pilkington (1997) argues that cultural explanations should be treated with caution as they often generalise and divert attention away from material inequalities and the possible failings of the education system itself.

Question 10

outline criticisms of the cultural deprivation theory as an explanation for ethnic differences in education?

Answer 10

• Pilkington (1997) - cultural explanations should be treated with caution as they often generalise and divert attention away from the material inequalities and the possible failings of the education system itself.
• Asian families act as an obstacle for success as Khan argues that Asian families act as ‘stress ridden’ bound by traditions and with a controlling attitude towards children and girls.
• ADD MORE*

Question 11

Explain the theory of material deprivation in relation to ethnic differences as how can the class background and income of ethnic minorities affect their achievement

Answer 11

Back in 1985, the Swann Report estimated that social class differences account for at least 50% of the difference in achievement between ethnic groups - the class background of a pupil is often more relevant in explaining differences in achievement, rather than the ethnic origin of a pupil. It concluded that if the class position of ethnic minorities isn’t taken into account, there is a danger that the effects of cultural deprivation may be over-estimated and the effects of poverty and material deprivation that ethnic minorities are more likely to face will be under-estimated. Ethnic minorities are more likely to suffer from material deprivation. Evidence from Flaherty (2004) found that: Pakistanis and Bangladeshis are over 3 times more likely than whites to be in the poorest fifth of the population; 15% of ethnic minority households live in overcrowded conditions compared with only 2% of white households; Pakistanis are nearly twice as likely to be in unskilled or semi-skilled jobs compared to whites and more likely to be involved in shift work. Palmer (2012) also found that almost half of all ethnic minority children live in low-income households, compared to a quarter of white children; ethnic minorities are three times more likely to be homeless and almost twice as likely to be unemployed compared to whites and almost half of Bangladeshi and Pakistani workers earned under £7 per hour, compared with only a quarter of whites.

Question 12

MATERIAL DEPRIVATION: explain why ethnic minorities are at greater risk of material deprivation

Answer 12

There are a variety of reasons to explain why some ethnic minorities may be at greater risk of material deprivation that results from unemployment, low pay and overcrowding: Many live in economically depressed areas with high unemployment; cultural factors such as the tradition of purdah in some Muslim households which prevents women from working; a lack of language skills, and foreign qualifications not being recognised in the UK for more recently arrived migrants; asylum seekers not being allowed to work and racial discrimination in the job market. Such inequalities are reflected in the proportion of children from ethnic groups who are eligible for FSMs, for example 44% of children of Bangladeshi origin compared to 11% of white British children.

However, Gilborn and Mirza (2000) argue that even when comparisons are made between pupils of the same social class but different ethnic minorities, differences in achievement can be found. For example, even middle-class black pupils do comparatively poorly at GCSE in comparison to white middle-class pupils.

Question 13

suggest three ways in which BAME pupils are more likely to suffer material deprivation

Answer 13

• Flaherty (2004) found that: Pakistanis and Bangladeshis are over 3 times more likely than whites to be in the poorest fifth of the population;
• 15% of ethnic minority households live in overcrowded conditions compared with only 2% of white households
• Pakistanis are nearly twice as likely to be in unskilled or semi-skilled jobs compared to whites and more likely to be involved in shift work.
• Palmer (2012) also found that almost half of all ethnic minority children live in low-income households, compared to a quarter of white children;
• ethnic minorities are three times more likely to be homeless and almost twice as likely to be unemployed compared to whites and almost half of Bangladeshi and Pakistani workers earned under £7 per hour, compared with only a quarter of whites.

Question 14

Explain the external factor of racism in wider society

Answer 14

Many sociologists point out that the greater poverty and material deprivation experienced by ethnic minorities is the product of racism in wider society. These problems combined have a negative effect on the educational prospects of children from ethnic minorities. According to Mason (2000) ‘discrimination is a continuing and persistent feature of the experience of Britain’s citizens of minority ethnic origin’. This helps to explain why members of ethnic minorities are more likely to face unemployment and low pay, and this in turn has a negative effect on their children’s educational prospects.

Question 15

State internal factors that relate to ethnic differences in educational achievement

Answer 15

• Labelling
• Pupils identities
• Pupil responses and subcultures
• Institutional racism
• Marketisation, Segregation and selection
• Ethnocentric curriculum
• Assessment
• Access to opportunities

Question 16

Explain the internal factor of labelling in relation to ethnic differences in educational achievement

Answer 16

COARD argues that teachers have lower expectations of black pupils which encourages a SFP. He also found that black pupils are disproportionately found in lower streams and are more likely to be excluded from school. In general, studies show that often teachers see black, and to a lesser extent, Asian pupils as being far from ‘ideal’. For example, black pupils are often seen as disruptive and Asians as passive.

GILBORN (1990) found that boys of Afro-Caribbean origin often have labels ‘unruly’, ‘disrespectful’, and ‘difficult to control’ applied to them and were more likely to be given detention than other pupils. Black pupils felt teachers underestimated their ability. He claims that teachers interpreted (or misinterpreted) the dress and manner of speech of Afro-Caribbean pupils as representing a challenge to their authority and this reflected their ‘racialised expectations’.

GILBORN concluded that in perceiving their treatment to be unfair, the pupils responded, understandably, in accordance with their labels. Therefore, much of the conflict between teachers and black pupils stem from racial stereotypes rather than the pupils’ actual behaviour

Question 17

LABELLING: How does Sewell explain racist stereotypes in labelling affecting educational attainment?

Answer 17

SEWELL (2009) found that racist stereotyping led teachers to see all black boys, regardless of their attitude, as ‘rebels’: who rejected the goals and rules of the school and expressed their opposition through peer-group membership, conforming to the stereotype of the ‘black macho lad’ – even though only a small minority behaved in this way. He found that many of the boys who did conform to this stereotype, did so as a response to racism.

Question 18

LABELLING: Explain wrights detailed study in relation to labelling

Answer 18

WRIGHT (1992) conducted a detailed study of four multi-racial primary schools involving observations of 970 pupils and 57 staff, interviews with 4 heads and parents of 38 children, plus an analysis of test results. She found that the majority of staff, whilst being committed to the ideals of equality of opportunity in theory, often discriminated in class. She found that Afro-Caribbean boys received a disproportionate amount of negative attention and disapproval by teachers reflecting the label that they were expected to be more disruptive and low achievers. In contrast, Asian girls seemed invisible to teachers and received less attention. WRIGHT also found that when attempts were made to embrace different cultural experiences, mistakes and problems often emerged.

Question 19

LABELLING: Explain Mirza’s research in a london school on how girls would classify their teachers and their responses to racism

Answer 19

MIRZA (1992) conducted research using a sample of 198 young people including 62 black females aged 15-19 who were the main focus of her study. They all attended one of two comprehensive schools in south London. She conducted observations, used questionnaires and informal unstructured interviews and also used secondary sources. Her findings were published in her book ‘Young, Female and Black’. She found that the girls classified teachers into a number of groups ranging from those who were overtly racist (in language and behaviour), through to those who were liberal in their attitude (well-intentioned but patronising), to those who were anti-racists (over-zealous in their campaigns). Overall, MIRZA found that the black girls in her study were concerned with academic success and prepared to work hard. They did sometimes encounter racism, but they felt that the majority of the teachers were genuinely trying to meet the needs – but most were failing to do so. MIRZA concluded that it was not the effects of labelling as such that held the girls back or the culture of the girls, rather it was the result of the well-meaning but misguided behaviour of many of the teachers.

Question 20

PUPIL IDENTITIES: How do teachers regard certain ethnic groups in relation to being an ‘ideal’ pupil or not

Answer 20

Teachers often define pupils as having stereotypical ethnic identities. According to ARCHER (2008 & 2010) teachers’ dominant discourse defines ethnic minority pupils’ identities as lacking the favoured identity of the ‘ideal pupil’. From interviews with teachers and students she argues the ethnic minority pupils are likely to be seen as having either a ‘pathologised pupil identity’ or a ‘demonized pupil identity’. Asian girls in particular were viewed as having a ‘pathologised pupil identity’: plodding, conformist, passive and culture bound ‘over-achiever’ succeeding through hard work rather than natural ability, whereas black students were characterized as having a ‘demonized pupil identity’: unintelligent, challenging, peer-led, culturally deprived under-achiever with hyper-sexualised behaviour. Even the successes of ethnic minority pupils are seen in terms of over-achievement, (Chinese students were praised for success but viewed as having achieved it in the ‘wrong’ way – through hard working, passive conformism rather than natural ability) - since ‘proper’ achievement is seen as the natural preserve of the privileged, white, middle class ideal pupil.

Question 21

Define pathologised pupil identity

Answer 21

Asian girls in particular were viewed as having a ‘pathologised pupil identity’: plodding, conformist, passive and culture-bound ‘over-achiever’ succeeding through hard work rather than natural ability

Question 22

Define demonized pupil identity

Answer 22

black students were characterized as having a ‘demonized pupil identity’: unintelligent, challenging, peer-led, culturally deprived under-achiever with hyper-sexualised behaviour

Question 23

PUPIL RESPONSES AND SUBCULTURES: explain fuller’s research in how ethnic minorities would respond to racism and labelling

Answer 23

Ethnographic research by FULLER (1984) of a small group of girls of West Indian origin found that the subculture that emerged enabled them to reject the labels applied to them. These girls, unlike their male peers directed their frustrations and anger towards achievement in school. Their response to racism was pride in their gender and race and a determination to work hard and prove their worth. She found that they were not conforming ‘good’ pupils, they were pro-education and not pro-school and through subtle ways showed their defiance. This study highlights that pupils may still succeed even when they refuse to conform, and negative labelling does not always lead to a SFP of failure.

Question 24

PUPIL RESPONSES AND SUBCULTURES: explain Mac An Ghaill’s research on how ethnic minorities would respond to racism and labelling

Answer 24

MAC AN GHAILL (1992) conducted research with a sample of 25 Afro-Caribbean and Asian students studying A-Levels in a sixth form college in the Midlands and reached similar conclusions. Between 1986 and 1988 he carried out detailed observations and conducted interviews with the students, teachers, parents and representatives of the black community in the area. Although all of the students had different educational backgrounds and achievements all had experienced problems in schooling, however their experiences varied depending on their gender and ethnic origin. Despite this, all of the sample had enjoyed success but largely as a result of survival strategies that they had employed. Many felt that they had been the victims of negative labelling and although these labels created extra barriers to their learning many of the sample overcame them.

Question 25

INSTITUTIONAL RACISM: Explain how critical race theorists explain institutional racism

Answer 25

Critical race theory highlights the importance of institutional racism: discrimination that is built into the way institutions operate. For critical race theorists such as ROTHMAYR (2003), institutional racism is a ‘locked-in inequality’: The scale of historical discrimination is so great that there no longer needs to be any conscious intent discriminate – the inequality becomes self-perpetuating: it feeds on itself. GILBORN (2008) agrees and sees ethnic inequality as “so deep rooted and so large that it is a practically inevitable feature of the education system”. In short, inequality is locked into schools - it is endemic and embedded within the very fabric of the education system

Question 26

explain the internal factor of marketisation, segregation and selection in relation to ethnic differences in educational achievement

Answer 26

GILBORN (1997) argues that marketisation has given schools greater scope to select their pupils and this puts some ethnic minority pupils at a disadvantage. This is because selection gives more scope for the negative stereotypes to influence decisions about school admissions. The Commission for Racial Equality 1993 found evidence of ethnic bias in the British education. They noted that racism in school admission procedures means that ethnic minority children are more likely to end up in unpopular schools. The report identifies: reports from primary schools that stereotype pupils, racist bias in interviews for school places, lack of information and application forms in minority languages and parents often being unaware of how the waiting list works and the importance of deadlines etc.

Question 27

explain the internal factor of the ethnocentric curriculum in relation to ethnic differences in educational achievement

Answer 27

The term ethnocentric describes an attitude or policy that gives priority to the culture and viewpoint of one particular ethnic group while disregarding others – cultural bias. TROYNA and WILLIAMS (1986) describe the curriculum in British schools as ethnocentric because it gives priority to white culture and English language. COARD (1971) argues that the British education system makes black children feel inferior in every way. He claims that the content of education ignores black people and experiences arguing that the people whose lives are studied and acclaimed are white, and black culture, history, literature, music and art are all conspicuous by their absence from the curriculum. For example, in history, the British are portrayed as bringing civilisation to the ‘primitive’ peoples they colonized. This image of black people as inferior undermines black children’s self-esteem and contributes to their underachievement. He states that the attitudes to race conveyed in the classroom are reinforced by pupils outside of it. COARD believes that these experiences have important consequences for black children who are likely to develop a negative self-concept.

Question 28

state criticisms of ethnocentric curriculum

Answer 28

it is not clear what impact the ethnocentric curriculum has. For example, while it may ignore black and Asian culture, Indian and Chinese pupils’ achievement is above the national average.

Question 29

explain the internal factor of assessment in relation to ethnic differences in educational achievement

Answer 29

GILBORN (2008) argues that ‘the assessment game’ is rigged so as to validate the dominant culture’s superiority. If black children succeed as a group, ‘the rules will be changed to re-engineer failure’. For example, in the past, primary schools used ‘baseline assessments’ which tested pupils when they started school. However, these were replaced in 2003 by the ‘foundation stage profile’ (FSP). The result of this change was that, overnight, black pupils now appeared to be doing worse than white pupils across all six developmental areas that it measured. GILBORN explains this as a result of two related institutional factors: 1. The FSP is based entirely on teachers’ judgements, unlike the baseline assessments which were based on written tests. 2. The FSP is completed at the end, rather than the start of the reception year. He concluded that both of these factors increased the likelihood of teachers’ stereotyping affecting the results. This reflects a study of GCSEs by SANDERS and HORN (1995) who found that where more weighting is given to tasks assessed by teachers, rather than written exams, the gap between the scores of different ethnic groups widens.

Question 30

explain the internal factor of access to opportunities in relation to ethnic differences in educational achievement

Answer 30

GILBORN (2008) draws on official statistics which show that white pupils are over twice as likely as Black Caribbeans and five times more likely than Black Africans to be identified as part of the ‘Gifted and Talented’ programme. Furthermore, TIKLY et al (2006) found that despite the ‘Aim Higher’ initiative, in 30 schools studied, black pupils were more likely to be placed in lower sets and entered for lower tier GCSE exams. Research by STRAND (2012) found a white-black achievement gap in maths and science tests at age 14 as black pupils were systematically under-represented in entry to higher tier tests. He concluded that this was the result of teachers’ lower expectations leading to a SFP. In what GILBORN calls the ‘new IQism’, he argues that teachers and policymakers make false assumptions about the nature of pupils’ ability or potential – which they see as a fixed quality that can be easily measured and quantified resulting in a pupil being put into the correct set or stream. However, he argues that there is no genuine measure of potential.

However, SEWELL (2009) argues that racism in schools is not powerful enough to prevent individuals from achieving. In his view, external factors are more relevant for the failure of large numbers of BAME pupils – particularly for the underachievement of black boys.