CHAPTER 4: 'RISK PREDICTION, ASSESSMENT, AND MANAGEMENT' BLOCK 2, BOOK 2

Question 1

ACTUARIALISM

Answer 1

1. ACTUARIALISM: The classification of populations according to their assumed level of risk of future offending/reoffending.

Question 2

CRIME SCIENCE

Answer 2

1. CRIME SCIENCE: A school of criminology emerging in 2001 concerned with the application of scientific principles - particularly those relevant to forensic science, crime mapping, psychology and computer science - to aid in the detection and prevention of crime and disorder.

Question 3

EARLY INTERVENTION

Answer 3

1. EARLY INTERVENTION: A core policy implication of the belief that crime can be anticipated in advance. For example, the belief that certain children should be targeted for crime prevention initiatives before an offence has taken place.

Question 4

EVIDENCE-BASED POLICY

Answer 4

1. EVIDENCE-BASED POLICY: Borrowed from medicine, this approach prioritises the pragmatic formulating of policy and practice on the basis of scientifically robust research.

Question 5

MODERNITY

Answer 5

1. MODERNITY: A period from industrialisation to the 1970s in which it was assumed that social problems could be addressed through positivist science and rationality.

Question 6

CONCEPT OF ‘RISK’

REFERENCES TO RISK are found in relation to:

1. personal and global health
2. pollution and environment
3. industrial and workplace hazards/safety
4. financial/economic matters
5. policing, crime, crime policy, victims, and prisoners.

Answer 6

1. RISK: In criminology, risk refers to the probability of harm, the role of its calculation or assessment in making decisions about whether to perform criminal actions, and its role in criminal justice decision making.
2. Risk is a concern of western societies in relation to social life on international, local, and individual levels.
3. Risk is not only associated with danger, harms, and negative outcomes, it is also a feature of thrill seeking, adrenaline sports, life satisfaction, and stock market success.
4. Risk is used in social, financial, and political contexts to refer to the prediction of potential harm and hazards.
5. Risk is an emotive concept that prompts discourse and debate.
6. The meaning of risk - has technical and personal, and positive and negative connotations.
7. Risk is a central concept for criminology (Brown and Pratt, 2000).

Question 7

RISK SOCIETY

Answer 7

1. RISK SOCIETY: The proposition that in the late twentieth century the certainties of industrialism and science have collapsed and been replaced by a series of local, global and individualised conditions of risk.
2. RISK SOCIETY - is best described as a pessimistic awareness of the dangers inherent in our social world.

For instance:

we tend to think of the risks and negatives rather than the positives. It is better to be safe than sorry attitude.

3. For DEAN (1999) - ‘Risk society’ as a concept is driven by a renewed search for order and stability through science, i.e

hypotheses, measure, identify, and predict probabilities

Question 8

‘WHAT WORKS’

Answer 8

1. ‘WHAT WORKS’ -this refers to ‘what works’, ‘what fails’, and ‘what may be worth pursuing’ in the practice of crime prevention, interventions, and programmes etc - This is explained in review by (SHERMAN RT AL., 1997) RESEARCH.- p.124.
    

Question 9

PREVALENCE OF RISK

Answer 9

1. Discourse of risk permeates global concerns for security and safety
2. Fears of risk are all-pervasive, such as:

a) nuclear radiation
b) terrorist attacks
c) global warming
d) natural disasters
e) organised crime
f) pollution

3. In a globalised world - there is a new perception that risks have taken on more threatening connotations, such as:

a) terrorism
b) global warming
c) economic insecurity

and are seen as out of control, and out of the governments control.

4. There is a suggestion of a collapse in traditional orderings, self-control, social cohesion, and a potential threat of imminent danger.

Question 10

THE’ LATE MODERN RISK SOCIETY’ THESIS (BECK, 1992).

Beck argues that - ‘RISK SOCIETY’ is characterised by local and global ambiguity, insecurity, pessimism, fear of danger

and this has led to a ‘RISK-ASSESSMENT’ APPROACH to crime and justice.

Answer 10

1. For (BECK and GIDDENS) - the changing life of social life is symptomatic of a global transition from one form of society to another.
2. By this - there has been a transition from the ‘OLD CERTAINTIES’ of class structures of industrial capitalism

to

diffuse boundaries and ‘UNCERTAINTIES’ of a ‘RISK SOCIETY.’

3. For (BECK and GIDDENS) - there has been a transition from the ‘SURETIES’ of MODERNITY that were characteristic of the late 19th and early 20th century

to ‘UNCERTAINTIES’ of a ‘LATE-MODERN’ present.

4. The ‘Late modern risk society’ - shifts the concept of risk from its neutral connections with insurance, and its positive connections with entrepreneurial risk taking

towards

a negative suggestion of all-pervasive danger.

5. To calculate risk nowadays - is to estimate future dangers and act accordingly
6. Risk can be applied to any behaviour or event in any global context.

Question 11

HIGH MODERNITY

Answer 11

1. HIGH MODERNITY - is characterised by scepticism about ‘PROVIDENTIAL/OPPORTUNE REASON’

coupled with

the recognition that science and technology are a double-edged sword, creating new perimeters of risk and danger, but also offering benefits and possibilities to human kind (GIDDENS, 1991).

2. BECK (2003) - argued that a ‘RISK SOCIETY’ holds implications for every individual, and there is a struggle for a new relationship between the individual and society.
3. By this - BECK (2003) argues that state, class, ethnicity, and traditional family is in decline, and people are now the creators of an ‘individual identity’.
4. IN MODERN-AGE (MODERNITY - late 19th, early 20th century) - risk was seen as something that could be predicted, measured, and calculated.
5. In LATE MODERNITY (now) - risk is seen as the same, but risk is accompanied by increasing uncertainty and contingency (KEMSHALL, 2003).
6. BECK (1992) - ‘RISK SOCIETY’ - is characterised by local and global ambiguity and fearfulness. This brought on by manufactured risks (Human-produced) and inability to contain them.
7. MANUFACTURED RISKS (Human-produced) include:
   a) global warming
   b) environmental pollution
   c) nuclear disasters (such as CHERNOBYL) emanating from western countries, but have adverse implications globally.
8. Natural hazards are different - they are not as globally threatening - they can be constrained by time and structural factors (MYTHEN, 2007).

Question 12

RISK SOCIETY - and MEASURING and MANAGING RISKS

Answer 12

1. A ‘RISK SOCIETY’ - is also defined by its efforts to mange risk (O’MALLEY, 1998).
2. The managing of risk involves the joined-up modernisation of various state agencies to pursue grater stability and predictability in human social life.
3. RISK AWARENESS QUOTIENT (RAQ) - is a measurement tool used to measure level of risk.
4. RISK SOCIETY is a society of paradox - it can be a euphemism of pessimism, mistrust, and danger in the world/society

or

it can also be a society in which calculating and managing risk becomes a preoccupation.

5. For instance - scientific knowledge and technical development holds a promise to make the ‘unknowable’ future knowable again.
6. FOR GIDDENS (1994) - The idea of risk need not be negative, but also opens new opportunities and a rethinking of political agendas.

Question 13

RISK, JUSTICE, AND CRIME CONTROL.

Answer 13

1. In criminology - discourse of risk is a significant part of policy and academic inquiry.
2. Discourse of risk is found in aspects of: (KEMSHALL, 2003).

a) offender profiling
b) offender management programmes
c) crime prevention
d) crime avoidance
e) community safety strategies
f) pre-sentencing reports
g) prison parole

3. Offenders/potential offenders, and victims and potential victims - are all classified and ranked as either low or high risk.
4. FOR RIGAKOS (1999) - Risk-prevention strategies self-generate, as with each response to a ‘risk factor’, a new risk is created by the technology, practice, and policy designed to inhibit the risk.
5. (ERICSON and HAGGERTY (1997) - argue that risk discourse cultivates ‘insecurities’ and suggest risk-based ‘EXPERT’ knowledge is the only solution.
6. By this - New technological and behavioural strategies are seen as the main route to a greater public security.
7. Parents, teachers, politicians, social workers are risk aware, risk averse, and make decisions on the basis of the possibility of future dangers and risk.
8. However - this way of thinking is just as likely to engender mistrust and suspicion, as it is to ensure future security.

Question 14

TRAJECTORY OF HOW CRIME WAS VIEWED and risk strategies encouraged by the government.

Answer 14

1. The import of risk discourse and risk assessment strategies into CJS is reflected in a myriad of ways
2. In terms of the trajectory of how crime was viewed:

Due to rising crime rates and reevaluations of welfare state, the modernist agenda of the 70’s was seen to have failed in terms of offender rehabilitation and social work.

3. Policy makers began to accept crime was normal, could not be eradicated. And the best that could be hoped for is that crime could be managed by identifying and targeting those most at risk of offending and re-offending
4. This new mentality of ‘damage limitation’ to crime was seen as a risk to be ‘calculated’ by us all, whether offender or victim.
5. As a result - the state began to govern more at a distance, and crime management was no longer seen as the preserve of the governments.
6. By this - families, communities, businesses, were all identified as having a role to play in crime prevention and self-governance, public participation, and ‘responsibilisation’ were all encouraged.
7. This shift also included western societies such as the US and UK, involving ‘risk strategies such as:
   a) crime reduction partnerships
   b) inter-agency cooperation
   c) active citizenship
   d) self-governance.

Question 15

‘EXPERT-LED TECHNOLOGIES OF RISK’ - to minimise risk and reduce costs around the offender.

RISK MANAGEMENT:

These technologies include:

a) RISK PROFILING
b) RISK (ACTUARIAL) ASSESSMENTS

Answer 15

1. In contrast - other risk strategies are expert-led/scientifically-led to minimise ‘risks’ and to reduce costs around the offender
2. RISK PROFILING:
   a) can identify likely offenders and where crime is most likely to occur
   b) particular places can be effectively surveillanced, managed, policed.
   c) potential victims can know which people and places to avoid.
3. RISK (ACTUARIAL) ASSESSMENT:
   a) based on calculations of future probabilities - this can be applied to known offenders to determine their level of risk of offending
   b) RISK (ACTUARIAL) ASSESSMENTS - assign a ‘reconviction score’ to an offender, and then the most appropriate intervention can be applied.
4. ALL INTERVENTIONS - require monitoring and evaluation so that governments know ‘what works’ so they can allocate resources appropriately.
5. This requires managerial tools to:

a) set performance targets
b) put structures of accountability in place
c) measure success through Criminal Justice audits

By this - policy is then evidence-led, rational, and non-ideological.

6. RISK MANAGEMENT - measure, assess, evaluate, and manage.

Question 16

ACTUARIAL JUSTICE:

The use of ‘AGGREGATE DATA’ and ‘INFORMED CALCULATIONS’ to determine the future probabilities/likelihood of offending/re-offending.

This challenges CORRECTIONS and REHABILITATION METHODS.

Answer 16

1. The emergence of terms ‘risk management’ and ‘prevention’ in Criminal Justice reflects the importance of a new penology termed ‘ACTUARIAL JUSTICE’.
2. This shift took place in the USA in the 1980’s in response to demands for more ‘ACCOUNTABILITY’ and ‘RATIONALITY’ in correctional policy.
3. SIMON (1988) - identified that ‘ACTUARIAL ASSESSMENTS’ of RISK were making a radical impact on public and political mentalities.
4. The ‘OLD’ DISCIPLINARY SOCIETY - of correcting and punishing individuals (REHABILITATION) appeared to be challenged by a ‘NEW RISK SOCIETY’ in which the primary aim was to identify ‘risky’ populations on the basis of ‘AGGREGATE DATA’ and ‘INFORMED CALCULATIONS’ of future probabilities.
5. The IDEOLOGICAL POWER of ‘ACTUARIAL RISK SOCIETY’ - resides in its ‘depoliticisation’ of social problems (SIMON, 1992).
6. FEELEY and SIMON (1992) - argue that REHABILITATIVE RATIONALES of criminal justice have been challenged by an ‘ACTUARIALIST’ LANGUAGE of ‘calculating risk’ and ‘estimating’ the probability/likelihood of offending.
7. Appropriate interventions are then modelled on ‘PSYCHOLOGICAL PROFILING’ and estimates of current and future risks, NOT ‘rehabilitative’ need.
8. Through use of aggregate data - criminal justice becomes concerned with targeting and managing specific pre-criminal categories of people.
9. MANAGEMENT of these groups is through:
   a) Risk assessment technologies
   b) Prediction Tables
10. FEELEY and SIMON’S thesis does not deny the continuance of of TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINARY forms of INTERVENTION, i.e prison

but says it has changed from CORRECTION to CONTAINMENT and INCAPACITATION.

Question 17

IMPACT OF ‘ACTUARIALISM’

Answer 17

1. FEELEY and SIMON - acknowledge that the impact of ACTUARIALISM is far from HEGEMONIC.

2, But - are convinced of its potential to overturn traditional criminal justice objectives such as REHABILITATION and DETERRENCE.

3. O’MALLEY (1992) - argues ACTUARIALISM has ling held a place in PENAL and SOCIAL POLICY.
4. Both PRUDENTIALISM (precautionary risk management) and PUNITIVISM emphasis that the individual should take full responsibility for their actions
5. PENAL INCAPACITATION and RISK MANAGEMENT can be viewed as integral and mutually supportive strategies that are consistent with NEO-LIBERALISM.
6. O’MALLEY - notes a series of ‘RISK REDUCTION- BASED STRATEGIES’ whereby the burden of managing risk is held by the individuals themselves (RESPONSIBILISATION).
7. In other words - CRIME PREVENTION becomes the responsibility of private individuals who through ‘self-interest’ and ‘liberation’ from an over-protective state will be able to take active steps to insure themselves against property loss, personal harm, and damage.
8. Investment in SECURITY MEASURES becomes the essential element of a new ‘RISK-AVERSE CITIZENSHIP’

Question 18

‘RISK PREDICTION’ AND ‘RISK PROFILING’

The CAMBRIDGE STUDY OF DELINQUENT DEVELOPMENT (1961) (FARRINGTON).

This is an example of a LONGITUDINAL STUDY.

Answer 18

1. The CAMBRIDGE STUDY OF DELINQUENT DEVELOPMENT (1961) was used to identify and measure RISK FACTORS that will propel people int a life of crime.
2. This involved:
   a) 411 working class boys aged 8 selected from 6 schools in London. Girls not included
   b) 12 of the sample were from ethnic backgrounds
   c) They were contacted 9 times over 40 years to examine which of them had developed a delinquent lifestyle and to identify common characteristics of those that continued a life of crime into adulthood (LIFE-PERSISTENT OFFENDERS).
3. FINDINGS:
   a) one fifth - had been convicted of criminal offences as juveniles.
   b) one third - had been convicted by hr time that they had reached 32 years old.
   c) but - half of the total convictions were by 23 young men, who made up less than six per cent of the sample.
4. CHRONIC OFFENDERS - showed childhood characteristics of:

a) impulsivity
b) low intelligence
c) convicted parents
d) family breakdown

5. Based on the data of the CAMBRIDGE STUDY - individual, family, and environmental predictors (risk factors/profiles) of future criminality were identified.
6. This was whittled down to 39 ‘INDIVIDUAL POTENTIAL FACTORS’ of which the most prevalent were:

a) low intelligence
b) impulsiveness
c) personality

7. STRONGEST FAMILY FACTORS included:

a) criminality as parents
b) poor parental supervision
c) disrupted families

8. most prevalent ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS were:

a) peer association
b) areas of deprivation
c) schools with high delinquency rates

9. On this basis - it is contended that ‘future chronic offenders’ could have been predicted with reasonable accuracy at the age of 10 years old (FARRINGTON).

Question 19

LONGITUDINAL SURVEYS.

Are research tools to examine links between risk factors and offending

Answer 19

1. LONGITUDINAL SURVEYS - are the research tools to examine links between risk factors and offending.
2. They usually involve large samples of children and Young people with repeated interviews over significant periods of time (more than 5 years).
3. Over 30 LONGITUDINAL STUDIES have been carried out over the past 60 years in cities in the USA, i.e CHICAGO, NEW YORK, PITTSBURGH.
4. And in countries such as NEW ZEALAND, AUSTRALIA, and SCANDINAVIA.
5. These confirm that a cluster of individual , family, and community circumstances are associated with assessments of ASB and criminal behaviour as recorded in self-report and official criminal statistics.

Question 20

The ‘RISK FACTOR PREVENTION PARADIGM’ (RFPP). - (FARRINGTON).

Answer 20

1. FARRINGTON (2000) - claimed that the ‘existence’ of ‘global knowledge’ around an individuals likelihood of future criminality has produced a RISK FACTOR PREVENTION PARADIGM (RFPP) that can be applied both locally and globally.
2. In policy terms - this identification of the most prevalent risks has come to be crucial in the formulation of ‘EARLY INTERVENTION STRATEGIES’ to prevent the onset of criminal careers.
3. With regards to the RISK FACTOR PREVENTION PARADIGM:

a) risk factors and interventions are based on empirical research rather than theories
b) it is easy to understand
c) it is readily accepted by policymakers.

4. THE ‘RISK FACTOR PREVENTION PARADIGM’ reveals:

a) correlations
b) links
c) but does not establish causes.

5. Further research has established that it is the relation between individual and family factors

coupled with

situational contexts which allow us to identify the complex parameters of risk, i.e a UK study (2000) of 14-15 year old children in Peterborough.

Question 21

NEGATIVES OF THE ‘RISK FACTOR PREVENTION PARADIGM’ (RFPP).

Answer 21

1. Research by WEBSTER (2006) into young people growing up in poor neighbourhoods in the NORTH EAST of ENGLAND concluded that RISK ASSESSMENTS may not always be reliable.
2. Because - over 50 % of the children assessed in this study would have been considered high risk by the CAMBRIDGE STUDY, despite having no history of offending or interaction with the criminal justice system.
3. Commentaries on RFPP revealed that links between RISK FACTORS and CRIMINAL PATHWAYS are complex and problematic.
4. The RFPP - tells us more about what factors are linked to known offending, but not how and why these factors might be linked.
5. The RFPP - misses data about qualitative perceptions of risk that could be acquired from juvenile justice practitioners and young people themselves.
6. The RFPP - can produce false positives by applying generalised probabilities to individuals.
7. The RFPP -has also never been seriously applied to understanding crimes of the ‘powerful’ and ‘sate’ crime, but tends to reaffirm failings of working class male youth in industrialised western societies.

Question 22

EARLY INTERVENTIONS

Answer 22

1. Measures of RISK PREDICTION have become the foundation for RISK ASSESSMENT and IDENTIFYING how the likelihood of offending may be reduced.
2. EARLY INTERVENTIONS - are the most helpful methods of tackling crime and ASB according to FARRINGTON et al.
3. This is influenced by FARRINGTON’S STUDY of the PERRY pre-school programme in Michigan of 60 three to five year old children.

Their development was compared to a control group.

FINDINGS - By age 40 - the programme group had achieved higher levels of schooling, employment, annual incomes than the control group.

4. It is argued that the overall approach to EARLY INTERVENTIONS is evidence-led, on a proven capacity to reveal ‘WHAT WORKS’ through scientific research, unlike REHABILITATION, RESTORATION and WELFARE etc.

Question 23

EVIDENCE-LED POLICY and ‘WHAT WORKS’ industry.

Answer 23

1. OFFENDER PROFILING and RISK ASSESSMENT have also been turned to in order to overcome a ‘NOTHING WORKS’ pessimism of criminal justice and probation.
2. The case has been made that some forms of intervention can be successful in reducing some re-offending, for some offenders, some times.
3. The REASONING and REHABILITATION PROJECT was designed to retrain high-risk adult probationers via a cognitive skills training programme.

FINDINGS - RECIDIVISM was reduced by 50% for those on the programme compared to those on the regular probation

As a result - it is claimed that some REHABILITATION PROGRAMMES can work when properly resourced.

4. This new REHABILITATIVE APPROACH claims that highly structured programmes that make offenders address their behaviour are capable of success.
5. This has facilitated rapid development of highly INTERVENTIONIST APPROACHES to, prevent crime through ‘nipping it in the bud’ or reducing crime further by encouraging INDIVIDUAL RESPONSIBILITY.
6. Much contemporary theory and practice in CRIME PREVENTION, DESISITANCE, and RECIDIVISM, combine techniques of risk calculation, evaluation, and rehabilitation to change people.

Question 24

SHERMAN REPORT (1997) on ‘WHAT WORKS’ and ‘WHAT FAILS’ in the practice of crime prevention.

NOTE - This is a review of 500 EVALUATIONS of crime prevention practices.

Answer 24

1. The SHERMAN REPORT argued that:

a) some rehabilitation programmes
b) early interventions
c) prison-based therapeutic community programmes
d) ‘incapacitation’ of high-risk offenders

all ‘work’ to reduce crime in the community.

and:

a) ‘scared straight’ programmes (involving prison visits)
b) correctional boot camps
c) juvenile wilderness programmes
d) unstructured counselling

do ‘not’ work.

This review is universally accepted as being ‘incontestable’ policy-relevant knowledge.

2. However - the adoption of this evidence is mixed, as boot camps in the USA are still a core component of the correctional system in the USA.
3. However - others argue that a universal ‘WHAT WORKS PARADIGM’ is unrealistic, as it is better to ask a question of what works for whom, and in what contexts/circumstances.

Question 25

THE APPLICATION OF SCIENCE - ‘CRIME SCIENCE’

LAYCOCK (2005) - KEY TECHNOLOGIES OF CRIME enable objective assessments of crime and criminality to be made by experts untainted by political or ideological concerns.

Answer 25

1. A key component of ‘RISK MANAGEMENT’ is its claim to scientific inquiry through its insistence on evidence-led practice.
2. CRIME SCIENCE - is influenced by the notion that an offender is a RATIONAL ACTOR and offending is related to OPPORTUNITIES and SITUATIONAL contingencies.
3. By this - science and technology is used to change opportunities rather than people.
4. CRIME SCIENCE - is a key part of a technical ‘WHAT WORKS NETWORK’ which includes the NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF JUSTICE in the USA.
5. An INTERNATIONAL ‘CRIME SCIENCE NETWORK’ was established in 2004, and has members from the USA, UK, and AUSTRALIA etc.
6. According to LAYCOCK (2005) - Crime science maintains informed by technologies such as:

a) forensic science
b) computer science
c) crime mapping
d) DNA identification
e) Genetic and psychological risk identification
f) Offender profiling.

7. All the technologies enable objective assessments of crime and criminality to be made by experts who are untainted by political or ideological concerns.
8. However - evaluations of ‘WHAT WORKS’ in CRIME IDENTIFICATION and CRIME PREVENTION can never be a pure science.

Question 26

RISK SCREENING

Answer 26

1. RISK SCREENING - was a proposed ‘early intervention’ approach.
2. It was a new technology ‘early intervention approach’ to assess the risk every child in Britain for offending and criminality.
3. It was introduced by Tony Blair - New Labour.
4. However - the idea of ‘RISK SCREENING’ is not scientifically legitimate and is ethically questionable.
5. McCONVILLE (2003) - says there is no reliable test - and RISK SCREENING would be used as intervention because of the existence of characteristics associated with offending, rather than on evidence of actual ‘wrongdoing’.
6. Identifying people who are at risk of committing crime is not the same as proving intent or causation.
7. Policies that seek EARLY INTERVENTION of criminal suspects through ‘RISK ANALYSIS’ are argued to just be a better means of LABELLING people, than an accurate predictor of future criminal behaviour (BECKER, 1963).

Question 27

INTERROGATING RISK

Answer 27

1. The concept of RISK has permeated many aspects of different societies worldwide.
2. Risk society captures some aspects of LATE MODERN western social life.
3. But - there are limitations to its universality such as
   a) natural and manufactured risks are inseparable in the way that they affect us.
   b) Risk is not experienced universally in the same way, as there are higher levels of risk for those living in poor/impoverished conditions
   c) Cultural understandings of risk are not ‘generalisable’.
   d) there is no convincing evidence of an all-embracing ‘WORLD RISK SOCIETY’

Question 28

RIGHTS, RISK AND DISCRIMINATION

Answer 28

1. A political shift has occurred that move away from attempts to understand the causes of crime: towards viewing crime as another risk to be accurately measures and managed (GARLAND, 2000).
2. Transforming the problem of crime into subsets of threats to personal, local, or natural security (each with its own strategy for managing risk, there is less of a burden for governments to solve the ‘crime problem’.
3. GOVERNMENTS - play a central role in selecting which risks we should concern ourselves with, including categories of people, which places, situations, that bare most threatening.
4. By this - only certain harms and dangers such as street crime, ASB, and terrorism are highlighted, and others such as environmental harm and political violence are de-emphasised.
5. The shift to a focus on risk in crime policy also includes a moral shift towards a ‘BLAME CULTURE’.
6. A KEY TREND in risk-based approach to crime control includes RATIONAL APPROACH to understanding crime causation and crime control that results in BLAMISM’ of those that do not exercise the correct choice and accept responsibility (KEMSHALL, 2003).

Question 29

TWO-TIERED RISK SYSTEM (HUDSON, 2003).

Answer 29

There is a 2 tiered ‘risk system:’ (HUDSON, 2003).

1. A RISK SYSTEM OF AFFLUENCE - that is non-blaming and has the pretence of equal rights.

This relates to car insurance, occupational health and safety, and financial investment etc.

2. A RISK SYSTEM OF POVERTY - This system is punitive, stigmatising, and discriminatory. The poor are seen as ‘risk posers’ who draw upon welfare systems rather than contribute to society.

Her the poor are viewed as a ‘RISKY POPULATION’ who need to be controlled and managed.

Question 30

HYBRID STRATEGIES OF CRIME CONTROL

Answer 30

1. RISK SOCIETY - heralds a series of ‘HYBRIDS’ in crime control in which realities of:

a) crime prevention
b) community safety
c) risk prediction
d) responsibilisation
e) punitiveness

all mutually coexist.

For instance - ‘Punitive sovereignty’ and ‘community safety’ approaches.

2. The rise of risk marks an important shift in criminal justice thinking and practice
3. The emergence of risk management and crime prevention in criminal justice reflects a new approach to crime control that places greater emphasis on ‘INDIVIDUAL RESPONSIBILITY’ on offending and crime prevention.
4. TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINARY FORMS OF INTERVENTION - such as prison continue to persist, but their purpose is more focused on containment, risk classification, and management, than on meeting offender needs.
5. Offender profiling, risk classification, and technologies of risk have been turned to to overcome ‘NOTHING WORKS’ pessimism that emerged in the 1970’s.
6. BUT - HYBRID RISK-BASED STRATEGIES of crime control reflect ‘inclusionary’ and ‘exclusionary’ mechanisms of social control, and reinforce and recreate social inequalities.