Chapter 5: 'Surveillance and social ordering' BOOK 2, BLOCK 2. Flashcards

1
Q

BIOMETRIC SURVEILLANCE

A

BIOMETRIC SURVEILLANCE: Biometric surveillance refers to the measurement of the body to corroborate identity, for example through fingerprints, iris scans, and facial recognition.

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2
Q

CARCERAL PUNISHMENT

A
  1. CARCERAL PUNISHMENT: The word carceral refers to prison or jail and you will see this word embedded within the phrase incarcerated and in ‘carceral confinement’ that is confined to prison or literally imprisoned.
  2. The term Carceral State often refers to those agents of law enforcement who are involved in activities and processes which lead to carceral confinement (the formal institutions of the criminal justice system) (NOTE: From TONY SPINKS ON THE FORUM).
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3
Q

PANOPTIC SORT

A
  1. PANOPTIC SORT: Panoptic sort refers to a process whereby individuals in their daily lives as citizens, employees and consumers are continually identified, classified and assessed.
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4
Q

SURVEILLANCE

A
  1. SURVEILLANCE: The ability to monitor public behaviour for the purposes of crime and population control. Associated, in the main, with measures to reduce the opportunities for crime within the discourses of situational crime prevention.
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5
Q

POSITIVES AND NEGATIVES OF SURVEILLANCE

A
  1. The means, extent, and the purpose of surveillance are subject to intense ongoing debate.
  2. POSITIVES: provides a means to

a) deter crime
b) manage risks
c) reduce harms

  1. NEGATIVES: surveillance

a) amplifies social risks
b) amplifies social divisions
b) infringes civil liberties

  1. Information from surveillance constitutes a form of ‘POWER’ in placing people into categories, i.e:
    a) worthy or unworthy
    b) responsible or irresponsible etc.
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6
Q

SURVEILLANCE AS A SOCIAL ISSUE

A
  1. Developments in surveillance such as CCTV and DNA matching are implicated in what it means to be social

and

whether we are to be targeted for inclusion or exclusion from social collectivity (society).

  1. Surveillance - is about monitoring ‘SOCIAL NORMS’ and the consequences this has for meanings of participation and justice in society.
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7
Q

TWO CASES OF SURVEILLANCE FROM THE UK:

  1. The ‘INTEGRATED SURVEILLANCE OF CROWDED AREAS FOR PUBLIC SECURITY PROJECT’ (ISCAPS) (The Guardian, 2008).
  2. The ‘NATIONAL DNA DATABASE.’ (The Guardian, 2008).
A

EXAMPLE 1:

New technology to track suspicious individuals over ‘CCTV’ more efficiently for police.

  1. This technology is capable of following a target:

a) even in a crowd
b) even if they change their appearance by wearing caps or changing clothes etc.

  1. This project is The INTEGRATED SURVEILLANCE OF CROWDED AREAS FOR PUBLIC SECURITY PROJECT (ISCAPS).
  2. However - A HOME OFFICE STUDY (2005) found:
    a) CCTV to be largely ineffective at preventing crime
    b) because of lack of proper monitoring - only one half of surveillance control rooms were staffed for 24 hours a day.
  3. The development comes as law officially steps up attempts to keep tabs on those suspected of terrorism offences.

EXAMPLE 2:

NATIONAL DNA DATABASE

  1. Government funded inquiry is calling for the DNA PROFILE of people who have NOT committed a crime to be removed from the NATIONAL DATABASE.
  2. DNA DATABASE IN BRITAIN:

a) 4.2 million people are on it
b) 1 million have never been convicted of a crime
c) 40% of black men are on it, but only 9% of white men
d) 645 rapists have been caught using the DNA DATABASE.

  1. When DNA database was established, it was to take DNA from criminals so if they re-offend they could be picked up.
  2. But now - hundreds of thousands of innocent people are populating the DNA DATABASE.
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8
Q

FUNCTION CREEP or EXPANDABLE MUTABILITY (NORRIS and ARMSTRONG, 1999).

A
  1. Function creep/expandable mutability is where the intended practice of any surveillance technique morphs outwards into areas other than those initially anticipated or intended for.
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9
Q

PROTECTION AND PRIVACY:

PRIVACY INTERNATIONAL (2007) - is a HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP

A
  1. Surveillance - is often seen as a form of ‘INVASION,’ undermining privacy of the self, in terms of what ‘THE POWERFUL’ (Governments, law enforcers, public agencies and corporations) legitimately know about people and for what purposes.
  2. PRIVACY INTERNATIONAL (2007) assessed how much protection and privacy citizens around the world have from CORPORATE and GOVERNMENT SURVEILLANCE.
  3. ‘PRIVACY INTERNATIONAL’ - is a HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP formed in 1990 to oversee surveillance and privacy incursions by governments and corporations.
  4. PRIVACY INTERNATIONAL - has campaigned across the world to protect people against government and corporate surveillance intrusion.
  5. PRIVACY INTERNATIONAL SURVEY of 47 countries found:
    a) surveillance is becoming endemic i the UK, USA, Russia, and China.
    b) These are the most ‘surveilled’ countries of the 47.
    c) none of the 47 countries consistently uphold HUMAN RIGHTS standards.
  6. THE CONCERNS ARE:
    a) how the information will be used
    b) what rights do citizens have to access the information that is kept on them through surveillance.
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10
Q

‘ASYMMETRICAL LOSS OF PRIVACY’
(ANDREJEVIC, 2007).

involving the ‘POWERFUL’

A
  1. Surveillance by states or corporations can be tied to an ‘ASYMMETRICAL LOSS OF PRIVACY’
    (ANDREJEVIC, 2007).
  2. MEANING - as a form of ‘seeing and knowing:’

surveillance enables increasing visibility of some individuals agencies - which reduces their privacy, i.e those children on the DNA DATABASE who are suspected but not convicted (actual) criminals.

  1. At the same time - surveillance renders some powerful individuals more impervious (not affected/influenced) to scrutiny, thus protecting their privacy and accountability.
  2. EXAMPLE:
    a) POWERFUL COMPANIES compile and trade information about the population
    b) and then invoke their own ‘right to privacy’ (using their resources) to defend it
    c) thus preventing the population from accessing that information.

I.E) - Until 2009 - The BRITISH PARLIAMENT fought off public scrutiny to reveal their salaries, expenses, allowances etc by evoking ‘privacy and security.’

  1. SCRUTINY - is allowable in the UK under THE FREEDOM OF INFORMATION ACT (2000).
  2. HOWEVER - it can be countered by ‘POWERFUL BODIES’ that argue that ‘transparency will damage democracy.’
  3. PRIVACY - is therefore not an ‘ABSOLUTE,’ but a concept that can be utilised differentially.
  4. Some individuals and agencies - may be better placed to protest their privacy from surveillance than others, i.e THE ‘POWERFUL.’
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11
Q

THE TECHNOLOGICAL FIX

i.e

  1. CCTV for crime prevention.
  2. BIOMETRICS.
A
  1. In early 21st century - a review of studies on CAMERA SURVEILLANCE acknowledged that there is little research evidence to suggest that CCTV works in crime prevention (NACRO, 2002).
  2. Public support for CCTV has bee inflated by UNSOPHISTICATED SURVEYS (DILLON, 1998).
  3. SO - Why has CCTV in the UK proliferated unlike anywhere else if it has a MARGINAL relationship to CRIME PREVENTION (COLEMAN, 2004).
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12
Q

DNA TESTING AND ‘BIOMETRIC’ FORMS OF SURVEILLANCE.

A
  1. ‘BIOMETRIC SURVEILLANCE’ refers to the measurement of the body to corroborate identity, and thus management of MOVEMENT and ACCESS.
  2. Fingerprints, iris scans, hand geometry, and facial recognition offer reliable ways of perfecting tokens of trust (Lyon, 2007).
  3. These forms of surveillance are increasingly being conjoined with identity cards.
  4. DNA SURVEILLANCE - takes parts of the body as a source of identity to be collected and stored.
  5. Identity verification here is associated with what one is in relation to the body

not

with what one has or knows (i.e a smart card, password or pin etc).

  1. In many countries - increasing numbers of individuals are being finger-printed and this raises questions of:
    a) social discrimination
    b) mistaken samples
    c) loss of privacy (POUDRIER, 2003).
  2. OFFICIAL POSITIVE DISCOURSE - is that BIOMETRICS and DNA PROFILING offer assurances concerning:
    a) security
    b) expediency
    c) effectiveness

and that these forms of bodily surveillance can solve and prevent crimes, stop immigration fraud, and target ill-health.

  1. NEGATIVE DISCOURSE - it is argued that move towards DNA DATABASES is discriminatory (DYER, 2007).
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13
Q

DNA DATABASE (UK)

‘STATS’ and positives and negatives.

A
  1. In 2009 - worlds largest database in England, Wales, and Northern Ireland was increasing by about 30,000 a month.
  2. It held 5.1 million profiles
  3. accounts for 9.1% of the total population
  4. 15.6% of those on the system had not been convicted of any crime (DYER, 2007).
  5. Disproportionate numbers are taken from minority ethnic communities.
  6. It is estimated that half of all black men would be on the database by 2010. (DOWARD, 2007).
  7. POSITIVES - It is argued that UNIVERSAL DATABASE would increase efficiencies in solving crimes, but would also be NON-DISCRIMINATORY because everyone would be on it.
  8. NEGATIVES - However the EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS (ECHR) condemned the British government for allowing ‘POLICE POWER’ to indiscriminately take and retain DNA;

regardless of the offence, or whether a conviction results after someone being stopped and DNA sampled by police (TRAVIS, 2008).

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14
Q

SOCIAL SORTING AND SOCIAL ORDERING.

A
  1. It is argued SURVEILLANCE aims to place people into categories underpinned by notions of WORTH or RISK.
  2. Thus - surveillance has a link to:

a) assigning social status
b) promoting ‘life chances’ of some
c) reducing ‘life chances’ of others.

  1. Evidence suggests - CCTV is a factor in managing particular spaces such as:

a) consumption zones
b) shopping malls

where certain behaviours, activities, and demeanors can be monitored and filtered out, such as:

a) forms of homelessness
b) congregating youths (MOONEY AND TALBOT, 2010).

  1. So - surveillance practice is also connected to the maintenance of specific SOCIO-SPATIAL’ borders. These borders may be formal or informal.
  2. Surveillance raises questions concerning the ways in which notions of justice and participation in social life are rendered meaningful.
  3. Surveillance contributes to ORDER by intervening in peoples lives.
  4. Surveillance also gives out ideas about its targets (the watched) and their behaviour and status within the social order.
  5. As a a process of SOCIAL SORTING - surveillance;
    a) gets personal and group data to classify people and populations according to variable criteria
    b) to determine who should be targeted for special treatment for special treatment, suspicion, inclusion, access etc. (LYON, 2003).
  6. SURVEILLANCE:
    a) outlines status
    b) has implications for LIFE CHANCES and SOCIAL POSITIONING.
  7. SURVEILLANCE is argued to be geared towards construction and maintenance of SOCIAL ORDER (LACEY, 1994).
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15
Q

THEORISING SURVEILLANCE (How it works).

A
  1. Societies of the ADVANCED WORLD are described as ‘SURVEILLANCE SOCIETIES.’
  2. HOWEVER - this undermines the understanding of surveillance as a SPATIAL PRACTICE, that it has more purchase in some places and less in others.
  3. SURVEILLANCE - reflects, modifies, and reinforces POWER RELATIONS in space.
  4. SURVEILLANCE - manages movement within, between, and beyond SPATIAL BORDERS.
  5. SURVEILLANCE - also reinforces perceptions and understandings of what certain spaces are used for in relation to particular groups and individuals.
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16
Q

PROLIFERATION OF SURVEILLANCE SPACES:

PANOPTIC SURVEILLANCE (FOUCAULT, 1977).

DISCIPLINARY SOCIETY (FOUCAULT, 1977).

A
  1. CARCERAL PUNISHMENT - heralded constant surveillance of inmates under anew kind of disciplinary power, rendering prisoners more observable and controllable.
  2. THE ‘PANOPTIC PRINCIPLE’ - Where the few can exercise surveillance over the many.
  3. This meant - that a handful of surveillants (PRISON GUARDS) could control, monitor, and contain hundreds of prisoners and ensure a POWER in which inmates were encouraged to SELF-POLICE and DISCIPLINE their own conduct under conditions of constant watching (FOUCAULT, 1977).
  4. The POWER of this PANOPTIC SURVEILLANCE gradually become operative in other spaces such as;

a) schools
b) hospitals
c) workplaces
d) asylums
e) barracks

  1. This in FOUCAULT’S terms - renders the creation of the ‘DISCIPLINARY SOCIETY.’
  2. ‘PANOPTIC SURVEILLANCE’ - was designed to encourage a DOCILE CITIZENRY, which is self-inspecting and self-correcting in relation to SOCIAL NORMS.
  3. HOWEVER - FOUCAULT asserted that with surveillance there is always RESISTANCE
  4. SURVEILLANCE can encounter forms of contestation.
  5. And the ability of some such as ‘THE POWERFUL’ can negotiate and even evade surveillance targeted at them.
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17
Q

THE ‘DISPERSAL OF DISCIPLINE’ (COHEN, 1985)

FOR COHEN (1985) - This ‘DISPERSAL OF DISCIPLINE’ incorporates a number of related processes such as:

a) people are now involved in surveillance formally and informally.
b) conducting surveillance is not restricted to the police and regulators.
c) This ‘WIDENS THE NET’ of the formal system
d) There is also a ‘NARROWING OF THE MESH’ - in which levels of intervention are increased for both deviants and those new to this wider net od surveillance.

A
  1. Throughout the 20th century - spaces subject to SURVEILLANCE proliferated with the adoption of:

a) community corrections
b) neighbourhood watch schemes
c) private security
d) public surveillance cameras

  1. COHEN (1985) - noted some ‘related processes’ to this ‘DISPERSAL OF DISCIPLINE’ that included:
    a) the move to informal, private, and communal controls

This ‘WIDENS THE NET’ of the formal system and allows an increase in the number of deviants getting into the system.

b) THINNING OF THE MESH - results in old and new deviants being subject to levels of intervention that they might not have previously received or experienced.
c) DISPERSAL of SOCIAL CONTROL blurs boundaries between the formal and informal, and the private and public forms of control.
3. FOR COHEN (1985) - SURVEILLANCE expands into social life, and brings new forms of EXPERTISE and CONTROL in our daily lives which we all come to depend on.
4. The development of surveillance has multiplied it spaces of operation, which blurs the formal/informal and public/private.
5. SURVEILLANCE - works towards INCLUSION and NORMALISATION of conduct inside communities

and

EXCLUSION - by proliferating STIGMA and BANISHMENT and SEPARATION of deviants from particular spatial contexts and social entitlements.

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18
Q

THE PANOPTIC SORT (GANDY, 1966)

A
  1. The ‘PANOPTIC SORT’ - is a complex discriminatory technology that collates information about individual status and behaviour for the potential use in production of intelligence about a person economic value.
  2. HOWEVER - These processes of sorting and judging are increasingly carried out automatically without human intervention.
  3. Automated surveillance and use of interlocking databases - make information from surveillance transferable across different spaces or institutions.
  4. POSTER (1996) - called this the SUPER PANOPTICON - where people unwittingly take part in our own surveillance through performing bank transactions, internet use, and telephone calls.
  5. By this - traces of action is sorted by databases into categorical identities. This involves classifications of:

a) dangerous/safe
b) suspect/innocent
c) wanted/not wanted

are engraved in the databases.

  1. We have no idea on a GLOBAL SCALE when and where this data is stored.
19
Q

DATA MINING

A
  1. Networks of computers can also be used for DATA MINING
  2. That is - the extraction of information for the classification of

A) HIGH and LOW VALUE CUSTOMERS
b) HIGH and LOW CRIMINALITY

based on the databases of police stops, searches, or arrests.

  1. DATA MINING - can be used for:

a) the prediction of future behaviour
b) increasing profits of corporations

based on knowledge of consumer behaviour.

  1. SURVEILLANCE - produces partiality in the knowledge of its subjects.
  2. This means that we are known by the information that is collected and stored, more than from encounters in a physical sense, or in a social sense.
20
Q

SIMULATED SURVEILLANCE (BOGARD 2007).

BOGARD (2007) - uses the expression SIMULATED SURVEILLANCE to describe the way new technologies can be used to:

a) ‘SORT US’
b) and ‘TARGET US’ in advance for interventions whether we have done something wrong or not.

A
  1. BOGARD (2007) - Many features of new surveillance exist as SIMULATED SURVEILLANCE because they involve observation before the fact.
  2. This has the goal of pre-ordering and pre-emption.
  3. PROLIFERATION OF PROFILING - exemplifies this, and exists across social sites such as:

a) policing
b) insurance
c) banking etc.

  1. PROFILING - is an attempt at PRE-EMPTION, because it diagnoses and targets in advance problematic behaviour, individuals, and groups.
  2. IN RELATION TO POLICING - BOGARD (2007) says that if your:

a) skin colour
b) age
c) type of car

matches the computer profile that each police officer carries whilst on duty, you are a target, even if you have done nothing wrong.

  1. IN TERMS OF POLICING - PROFILING prescribes typical offender behaviour or patterns of suspicious conduct.
  2. The Offender/deviant is SIMULATED from:

a) patterns of appearance
b) patterns of spatial movement
c) patterns of behaviour

  1. This triggers an ACTION IN RESPONSE to the appearance of a risk that an offence or a deviation might occur.
  2. In BOGARD’S SCENARIO of SIMULATED SURVEILLANCE -the social world is devoid of hierarchies and conflict.
  3. EVERYONE - is equally subject to the same surveillance regime or database (NORRIS, 2003).
  4. SURVEILLANCE DATABASES - and their modes of classification are socially constructed, reflecting the priorities and goals of POWERFUL SURVEILLANCE by agencies and the spaces they maintain.
21
Q

‘SYNOPTIC SURVEILLANCE’ (HAGGERTY and ERICSON, 2006).

SYNOPTIC SURVEILLANCE - surveillance of the few (THE POWERFUL) by the many.

A

1 . Due to technology and media advancements - we are all subject to some degree of surveillance in the 21st century (HAGGERTY and ERICSON, 2006).

  1. It makes place s VISIBLE - particularly spaces that are the preserve of THE POWERFUL.
  2. This means greater SOCIAL VISIBILITY in a manner that flattens SOCIAL HIERARCHIES.
  3. Because - people from all social backgrounds are under surveillance - meaning even THE POWERFUL are watched and judged (HAGGERTY and ERICSON, 2006).
  4. This is because of the rise of the ‘SURVEILLANT ASSEMBLAGE’ which encompasses advancements in information and data gathering.
22
Q

THE ‘SURVEILLANT ASSEMBLAGE’

A
  1. The ‘SURVEILLANT ASSEMBLAGE’ - is the result of interconnections and flows of data across borders between institutions.
  2. This means that it is increasingly difficult for individuals to maintain their anonymity.
  3. As a result - the powerful can also be scrutinised by institutions and the general population (HAGGERTY and ERICSON, 2000).
  4. As a result - it is argued that PANOPTIC SURVEILLANCE (where the few see the many) has been supplemented by SYNOPTIC SURVEILLANCE (where the many see the few).
  5. This is associated to the rise and access to the internet, database technology, and the media.
23
Q

PANOPTIC SURVEILANCE

This is surveillance of the many by the few (THE POWERFUL).

A
  1. PANOPTIC SURVEILLANCE - where the few see the many.
24
Q

SYNOPTIC SURVEILLANCE

A
  1. SYNOPTIC SURVEILLANCE - where the many see the few.
  2. SYNOPTIC SURVEILLANCE - enables scrutiny of the demeanour and idiosyncrasies etc of THE POWERFUL INDIVIDUALS.
  3. PROLIFERATION of SYNOPTIC SURVEILLANCE - is exemplified in the growth of reality TV programmes on crime and punishment, such as crime watch.
  4. It draws on surveillance experts such as police, security, crime profilers, and camera footage.
  5. This depicts crime in a particular way - through atypical individual murderous events, interpersonal violence, or street-level crimes.
  6. Such mass encoding - over typifies and over-emphasises some behaviours as socially harmful but underplays other social harms.
  7. In other words - it encourages certain segments of the population to be monitored and identified, drawing attention to those considered to be ‘folk devils’ and ‘deviants.’
  8. MATHIESON (1997) - SYNOPTIC SURVEILLANCE through its portrayal of threats, rising crime, and insufficient protection from this only reinforces PANOPTIC SURVEILLANCE.
  9. This in turn - unintentionally endorses calls for more:

a) street cameras
b) prisons
c) data checks
d) police powers

25
Q

SCOPOPHILIA

A
  1. SCOPOPHILIA - This is ‘the love of looking.’
  2. This has now become a cultural condition evidenced in the growth of surveillance based reality media that inflicts public visibility on celebrities, politicians, and criminals.
26
Q

SURVEILLANCE IS PARTIAL

A
  1. SURVEILLANCE - whether PANOPTIC or SYNOPTIC is partial.
  2. It contributes to our understanding and exposure of the world.
  3. HOWEVER - it hardly features CORPORATE WRONGDOING or crime committed in the pursuit of LEGITIMATE GOALS such as:

a) supplying fuel for industry, but dumping toxic waste in oceans and causing harms in Bangladesh
b) deaths at work
c) environmental pollution

  1. Indeed - the negative actions and consequences of CORPORATE ACTION/CRIMES scarcely figure in comparison to traditionally/conventionally defined crimes.
27
Q

FEMALE SELF-SURVEILLANCE and WOMEN’S MAGAZINES.

A
  1. SURVEILLANCE increasingly proliferates into FORMAL and INFORMAL SPACES.
  2. This in turn - drives the SELF-SURVEILLANCE of deviance.
  3. This process is DIFFERENTIAL and GENDERED.
  4. This is illustrated in the way that women’s magazines such as women’s own or cosmopolitan provide a SYNOPTIC FRAMEWORK for female self-surveillance in relation to practised codes of FEMININITY such as:

a) beauty tips
b) domestication (Raising children)
c) Body management (Weight watching and diets).

28
Q

HARMFUL EFFECTS OF SELF-SURVEILLANCE OF THE BODY.

A
  1. Articles and images in women’s magazines outline feminine appropriateness in relation to:

a) domestic roles
b) body cleanliness
c) diet habits
d) sexual performance.

  1. Popular women’s magazines idealise what is feminine through self-surveillance directed at the body, as an object.
  2. This can have harmful consequences, i.e anorexia and bulimia (BORDO, 1993).
  3. Women’s magazines are underpinned by a discourse of liberation and empowerment,

but

it is also argued that women’s magazines encourage surveillance on self-loathing and obedience to patriarchy.

  1. However - others argue it is more complicated because these magazines also allow for debate about women’s issues such as:

a) sexuality
b) motherhood
c) work

that are not stereotypical (WOLFE, 1993).

  1. Feminists noted that a woman’s inability to live up to normative expectations as prescribed in modes of informal surveillance can result in violence and coercion aimed against women considered deviant and unfeminine in domestic and criminal justice settings.
29
Q

CROSSING BORDERS:GLOBAL SURVEILLANCE

A
  1. This section considers the formalisation of borders and how information is collated, stored, retrieved, and passed when using computer technology across private and public boundaries and international borders, such as

a) financial information
b) information held on police databases

  1. SURVEILLANCE - is a global phenomenon. It is not tied tied to specific institutions and place locations
  2. Most of us have little or no control in terms of information collection, dissemination, and usage (WEBB, 2007).
  3. For instance - Law enforcers have access to bank accounts throughout =the EU in investigating serious crime.
  4. This is possible under the MUTUAL LEGAL ASSISTANCE AGREEMENT(2003) signed by EU and USA.
30
Q

IDENTITIES (I.D CARDS)

A
  1. IDENTITY CARDS - act to signify citizenship within a designated national space.
  2. They attempt to perform the reliable identification of each member of the population to which they are issued, as:

a) citizens
b) immigrants
c) welfare recipients etc.

  1. But - not all countries have embraced identity cards, or if they have, it has not been in a uniformed manner.
  2. NATIONAL IDENTITY CARDS - aid state servants ascertain who belongs and who doesn’t belong to a designated nation state. It is a ‘once and for all’ assurance of identity.
  3. This is because they are based on SMART electronic technology.
  4. SMART TECHNOLOGY - means that identity cards can be machine read, and linked to networked and searchable databases.
  5. IDENTITY CARDS - can carry on them BIOMETRIC (BODILY) forms of identification assurance such as fingerprints and iris scans.
  6. IDENTITY CARDS - can also be used for other purposes beyond a POLICING FUNCTION.
  7. However - I.D cards are prone to generate NEW RISKS such as an error in the systems that generates a false i.d, or failure to i.d.
  8. Even a foolproof system - would not prevent all criminal and political violence.
  9. For instance - Most of them involved in 9/11 attacks on USA had no previous criminal records and were in possession of valid visas.
  10. SO - the checks ID CARDS perform would not have produced positive results because they were not on the radar of suspicion in the first place (STALDER and LYON, 2003).
31
Q

IDENTITY CARDS and DISCRIMINATORY PRACTICES.

A
  1. I.D CARDS - are also introduced in social climates with pre-existing discriminatory practices.
  2. FOR EXAMPLE - IN crime control settings: Policing agencies have always targeted some groups disproportionately more than others, based on:

a) age
b) racial profile
c) class
d) location
e) sexuality

  1. In EUROPE and NORTH AMERICA domains - police stop-and-search practices have differentially targeted poor, minority ethnic groups (WAQUANT, 1999).
  2. However - PROPONENTS of IDENTITY CARDS see them as a leveller, as we would all carry them so no discrimination would occur.
  3. That said - I.D CARDS - encode information such as:

a) workplace
b) address
c) gender
d) ethnicity

and are part of the drive of ‘PRE-EMPTIVE SURVEILLANCE.’

  1. The risk that more people will be caught by surveillance could be compounded by moral panic around particular forms of crime or terrorism identified by media, and particular social and ethnic groups.
  2. ALSO - Risks emanating from use of identity cards can contribute to more life-threatening forms of social harm.

FOR INSTANCE:

RWANDA in 1994 during genocide - the word TUTSI stamped in an I.D CARD became a virtual death sentence for thousands of people (IMPERIAL WAR MUSEUM, 2008).

32
Q

IDENTITY CARDS AND BIOMETRICS IN THE UK.

A
  1. I.D CARDS are to be introduced into the UK by 2017.
  2. These will include BIOMETRIC DATA from:

a) eyes
b) fingers
c) hands
d) faces.

  1. The IDENTITY CARDS ACT 2006 - states that from 2010, renewal of a UK PASSPORT will require attendance at an enrolment centre, where:

a) fingerprints and photographs will be conjoined
b) 200 questions will be asked by HO to examine applicants i.d, origin, and entitlement to UK citizenship.

  1. PROPONENTS OF BIOMETRIC PROFILING - argue that its reliance on unique body parts as identifiers makes it harder to engage in identity theft.
  2. HOWEVER - mistakes in technology do occur, and will have a differential impact on different groups.

FOR INSTANCE:

Poore people with only one form of i’d are more at risk of identity theft. This meand that they will be unable to i.d themselves if they need to.

but

those who greater means of ensuring their identity will be at less risk from mistakes when:

a) machines incorrectly read I.D CARDS
b) Cards are stolen
c) Card gets lost.

33
Q

IDENTITY CARDS: INCLUSIONARY or EXCLUSIONARY

A
  1. WEBB (2007) - argued that I.D CARDS and other forms of I.D REGISTRATION have both an INCLUSIONARY and EXCLUSIONARY quality.
  2. EXCLUSIONARY - for those that do not have:

a) I.D CARD
b) I.D documents
c) data profiles

such as the poor, or those that choose not avoid it.

  1. As a result - the spectre of being a NON-PERSON is created from a vantage point of surveillance.
  2. HOWEVER - those transgressing or refusing a SURVEILLANCE REGIME connected to gender, race, and class, invites SOCIAL ORDERING through COERCION.
34
Q

MOBILITIES AND AIRPORT SURVEILLANCE.

A
  1. Airports rely on obedience for the REGULATION OF MASS MOVEMENT and discrimination of desirable or undesirable travellers (SALTER, 2005).
  2. FIRST - Travellers SELF-SORT into categories for inspection: i.e

a) citizens
b) foreigners
c) refugees

  1. SECOND - This is followed by the CONFESSIONAL -where BORDER AGENTS ascertain past and future intentions and examine passports and documentation.
  2. THIRD - RISK PROFILING or HYPER DOCUMENTATION is involved - by interlinking pieces of information about individual travellers being run through the databases to be tracked and sorted.
  3. SINCE 2001 - this area has relied on BIOMETRICS and CROSS-SHARING of INFORMATION.
35
Q

RELIABILITY OF FACIAL RECOGNITION; HEATHROW AIRPORT.

BIRCH (2002) study of HEATHROW AIRPORT.

A
  1. BIOMETRIC TECHNOLOGY and FACIAL RECOGNITION have received extensive coverage in promising a dependable surveillance instrument.
  2. HOWEVER - Reliability of FACIAL RECOGNITION technology has been challenged by BIRCH (2002) in his study of HEATHROW AIRPORT.
  3. Success rate of 99.9% using FACIAL RECOGNITION CAMERAS will also throw up about 990 cases of FALSE POSITIVES in every 1 million travellers.
  4. also - RESEARCH suggests that FACIAL RECOGNITION SYSTEMS find it easier to identify:

a) African Caribbeans
b) Asians
c) Older people

  1. As a result - this makes it more likely that these groups will trigger an alarm (IOTRONA and WOOD, 2004).
  2. THUS - AUTOMATED SYSTEMS at border controls give rise to the risk of ‘RACIALISED PROFILING’ (LYON, 2003).
  3. In using biology and physical appearance as identity, BIOMETRICS legitimises ‘group differentiation’ and ‘racialisation’ in the name of security.
36
Q

AIRPORTS AND GLOBAL MOBILITY

A
  1. We think of airports as places that provide access to effective GLOBAL MOBILITY.
  2. BUT - as intense surveillance spaces, airports provide this access differentially reproducing SOCIAL DIVISIONS and INEQUALITIES in MOBILITY.
  3. EXAMPLE - A paid up member of REGISTERED TRAVELLER SCHEMES such as INPASS, operating in a few airports in the USA enjoy faster movement through the airport as preferred low-risk passengers. These are enabled by use of ELITE travel facilities.
  4. This allows them to be profiled into databases, which provides them with a low-risk status and speedier mobility.
  5. HOWEVER - There are pre-emptive, less visible systems that work alongside these practices.

FOR EXAMPLE - Since 9/11, airlines flying to the US have been obliged to provide passenger details pertaining to:

a) names
b) tickets
c) passport information before the flight takes off.

37
Q

EVADING and CONTESTING SURVEILLANCE.

A
  1. One must consider the extent to which surveillance is:

a) all-pervasive
b) global in its reach
c) uniform in its effects.

  1. SURVEILLANCE TECHNOLOGIES are contradictory in that they create spaces and possibilities for the evasion of monitoring and resistance to it.
  2. LAWBREAKERS - both the POWERFUL and POWERLESS do avoid/or try to avoid and outfox surveillance measures.
  3. Some social actors by means of:

a) socio-cultural
b) ethnic
c) gender status
d) political acumen

are clearly trusted more than others to be left relatively free from SURVEILLANCE SCRUTINY.

  1. SOCIAL POSITION - one which is situated in the hierarchy of power can also allow a degree of ‘surveillance avoidance’.
  2. SURVEILLANCE - across different ‘spatial settings’ is experienced and enacted differently.
  3. FOR SOME - SURVEILLANCE may be organised and perceived as being non- burdensome/non-invasive and
    beneficial.
  4. FOR OTHERS - It is a system of:

a) detection
b) judgement
c) punishment
d) limiting freedom
e) chanelling behaviour (GILLIAM, 2006).

  1. It depends who we are and how differently situated people are, i.e:

a) prisoners
b) mothers
c) students
d) professionals
e) criminals etc.

38
Q

THE POWERFUL negotiating the ‘MORAL BIND OF THE LAW’ in terms of surveillance.

A
  1. POWERFULLY SITUATED ACTORS - with social standing are materially and ideologically better able to neutralise the ‘moral bind of the law’ to evade and contest surveillance measures.
  2. SURVEILLANCE REGIMES - often enforce this ‘MORAL BIND OF THE LAW,’ but can also be negotiated by THE POWERFUL in terms of whether or not surveillance occurs. This depends on:

a) material resources
b) and cultural capital.

  1. IN UK - Legal and political structures allow for some groups to negotiate ‘regulatory surveillance’ over their domain, such as professional bodies like:

a) The General Medical Council
b) The Police Force.

  1. EXAMPLE 1 - IN the UK, the likelihood of an employer being monitored with regard to implementing the minimum wage is once every 330 years (BUNTING, 2008).
  2. EXAMPLE 2 - The monitoring of worker performance and efficiency is common place, but the average rate for inspection of work places in the UK by health and safety inspectors is once every 20 years (BALL, 2003).
39
Q

CAMPAIGNERS, ACTIVISTS, and SURVEILLANCE TACTICS.

A
  1. SOCIAL CAMPAIGNING GROUPS and ACTIVISTS - use surveillance tactics to:

a) expose CORPORATE POLLUTERS
b) capture STATE OFFENCES (i.e police misconduct).

  1. As forms of ‘COUNTER SURVEILLANCE’ - I.T is also used to propagate dissent and resistance to oppressive forms of government
  2. I.T is used to express dissent in AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES , i.e China and Iran.
  3. Chatrooms, blogs, and websites have been used to expose abuses of liberty in these countries such as

a) torture
b) imprisonment
c) arrest.

  1. AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL - rely on such forums to:

a) galvanise public support
b) put pressure on oppressive governments

  1. HOWEVER - POWERFUL ACTORS can silence dissent by:

a) closing down and censoring websites
b) arresting individuals
c) imprisonment (ALLEN, 2006).

  1. Yahoo, Google, and Microsoft - have all bowed down to pressure from the Chinese state to both:
    a) limit internet usage
    b) provide them with names and email addresses of those using the internet to spread political content (NEAL, 2010).
  2. HOWEVER - GOOGLE did fight the BUSH ADMINISTRATION and won, stopping them gaining access to its vast data banks ascertaining to individual internet use (JOHNSON, 2006).
40
Q

SURVEILLANCE FACTS

A
  1. SURVEILLANCE is not globally homogenised.
  2. It depends on different:

a) legal measures
b) political priorities
c) gender and racial relations
d) cultures that exist in different countries (LYON, 2007).

  1. SURVEILLANCE - is a socially tangential technology that is UNEVEN in its:

a) quest for VISIBILITY
B) differentiating in its TARGETING and EFFECTS.

  1. SURVEILLANCE - often concentrates on individualising RESPONSIBILITY and apportioning BLAME.
  2. SURVEILLANCE - is integral to constructing social understandings of;

a) crime
b) security
c) order
d) justice

  1. SURVEILLANCE - is often sold to us as a way that the STATE keeps us secure

but

it could also be argued that it is a mechanism by which the STATE controls our activity.

41
Q

SURVEILLANCE and SOCIAL ORDERING.

CCTV.

A
  1. CCTV - is a key contemporary CRIME-CONTROL TECHNOLOGY.
  2. CCTV - is one of the KEY TECHNOLOGIES associated with surveillance.
  3. The UK - are the most watched nation on Earth.
  4. There is a CCTV camera for every 14 residents.
  5. SHETLAND ISLANDS - 100 CCTV cameras despite having 70 - 93% detection rates for some crimes.
  6. Britain has made its choice when it come s to the struggle between PRIVACY and SURVEILLANCE.
  7. In UK - there are between 3.2 and 4.2 million CCTV cameras.
  8. but - CCTV wont work unless:
    a) people are trained correctly to make sure what is captured on CCTV is used effectively.
    b) have the correct equipment
    c) installed in police stations.

Just sticking them up will not solve the problem.

  1. CRIMINALS - are not being caught by the police because:
    a) they and others do not know how to manage CCTV systems correctly.
    b) CCTV quality needs to be improved, as shoplifters caught on camera often cant be recognised through poor picture quality.
  2. HOWEVER - CCTV has been a critical investigation tool for detaining suicide bombers etc.
42
Q

OVERT MECHANISMS TO TRACK AND CONTROL THE POPULATION.

A
  1. MECHANISMS - used to track and control the general population such as:

a) electronic monitoring
b) CCTV
C) DNA profiling

are OVERT in that we know about them (COLEMAN, 2019).

  1. BUT - what is not overt is the full extent of the information collated and used is not widely known.
  2. There is a lack of legislative controls on mass surveillance.
  3. There is information collected on us relating to:

a) work
b) home life
c) consumer and leisure behaviour
d) social and financial status.

  1. In terms of FUNCTION CREEP/EXPANDABLE MUTABILITY - FOUCAULT (1997) argues that ‘PANOPTIC PRINCIPLES’ applied in Bentham’s 18th century prisons have since been applied to:

A) SCHOOLS
B) WORK PLACES
C) THE FAMILY.

43
Q

HUMAN RIGHTS CONCERNS FOR SURVEILLANCE

A
  1. There are HUMAN RIGHTS concerns for surveillance
  2. For instance:
    a) Whose security is being protected?
    b) What is the impact of mass surveillance on social harm?
    c) Is it acceptable for a reduction in harm to one group at the expense of another, i.e:

loss of privacy
being sorted into stigmatised categories.