Chapter 4: Responsible Government Flashcards
1 Prime Minister, Cabinet and collective responsibility
The role of the Prime Minister
The Central Executive comprises the Prime Minister (PM) and the Cabinet. The Prime Minister is the political head of the UK government. It is said that ‘the King appoints the Prime Minister’, but this is a ceremonial formality.
The King does not, in practice, have any power to choose the PM. The conventional position is that the leader of the political party, which is ‘able to command the confidence of the House of Commons’, will become PM. In most situations, this will be the leader of the political party which has a majority of seats in the House of Commons.
1.2 The Prime Minister’s powers
Very few powers of law but significant powers in convention
- Advising the King to appoint or remove ministers – this advice is, by convention, always
followed. - Determining the size and composition of the Cabinet
- Determining and coordinating the general policy direction of the government
- Determining the subject matter and composition of Cabinet committees
- Determining when the Cabinet meets
- Determining the agenda for Cabinet discussion
The PM is also the Minister for the Civil Service, and First Lord of the Treasury.
1.3 The Cabinet Office
Helping government attain policy goals
The Cabinet Office is a department of the UK Government. Its purpose is to support the PM and the Cabinet and ensure that the Civil Service (the politically neutral central government administration) helps the government attain its policy goals. The Prime Minister is also a Minister of the Cabinet Office. Other ministers include the Leader of the House of Commons and, if someone is selected (this depends on political circumstances), a
Deputy Prime Minister.
Cabinet Office and the Cabinet Secretary
The Head of the Civil Service is the senior government official within the Cabinet Office,
operating as the Cabinet Secretary.
The Cabinet Office has responsibility for the following key areas of government policy:
* Political and constitutional reform
* The Civil Service
* Supporting the National Security Council and Joint Intelligence Organisation
* The Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority
1.4 The Privy Council
Today, the ‘privy counsellors’ – numbering over 700 – are individuals who hold, or have held, high political or judicial office. However, the majority play no part in the Privy Council’s day-to-day business, which is mostly conducted by government ministers. The Privy Council ‘advises’ the monarch on the exercise of the royal prerogative. It meets to secure the monarch’s formal approval of documents which have already been approved by the Cabinet, or by government departments.
Secret Proceedings
Proceedings of the Privy Council are secret. Its members (which include each member of the
Cabinet) swear an oath of allegiance, which includes a promise to ‘keep secret all matters revealed or treated of in the privy council’. Leaders of opposition parties are also appointed, so that they can be given classified information,
if necessary.
1.5 The Privy Council at work
Proroguing Parliament
In September 2019, following a meeting of the Privy Council at the Balmoral Estate, the late Queen agreed to the Prime Minister’s request to exercise her royal prerogative to ‘prorogue’ Parliament. Parliament’s consent was not required.
Miller v The Prime Minister
(No 2) [2019] UKSC 41.
The rules formalised by the Privy Council (known as ‘Orders in Council’) do not always attract
much political and media attention, however. The variety and scope of the matters to which the orders and proclamations relate, and which obtain the force of law without Parliamentary criticism, are worthy of comment, extending as they do from the regulation of colonial institutions to the formulation of rules relating to the details of domestic administration.
(Halsbury’s Laws of England, Volume 20, 4 (4) 272)
1.6 The Cabinet (The Oath of Secrecy)
The Cabinet is the body of senior ministers at the heart of the central executive. It is chaired by
the Prime Minister and meets weekly, while Parliament is sitting.
It is comprised of the senior ministers – Secretaries of State – in each government department, the Lord Chancellor and a few other senior ministers, such as the Chief Secretary to the Treasury and the Leader of the House of Commons. It exists as a matter of convention. Its powers are not found in legislation. Cabinet Ministers are also Privy Counsellors and bound by an oath of secrecy.
Cabinet is the ultimate decision-making body of government
Cabinet is the ultimate decision-making body of government. The purpose of Cabinet and its
committees is to provide a framework for ministers to consider and make collective decisions on policy issues.
(The Cabinet Manual, para 4.1)
1.7 Cabinet committees/ COBRA’ committee
To relieve the pressure on decision-making, a number of cabinet committees exist to deal with specific areas of government administration, such as national security. The number, terms of reference and subject matter of these committees is within the Prime Minister’s control.
Cabinet committee decisions have the same status as decisions of the full Cabinet. You may have heard of the ‘COBRA’ committee in the context of national emergencies. COBR stands for Cabinet Office Briefing Room and it provides the mechanism for agreeing government response to major emergencies such as a terrorist attack or pandemic.
Meetings of COBR are Cabinet committee meetings, but there is no fixed membership so that the
government department with responsibility for the issue under consideration can take the lead.
1.8 Collective ministerial responsibility
The decisions made by Cabinet and its committees are subject to the ‘doctrine’ or convention of
collective ministerial responsibility (CMR). This means that all government ministers are bound by the collective decisions of Cabinet.
Three parts to the convention
1) Confidentiality
2) Unanimity
3) Confidence
1.8.1 Confidentiality
Under the convention there is a duty on ministers not to disclose confidential matters discussed in
Cabinet. This information extends to Cabinet papers and also to ministerial memoirs, which have
to be approved for publication.
In Attorney-General v Jonathan Cape [1976] QB 752, which concerned the publication of the
diaries of the late Richard Crossman
Cabinet minister in Harold Wilson’s government
Lord Widgery CJ recognised the significance of the convention. He added, tellingly: ‘I find
overwhelming evidence that the doctrine of joint responsibility is generally understood and
practised, and equally strong evidence that it is on occasion ignored.’
Breach of Confidence
The case is notable for the failure of the Attorney-General’s argument that the convention could be enforced in the courts in its own right. However, the court did accept that in some
circumstances (though not in these, given the length of time that had elapsed since the relevant events) the accepted legal cause of action of breach of confidence could potentially extend to Cabinet information.
Widgery’s comment also appears to refer to the practice of unattributable briefing of journalists by ministers, which can be seen as a form of political pressure reducing valve.
1.8.2 Unanimity
The unanimity component requires that, once a decision or agreement has been reached, all
ministers should publicly agree with government policy. If they do not feel able to do this, they
should resign.
All cabinet ministers have the right to argue and they have a unanimous front: The principle behind this is that Cabinet ministers should have had the right to contribute to the
confidential debate leading up to the decision. If they lose the argument in Cabinet, they are
obliged to sign up to the majority view in a ‘united front’ or to leave the government.
Michael Heseltine
In one of the more dramatic instances of this convention in operation, Michael Heseltine resigned as Defence Secretary in the Thatcher government over the ‘Westland Affair’ in 1986, partly because he felt he was excluded from the decision-making process.
Cabinet Resignation over political issues
Other notable instances have involved some of the most contentious issues of the day. In 2003 three senior ministers resigned from the Blair administration over intervention in Iraq: Robin Cook; Clare Short; and John Denham. More recently, Boris Johnson, Dominic Raab and David Davis all resigned over the direction of Theresa May’s ‘Brexit’ policy in 2018.
1.8.3 Confidence (of parliament)
The final component of the convention of CMR – which underlies its purpose as an important part of governmental authority – is the government’s need to ensure that it has the confidence of Parliament and, by extension, the people.
Continued confidence is essential: As we have seen, the Prime Minister and his or her government is in office because it has achieved a majority of seats in the Commons. The continued confidence of the Commons in the government is therefore essential, and this is considerably bolstered by presenting a united front in government.
Vote of no confidence
If this confidence recedes, there are situations – almost invariably when a government’s majority
is very fragile – when the Leader of the Opposition may table a ‘vote of no confidence’ in the
government.
If the government loses such a vote, there is a very strong conventional pressure on
the PM to resign and bring about a general election. The last time that this happened was in 1979
when James Callaghan lost a vote of no confidence by a single vote.
Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011
Note that this process was more involved when the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 was in
operation but the Act was repealed in 2022 so the position is now purely governed again by
convention.
1.9 Summary
- The function of the Prime Minister is to lead the government of the day in setting and implementing its policies.
- The Privy Council meets to secure the royal approval of actions already approved by the
Cabinet. - The Cabinet is made up of the Secretaries of State – each one heading up a government
department. - Collective ministerial responsibility means that each government minister is bound collectively by the decisions of the Cabinet.
- Collective ministerial responsibility is designed to ensure a united front in government in order
to help preserve Parliament’s confidence in it. - In rare situations, where a vote of no confidence in the government has been successful, the Prime Minister of the day has resigned and called a general election.
- Individual ministerial responsibility
2.1 Introduction
We have seen the operation of the convention of collective ministerial responsibility and the
function it plays within the UK’s constitution. The other ‘twin convention’ is individual ministerial responsibility (IMR).
This still plays a role in relation to the accountability of government but, as we will shortly see, its
effect has been supplemented and shadowed to a large extent by the more recent innovation of
the Ministerial Code.
Doctrine of individual ministrial responsibility (accepting responsibility)
The classic doctrine of individual ministerial responsibility required ministers to accept responsibility and, if necessary, resign for any errors and failures of their departments. They were seen as the figureheads who were answerable to Parliament and who in sufficiently serious cases
had to sacrifice their office in order to accept responsibility.
Uncertainty surrounding this convention
The uncertainty surrounding this convention arises from two areas:
- Its unavoidable entanglement with the short-term realities of the political world
- Assessing the degree of fault and responsibility in a time of modern, ‘big government’
2.2 Evolution of convention (Flexibility of constitutional principles)
One of the perceived advantages of a constitution in which conventional rules play a significant role is the flexibility this can provide to constitutional relationships and arrangements. The tendency of IMR to change over time has been quite notable.
Originally a matter of honor
Originally seen as a matter of honour and linked to the notion of taking responsibility, the sense of obligation inherent in IMR has arguably become considerably weaker. Whether this is a matter of changing constitutional morality or simply an issue of practical political realities is a matter of debate.
More interventionist forms of governments
As a far more interventionist form of government took hold during the 20th century, the
disconnect between the political leadership at the top and operational matters on the ground became more apparent. This issue came to the forefront in 1954 with the Crichel Down affair, which led to the eventual resignation of the Minister of Agriculture, Sir Thomas Dugdale