Crime and Deviance: social groups Flashcards

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1
Q

women, crime and justice: official statistics underestimate the amount of female crime

A

a higher proportion of females than male offenders are convicted of property offences.
a higher proportion of male than female offenders are convicted of violent and sexual offences.
males are more likely to be repeat offenders, have longer criminal careers and to commit more serious crimes. e.g. 15x more likely to be convicted of homicide.

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2
Q

women, crime and justice: the chivalry thesis

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argues that criminal justice agents e.g. police, jury and judges are men, and are socialised to act in a ‘chivalrous’ way towards women.
Pollak: “men hate to accuse women and thus send them to their punishment, police officers dislike to arrest them, distinct attorneys to prosecute them, and juries to find them guilty etc.

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3
Q

women, crime and justice
Graham and Bowling

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found using a self-report study of 1721 people that although males were more likely to offend, the differences are smaller than recorded on official statistics.
women are more likely to be cautioned rather than prosecuted.
e.g. in 2009, 49% of females were cautioned, while only 30% of men were cautioned.

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4
Q

women, crime and justice
AO3: Evidence against the chivalry thesis

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Farrington and Morris: reviewed 408 offences of theft at a magistrates court and found that in no cases were women treated more leniently.
Buckle and Farrington: an observational study found twice as many men than women shoplift. statistics show that the number of men and women are almost equal. this suggests that female shoplifters are more likely to be prosecuted than men.
box: reviewed UK and US self-reports, concludes that women who commit the most serious crimes are not treated more favourably. e.g. Rose West.

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5
Q

women, crime and justice
AO3: Bias against women

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Heidersohn: courts treat females more harshly when they deviate from their gender norms. e.g. double standards: courts punish girls but not boys for premature, sexual activity. ‘wayward’ girls can end up in care without having ever committed an offence. Non-conformity: women who don’t conform to accepted standards of monogamous heterosexuality and motherhood are punished more harshly. Steward found that magistrates’ perceptions of female defendants were biased on stereotypical gender roles.
carlen: Scottish judges were more likely to jail women whose children were in care than women they saw as good mothers.
feminists argue that these double standards exist because the criminal justice is patriarchal. e.g. rape cases: judges make sexist, victim-blaming remarks. “women who say no, do not always mean no. If she doesn’t want it, she only needs to keep her legs closed.”

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6
Q

women, crime and justice
biological explanations of female crime

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Lombrosso and Ferrero: argue that criminality is innate. however, very few women are born criminals. biological factors such as high testosterone mean more likely to be criminal.
sociologists argue that social rather than biological factors are the cause of gender differences in offending.

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7
Q

women, crime and justice: functionalist sex role theory

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differences in behaviour and criminal activity can be explained through socialisation. e.g. boys play football, rugby, rough and tumble play, nerf guns. girls play with dolls, mini kitchens etc. encouraging role play ‘mums’
Parsons: The difference in crime and deviance can be traced back to the nuclear family. while men take the instrumental role, outside the home, women perform the expressive role within the home. this could lead to crime because women have more home responsibility and less opportunity for crime. while men are more likely to have opportunities for crime on the way to work and while at work.

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8
Q

women, crime and justice: AO3: Sex Role Theory

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Walklate (2003) criticises the biological assumptions of Parsons. just because women are best suited to child-bearing, doesn’t make them the expressive role. feminists: the reason why women do not offend is because they are subordinate in a patriarchal society.
women’s behaviour is seen to be conformist. this is because a patriarchal society imposes more control over women and this reduces their opportunity to offend. this control operates at home, in public spaces, and at work.

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9
Q

women, crime and justice
control over women

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Control at home: women’s domestic role and housework restricts women. this reduces their opportunity for crime by restricting them to the house.
control in public: women are controlled in public due to their fear of male attacks. women also fear being defined as non-respectable. Lees: in schools, boys maintain control by labelling girls as ‘slag’ if they fail to conform to gender expectations.
control at work: controlled by male supervisions and managers. subordination at work prevents opportunities for crime, as women are often unable to obtain promotion to higher positions where there is more opportunity to commit crime.

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10
Q

women, crime and justice:
Carlen: class and gender deals

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using unstructured tape-recorded interviews, Carlen conducted a study of 39 15-46-year-old working-class women who had been convicted of a range of crimes including theft, fraud, handling stolen goods, burglary, drugs, prostitution, violence, and arson. 20 were in prison or youth custody at the time of the interview.

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11
Q

women, crime, and justice: types of ‘rewards’

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working class women are generally led to conform through the promise of 2 types of ‘rewards’.
class deal: women who work will be offered material rewards with a decent standard of living and leisure opportunities.
gender deal: patriarchal ideology promises women material and emotional rewards from family life by conforming to the norms of traditional gender roles.

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12
Q

women, crime, and justice: AO3: Evaluation of class and gender deals

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critics argue that theory underplays the importnace of free will and choice in offending. e.g. sees womens behaviour as being controlled/determined by external forces such as patriarchal society, class and gender roles.
Carlen’s sample is too small and therefore unrepresentative reconsisting as it did largely of working-class srious offenders.
the liberation thesis: Adler argues that as women become liberated from patriarchy, their crimes will become more frequent and serious than men. women’s liberation has led to a new type of female criminal and a rise in female crime rates.
Adler argues that the changes in structure in society have led to changes in women’s offending behaviour: opportunities for education and work have now become equal.

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13
Q

women, crime, and justice: women now commit crimes that are seen as being typically male

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Densombe: teenagers’ self-images found that females were as likely to engage in risk-taking behaviour and that girls were adopting more ‘male’ stances, such as the desire to be in ‘control’ and ‘look hard’.

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14
Q

women, crime, and justice: AO3: Criticisms of liberation thesis

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female crime rate began to rise in the 1950s: before women’s liberation which emerged in the 1960s.
Adler’s thesis does draw attention to the importance of investigating the relationship between changes in women’s position and changes in patterns of female offending.

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15
Q

Men, crime and justice: masculinity and crime

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Messerschmidt: masculinity is a social contrast, and men have to constantly work at constructing and presenting it to others. In doing so, men have more resources to draw upon than others eg anger, money and the gym. Messerschmidt sees crime and deviance as recounted that different men use for accomplishing masculinity. They use resources in different ways:
White middle-class youths: subordinate themselves to teachers in order to achieve middle class status. In school, the demonstrate ‘accommodating masculinity’. outside of school, they show ‘oppositional masculinity’ - quietly defiant of expectations.
White working-class youths: opposition masculinity both within and outside of school as they have less chance of educational success.
Black lower working-class youths: very few expectations of them getting a good job. They use gang membership and violence as an expression of their masculinity.

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16
Q

Men, crime and justice: AO3 of Messerschmidt:

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Is masculinity an explanation for male crime, or simply a description of a male offender? Circular explanation
Does not explain why all men do not use crime to explain masculinity: overworks the concept of masculinity as the factor of crime.

17
Q

Men, crime and justice:
Wilnow: postmodernitg, masculinity and crime

A

What impact has globalisation had on traditional male jobs?
- loss of many traditional manual jobs which working class men were able to express their masculinity by hard physical labour.
What has the expansion of the service sector meant of males?
-right-time leisure economy of clubs, pubs, and bars.
- provided legal employment, lucrative criminal opportinities and a means of expressing their masculinity.
Give an example for Winlow’s study: working as bouncers in pubs provided paid work and opportunity for illegal business ventures in drugs, duty-free tobacco, alcohol, and violence.
What is bodily capital and how is it used?
Men using their body such as body building to show and maintain their reputation and employability. Being able to discourage competitors from challenging them as well as using violence to beat them.

18
Q

Ethnicity, crime and justice: alternative sources of statistics

A

Victim surveys and self-report studies can be used as sources of evidence for ethnic differences in crime rates.
Victim surveys: ask individuals what crimes they have been victim of in a 12 month period. Questions ask about age and ethnicity of the offender.
Surveys have also shown that a great deal of crime is intra-ethnic. Eg in 90% of crimes where the victim is white, at least one of the offenders was also white.

19
Q

Ethnicity, crime and justice: AO3 victim survey limitations

A

Rely on the victims memory. According to Bowling victims can over identify ‘blacks’ saying that the offenders were black even when they were unsure. Only cover personal crimes, which make up only a 5th of all crimes. They exclude crimes by and against organisations, so they tell us nothing about the ethnicity of white-collar and corporate crimes.

20
Q

Ethnicity, crime and justice: self-report studies

A

What is a self-report study?
Ask individuals to disclose their own dishonest and violent behaviour.
Graham and Bowling: rates of offending to be: black - 43% white - 44% pakistani- 28% and bangladeshi - 13%.
Sharp and Budd: in the 2003 survey of 12,000 people surveyed, white and mixed ethnic origin were more likely to admit to crime.
The findings of self-report studies challenge the stereotype of black people being more likely than whites to offend, though they support the widely held view that Asians are less likely to offend.

21
Q

Ethnicity, crime and justice: AO3 limitations of self-report studies

A

Evidence for offending is not reliable. The measures shown by different methods either support or challenge the stereotype that black peoples are more likely to commit crime.
Self report studies show the opposite of victim surveys and official statistics. Could it be that we are testing honesty, rather than offender rates?

22
Q

ethnicity, crime and justice: migration

A

Large-scale migration from the Caribbean and Indian subcontinents began in the 1950s, there was a general agreement that minority ethnic communities had a lower rate of offending than the white population.
from the 1970s, increased conflict between the police and Afro-Caribbean community, and higher arrest rates for street crime meant ‘black criminality’ increasingly came to be seen as a problem.
it was not until 1990s that Asian crime came to be viewed as a problem, with media concerns of the growth of Asian gangs. the activities of 2001 e.g. 9/11 helped to crystallise the idea that Asians and especially Muslims were an ‘enemy within’ that threatened public order and safety.

23
Q

ethnicity, crime, and justice: left realism

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ethnic differences in offending statistics simply represent the real differences in criminal activity. crime is a product of deprivation, subculture, and marginalisation. e.g. Willis.

24
Q

ethnicity, crime, and justice: Neo-Marxism

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they argue that racism has led to the marginalisation and economic exclusion of ethnic minority groups, who face higher levels of poverty, and unemployment.
one response to marginalisation is the formation of delinquent subcultures which leads to increased utilitarian crime. Lea and Young do acknowledge the police can act in a racist way toward minority groups but don’t believe that this discriminatory policing fully explains the differences in statistics.

25
Q

Ethnicity, crime and justice: neo-Marxism, Gilroy

A

Black criminality is created by racist stereotypes of African Carribeans and Asians. In reality, these groups are no more criminal than any others. However, as a result of the police and criminal justice system acting on these stereotypes, ethnic minorities are more likely to be be criminalised and therefore to appear in greater numbers on official statistics.
In Gilroy’s view, ethnic minority crime can be seen as a form of political resistance against a racist society, and this resistance has its roots in struggles against British Imperalism. Gilroy holds a similar view to critical criminology which argues that WC crime is a political act of resistance to capitalism.
Most blacks and Asians in the UK originated from former British colonies, where they were taught to resist oppression. When they found themselves facing racism in Britain, they adopted the same methods, but their political struggle has been criminalised by the British state.

26
Q

Ethnicity, crime and justice: neo-Marxism, Gilroy evaluation

A

First generation immigrants were very law abiding, so it’s unlikely they passed down any anti-colonial struggle to their children: children aren’t socialised to be criminal.
Most crime is intra-ethnic: so it can’t be seen as a struggle against racism.
Asian crime rates are similar to, if not lower than whites. If Gilroy was right, then the police are only racist toward Black and not Asian, this seems unlikely

27
Q

Ethnicity, crime and justice: extent and risk of victimisation

A

61000 racist incidents in England and Wales (2007) recorded by police. British crime surveys show that most racially motivated crimes go unreported, there was around 184000. The risk of being a victim of crime varies along all ethnic groups, not just ethnicity, but age, gender, and class can determine how likely you are to be a victim.

28
Q

Ethnicity, crime and justice: responses to victimisation

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Members of ethnic minority groups are often ‘active’ in responding to victimisation. Eg situational crime prevention strategies to physically defending their neighbourhood from racist attacks.

29
Q

social class, age, and crime: functionalist explanations for social class and age bias in statistics

A

crime acts to promote social solidarity (society unites to punish the criminal). regardless of class, the crime would be punished in such a way to demonstrate and maintain a boundary. (Durkheim) for the upper class, this may be a fine while the lower classes recieve other punishments. e.g. southport stabbings

30
Q

social class, age, and crime: early subcultural theory explanations for social class and age bias in statistics

A

lower classes are more likely to engage in criminal behaviour due to status frustration. they are striving to excel in the inverted hierachy.
lower class cant achieve legally, so they turn to crime to achieve status.

31
Q

social class, age, and crime: environmental theorists explanations for social class and age bias in statistics

A

crimes of the upper class are less likely to be prevented by these measures.
UC: more likely to commit white collar crime eg fraud.
WC: more likely to commit property crimes e.g. locking windows or putting cameras up.

32
Q

social class, age, and crime: right theorists explanations for social class and age bias in statistics

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according to this group, crimes must be punished according to their severity regardless of the class of the offender.
retribution crime prevention: pay for what youve done
realist theory: need to punish the criminal no matter their background, crime is crime.

33
Q

social class, age, and crime: social action theories explanations for social class and age bias in statistics

A

social action theorists are more concerned with how some groups become labelled as criminal by those with more power in society, leading to an imbalance in class and offending.
labelling leads to self-fulfilling prophecy. Merton calls this Deviance Amplification theory eg crime within the labelled group will grow.

34
Q

social class, age, and crime: marxists explanations for social class and age bias in statistics

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crime of the upper classes are likely to go unpunished as they are the law enforcers and rules are implemented to benefit them.
the rich will only implement rules/laws that benefit them. eg fines that make them richer.
capitalists/upper class enforce the rules of society.

35
Q

social class, age, and crime: New Criminologists explanations for social class and age bias in statistics

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criminologists were concerned to, initially, reject those theories of crime/deviance that placed too much emphasis upon the structural origins of deviance whilst neglecting the idea that deviants are able to make rational choices about their behaviour. therefore, crimes of the upper class are more likely as they are less likely to be caught.
UC have the ability to weigh up what is right or wrong and have the resources to be able to avoid/hide crime.

36
Q

social class, age, and crime: left realists explanations for social class and age bias in statistics

A

inequalities in offending are the result of class positions. believe we need practical measures to stop crime now and then implement measures to create a more equal society in the future.
based on real differences that we must address no matter who commits crime.
e.g. broken windows - fix the window - reduce the crime.

37
Q

Locality, crime, and justice: Shaw and McKay

A

Studied the crimes committed by people in inner city Chicago. The study showed that if you divide the city into Concentric Zones, each of the 5 zones had different levels of crime.
Zone 1 was closest to the city and had the most crime, crime levels decreased the further away you got from the city centre.
The reason crime was higher in zone 2 was because it was a zone of transition - transit zones between business/industrial districts and residential areas.
In Chicago, recent immigrants to the UK moved to zone 2 because it was the cheapest place to live.

38
Q

Locality, crime, and justice: Sutherland and Cressey

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Differential association: explains offending by suggesting that through interaction with others, individuals learn values, attitudes, techniques and motivation for criminal behaviour. Sutherland argues that the more time we spend with people who aren’t law-abiding, the more likely you are to turn to crime.

39
Q

Locality, crime and justice: privatisation of public space

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This is the argument that over recent years, public spaces have become privately policed. As a result the police have become increasingly confined to other parts of the town and cities such as the poorest areas. For young people this private policing of public areas has forced them to return to estates where they are more likely to be recorded/seen and encounter the police, thus more like to be labelled leading to a self-fulfilling prophecy.