Chapter 6: Separation of Powers Flashcards
1.1 Theory of the separation of powers
It is widely acknowledged that the concentration of all types of state power into the same hands
can lead to iniquitous and/or inefficient government. In the famous words of the British historian, Lord Acton: ‘Power tends to corrupt; absolute power corrupts absolutely.’
Constitutional Theorist Argument
Constitutional theorists argue that, for a constitution to be ‘efficient’ and ‘well arranged’, the three branches (or organs) of state – the judiciary, executive and legislature –should be
separated into different bodies or persons.
Aristotle Theory
This theory has deep roots in ancient political theory. While not employing the same terms as modern thinkers, Aristotle stated in The Politics (384-322 BC): There are three elements in each constitution in respect of which every serious lawgiver must look for what is advantageous to it; if these are well arranged, the constitution is bound to be well arranged […] The three are, first, the deliberative, which discusses everything of common importance; second, the officials; and third, the judicial element.
1.1.1 Montesquieu
This theory was given more modern expression by the 18th century, French philosopher, Montesquieu. He believed that liberty would be best protected in a state if there was a separation of powers into judicial, executive and legislative branches. He expressed it in this way in De L’Esprit des lois
Legislative and Executive powers are united
When the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or in the same body of magistrates, there can be no liberty […] again, there is no liberty if the power of judging is not separated from the legislative and the executive. If it were joined with the
legislative, the life and liberty of the subject would be exposed to arbitrary control; for the judge would then be the legislator. If it were joined to the executive power, the judge might behave with violence and oppression
No society, no separation, no constitution
There would be an end to everything, if the same man,
or the same body, whether of the nobles, or of the people, were to exercise those three powers,
that of enacting laws, that of executing public affairs and that of trying crimes or individual causes. Any society in which the safeguarding of rights is not assured, and the separation of powers is not observed, has no constitution.
1.2 Separation of powers in practice
It should be stressed above all that the separation of powers is a theory or an ideal. Practice varies greatly between different states and different political cultures tend to have differing perspectives on the degree to which the theory can and should be implemented. The country most closely associated with the ideal is the United States where the constitution was directly inspired by the principles associated with Enlightenment thinkers such as Montesquieu, Rousseau and Locke
Complete Separation of Power & Confidence in Legislature
The key difference is the complete separation in the US between Executive and Legislature. The US
constitution does not allow simultaneous membership of the government and of Congress,
thereby establishing a very notable form of ‘check and balance’ between the two political wings of the state. Like the US, the French constitution also provides for a directly elected President as head of state. However, most modern democratic nations have a form of government which depends on the support and confidence of the legislature, selected through general elections, as in the UK.
1.3 Context of separation of powers in the UK: Attachment to the principle of parliamentary sovereignty
As we will see in this topic, the degree to which the UK conforms to any model of separation of
powers is a controversial question.
This is a product of the organic development of the UK’s constitution, which has never been the subject of planned design, and of the UK’s continued attachment to the principle of parliamentary sovereignty.
Lack of clear-cut rules and delineations
The lack of clear-cut rules and delineations between the responsibilities of the three bodies of
state has meant that an accommodation has to be reached between them in order to establish a
balance that can be seen as constitutionally appropriate and healthy.
Seen as a co-equal
However, unlike the position in the USA, where each body of state is seen as ‘co-equal’, the UK’s
attachment to parliamentary sovereignty means that there is not an equal balance of power in
the first place. As we have seen, UK courts do not have the power to invalidate or ‘quash’ primary legislation if this is deemed unconstitutional. Unlike the situation in the US and many other modern
democracies, the UK’s Supreme Court is not a constitutional court in this sense of being able to
review primary legislation for compliance with constitutional fundamentals.
1.3.1 Consequences
The unique context of the UK’s constitutional development has meant that there are a number of
issues and discussion points that are engaged when one considers how the separation of powers manifests itself.
Institutional overlaps
* The lack of design to the UK constitution has meant that there have historically been
significant functional overlaps between all three bodies.
* How far does this ‘fusion’ still impact on the efficiency of and balance to the constitution?
The judicial role? Two main issues impact on the judiciary in particular:
* What power does the judiciary have to scrutinise and control the actions of the executive?
* To what extent, if at all, can the judiciary ‘make’ law?
1.4 Summary
The separation of powers is an ideal which seeks to prevent power in a society being overly concentrated in the hands of a few.
* As an ideal it can be traced back to classical times, but it was mainly developed in the Enlightenment period.
* The degree of attachment to the ideal varies considerably between different states.
* The idiosyncratic development of the UK constitution has meant that there are no clear lines of
separation between the executive and the legislature.
* The UK’s attachment to parliamentary sovereignty has meant that the three bodies of state in the UK are not ‘co-equal’ as in the US.
* The proper role and degree of power of the judiciary in the UK remains controversial, therefore
2 The Executive
Constitutional context
We have seen in relation to the theme of ‘responsible government’ how intra-parliamentary forms
of scrutiny can assist to a degree in holding the executive to account.
We now need to consider the broader institutional picture, in which the balance of power and
responsibilities between executive and legislature can be assessed.
In other materials we will also see the degree to which the courts are able to scrutinise the actions
of the executive and to hold government to account legally, which is where the constitutional
principles of the separation of powers and the rule of law intersect.
2.2 What is the executive?
Executive functions are incapable of comprehensive definition, for they are merely the residue
of functions of government after legislative and judicial functions have been taken away. They may, however, be said to entail the formulation or application of general policy in relation to particular situations or cases, or the making or execution of individual
discretionary decisions.
Executive Execution of Law & Policy
More specifically, they include the execution of law and policy, the maintenance of public order, the management of Crown property, the direction of foreign policy, the conduct of military operations, and the provision, regulation, financing or supervision of such services as
education, public health, transport and national insurance.
2.3 A fusion of powers?
Overlap
In the UK there has traditionally been a considerable degree of overlap in terms of personnel and
functions between the different branches of the state. Academic writers including Walter Bagehot (The English Constitution 1867) have identified this as being a result of the UK constitution being a parliamentary, as opposed to a presidential, system.
Parliamentary System
In a parliamentary system, the legislature selects and contains the political part of the executive
branch, which is then ultimately dependent on the legislature for its position and power. For this
reason, parliamentary systems are often seen to create a fusion of powers rather than a separation of powers.
Dangers of Fusion
In the UK, many commentators have warned of the potential dangers of such fusion, particularly given the traditionally strong degree of control exercised by the political parties over their MPs, through the whipping system, and the general tendency since 1945 for governing parties to enjoy large parliamentary majorities in a ‘first past the post’ electoral system.
2.4 Hung parliaments
The Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition government of 2010–15 would be joined by up to
five years of a Tory minority government sustained in office by a ‘confidence and supply’
agreement with the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) […] In between these supposedly
‘unusual’ peacetime conditions, there would be only a single year’s inter-regnum (2015–16)
when the Cameron government had a small but clear overall majority and operated on the
traditional pattern.
Westminster system
There was also a further year of Tory majority government under May
[before the 2017 general election], but it was marked by a good deal of post-Brexit Leaver– Remain conflicts that made her parliamentary situation very weak. […]
All of this might make the ‘Westminster system’ of disproportional elections producing ‘strong’ majority of governments’ and the associated ‘British political tradition’ look more suspect than ever before. One should note, however, that the start of the new decade has seen another reversion to the more familiar pattern, as the Johnson government holds an 80 plus majority after the December
2019 election.
2.5 Overlapping roles
Regardless of whether the government of the day has a functioning majority, it remains the case that political roles in government (ie at ministerial level) and in Parliament do overlap. The
relationship between the executive and the legislature can be described as a system of ‘checks and balances’ but whether the balance has fallen in the most favourable position is very much open to debate
2.6 Legislative functions of the executive
Primary Legislative Functions
One of the most significant functional overlaps is the executive’s ability to create secondary
legislation, as long as it has the authority to do so from primary legislation (in the shape of a
‘parent’ Act of Parliament).
Secondary Legislative Functions
Secondary – also called subordinate, or delegated – legislation takes the form of rules, orders and regulations, largely created as statutory instruments (SIs). There are approximately 3,500 SIs made annually, varying in length from a single page to several hundred pages.
2.6.1 Acts of Parliament (primary legislation)
These contain provisions giving the executive (the relevant Secretary of State) power to make secondary legislation in specific areas. The wording you should look for to identify these powers is ‘the Secretary of State may/shall by regulations/orders make […]’.
2.6.2 Statutory Instruments
These contain the Secretary of State’s further rules on the specific area identified in the ‘parent’
Act of Parliament.
2.6.3 Henry VIII clauses
Some Acts contain clauses allowing the executive to amend or repeal provisions in an Act of Parliament using secondary legislation. These are controversial powers as they have the effect of enhancing executive power over the making of laws with very little parliamentary scrutiny
Particular significance in the context of Brexit
They are of particular significance in the context of Brexit. The EU Withdrawal Act 2018 provides
that laws and regulation made over more than 45 years, while the UK was a member of the EU,will continue to apply now that the UK has left the European Union. This ‘retained EU law‘ will require further amendment because many of the laws mention EU institutions in which the UK will no longer participate, or mention EU law itself, which will no longer be part of the UK legal system. They may also contain law that a future government wants to repeal for political reasons.
Giving ministers so-called ‘Henry VIII powers’
Therefore, the Act gives ministers so-called ‘Henry VIII powers’ to make changes to both primary
and secondary legislation using statutory instruments. These changes can get onto the statute
book quicker, as they are subject to less parliamentary scrutiny
2.7 Parliamentary control over subordinate legislation
The Level of No Scrutiny
There are three ‘levels of delegation’ which determine the level of scrutiny given to delegated
legislation.
Some delegated powers receive no parliamentary scrutiny. For example, an order to close a major
road while it is being developed.
2.7.2 Negative instruments
These can become law without a debate or vote in Parliament. They can be opposed and, in theory, rejected but not amended by Parliament.
2.7.3 Affirmative instruments
The most important delegations of power are subject to affirmative resolution. They cannot come
into effect until both houses have approved a draft SI in a vote.
The most important delegations of power are subject to affirmative resolution. They cannot come
into effect until both houses have approved a draft SI in a vote.
’Intra vires’ and ‘ultra vires’ are fundamental concepts in the study and practice of public law
(particularly judicial review).
‘Vires‘ means ‘power’. Therefore, if an action or legal provision is ‘intra vires‘ it means it is done
within the given power and is therefore lawful. If an action or provision is ‘ultra vires‘ it is done
‘outside’ the given power, and therefore unlawful
The concept is covered in detail in separate materials, but at this stage you should be aware that every delegated or subordinate power must be exercised ‘intra vires‘ the power granted. Usually (but not always) the power is granted by primary legislation
2.8 The concept of ‘vires’: ‘intra’ and ‘ultra’
- Parliament passes an act giving the Secretary of State Power to make regulations.
- The SOS (Secretary of State) makes regulations which must be intravires the act
- Ultimately the administrative court decides if the regulation is intravires.
2.9 Parliamentary committees
Parliamentary committees have a crucial role to play in scrutinising statutory instruments, even if
they do not need to be put before the House.
These committees ensure that the delegated legislation is within the power or intra vires delegated
in the originating, ‘parent’ Act. (They do not review the merits of the government policy behind the
delegated legislation.)
* Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee (House of Lords): Examines delegated
powers in primary legislation to see what powers ministers are asking for (before the primary
legislation is debated in Parliament).
* Merits of Statutory Instruments Committee (House of Lords): Examines the secondary
legislation which results from the exercise of those powers.
* Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments: Ensures that each SI complies with the
requirements of the parent Act.
2.10 Judicial functions of the executive
Historically, the UK constitution has not only seen incursions of the executive into the legislative
sphere, but also the judicial one. Certain aspects of the judicial role can, and have been, exercised by members of the executive, most notably in the past by the Home Secretary. This power derived from both statutory and prerogative sources.
During Her Majesty’s pleasure
For example, it was the practice for the Home Secretary to have responsibility for setting the tariff
sentence for those convicted to be imprisoned ‘during Her Majesty’s pleasure’ (ie indefinitely,
subject to review) under legislation going back to 1933.
Sentencing Powers on Young Offenders
This sentencing power was most often used in relation to young offenders. Following the murder
of James Bulger by two ten-year-old boys in 1993, it was held in R v Home Secretary, ex parte Venables and Thompson [1998] AC 407 that the Home Secretary had acted unlawfully in exercising these powers.
Judicial Power of Home Secretary
The judicial power of the Home Secretary to set sentencing in these situations was removed in 2000 and is now the responsibility of the trial judge in accordance with the principle of separation of powers.
2.11 Reduction in overlaps
Until relatively recently, the executive also had the power to decide some legal disputes through a
network of tribunals that were funded and administered by the same government departments
against whose decisions they heard appeals. Following the Tribunals, Courts and Enforcement Act 2007, tribunals are now administered as
part of the court system with a new supervisory body known as the Upper Tribunal. This represents a further ironing-out of some of the more clear-cut overlaps between the executive and judicial functions in the UK.
Constitutional Reform Act 2005
This is evident too in the various reforms introduced through the Constitutional Reform Act 2005.
These were at least partially inspired by the reforming effect of article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights (incorporated into UK law by the Human Rights Act 1998). Article 6
requires courts and tribunals to be impartial and independent from the executive.
McGonnell v UK (2000) 30 EHRR 289
The trial judge, known as the Bailiff, also played a role in the Guernsey legislative assembly and so was not deemed sufficiently independent, representing a breach of article 6.
2.11.1 The Lord Chancellor
The Lord Chancellor is the government minister with responsibility for the administration of justice including the administration of the court system.
Historically, this office carried a wide portfolio of responsibilities. However, under the Constitutional Reform Act 2005, the role was reorganised to remove overlaps with the office’s legislative and judicial functions.
Ceased to be head of judiciary
In relation to Parliament, the Lord Chancellor ceased to be the Speaker or President of the House
of Lords in May 2006. After April 2006 the Lord Chancellor also ceased to be the head of the Judiciary in England and Wales and the office’s powers of judicial appointment were transferred to the Judicial Appointments Commission.
Executive Cabinet post & redesignations to Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice.
The office of Lord Chancellor has been retained as an executive Cabinet post. However, both the
office and underlying department have been reorganised to reflect the new focus on administration. The department was initially renamed as the Department for Constitutional
Affairs. This was further reorganised in May 2007, to incorporate part of the old Home Office function, and was renamed the Ministry for Justice, with the position of Lord Chancellor being redesignated as Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice.
2.11.2 The Attorney General
The Attorney General sits in Cabinet as the chief legal adviser to the government. He or she also
has a role in deciding whether to bring a prosecution in individual cases. The nature of this office has given rise to concerns about the possible impact on the doctrine of
separation of powers, as a conflict of interest could arise between the inherent political allegiance of any holder of the office and the wider constitutional obligation to give independent, impartial legal advice to the government.
Example: Legal Advisory surrounding Blaire Government
A good example of this was the controversy surrounding the legal advice given to the Blair
government by the then Attorney General, Lord Goldsmith, in the lead-up to the war in Iraq in
2003, which is covered by s 5 of the Chilcot ‘Report of the Iraq Inquiry’.
The Attorney General continues to sit in Cabinet and to advise on legal matters, and the potential
for political influence on governmental legal advice remains
2.12 Summary
- There is a continuing partial overlap in the personnel and functions of the Executive and Parliament.
- The Executive can make law in the form of secondary legislation, as long as Parliament has
given prior authority in a parent Act. - These legislative powers of the Executive can also be extended through the use of ‘Henry VIII
clauses’ in legislation. - Parliamentary scrutiny of delegated legislation is limited by time and resources.
- The Constitutional Reform Act 2005 removed some of the clearest overlaps in the executive
and judicial roles, notably in relation to the Home Secretary (in regard to sentencing) and,
more generally, the Lord Chancellor. - The Attorney General’s role remains a source of concern in separation of powers terms as this
office has both a political, executive dimension and a legal one.
3 Independence of the judiciary
A separate judiciary
Only in one aspect of the constitution can it be said that the doctrine [of the separation of
powers] is strictly adhered to, namely that by virtue of rules of strict law, constitutional
conventions, political practice, and professional tradition, the judiciary is substantially insulated from political influence
3.2 An independent judiciary
Guarantee of continued judicial independence:
(1) The Lord Chancellor, other Ministers of the Crown and all with responsibility for matters relating to the judiciary or otherwise to the administration of justice must uphold the continued independence of the judiciary. […]
(5) The Lord Chancellor and other Ministers of the Crown must not seek to influence particular
judicial decisions through any special access to the judiciary.
(6) The Lord Chancellor must have regard to–
(a) the need to defend that independence;
(b) the need for the judiciary to have the support necessary to enable them to exercise their
functions; […]