Black Radicalism and the decline of nonviolence Flashcards

1
Q

Ideology of Black Nationalism

A
  • Blacks should isolate themselves from whites and live separately
  • We didn’t land on Plymouth Rock, Plymouth Rock landed on us. - Malcolm X
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2
Q

Nation of Islam
- did it pose a threat to civil rights?

HISTORIOGRAPHY

BLACK POWER: RADICAL POLITICS AND AFRICAN AMERICAN IDENTITY, JEFFREY OG OGBAR

A
  • Founded by Elijah Muhammed
  • Belief that Christianity was a ruse to cause blacks to associate and revere those who exploited them
  • More in public eye after conversion of Cassius Clay (Muhammed Ali)

Methods
- Despite ideologies, initially abstained from politics and other civil rights groups, and had ‘no larger strategy for change’.
BLACK POWER: RADICAL POLITICS AND AFRICAN AMERICAN IDENTITY, JEFFREY OG OGBAR
-

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3
Q

Malcolm X

A
  • Spokesman for Nation of Islam
  • Strongly opposed MLK’s non-violent tactics
  • Founded Organisation for African American Unity (OAAU) in Harlem, in 1964
  • Assassinated in Feb 1965, so OAAU ‘never really got off the ground’ but he increased the awareness of the global context of the black American movement
  • Membership of NOI grew from 100 000 to 300 000 1952-64
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4
Q

Malcolm X on the futility of ‘liberal’ (nonviolent) tactics

A
  • ‘The job of the Civil Rights leader is to make the Negro forget that the wolf and the fox belong to the [same] family. Both are canines; and no matter which one of them the Negro paces his trust in, he never ends up in the Whitehouse but always in the doghouse.’
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5
Q

Watts Rioting, August 11th

A

CONTEXT

  • Five days after passing of Voting Rights Act
  • Rioting in Black Neighbourhood in Watts County, Los Angeles
  • Area of high unemployment and low living standards, drug abuse, crime, poor schools

RIOT
Highway patrol arrest of black man sparks speculation of police violence –> rioting

  • Five days later, with National Guard called to quell riots, violence ends
  • 34 dead, 1000 injured, 4000 in jail
  • $40 million property damage

IMPLICATIONS

  • LBJ and MLK condemn rioting, but young black community do not
  • ‘these fucking cops have been pushing me ‘round all my life…it’s his law and order, it ain’t mine.’

–> Transition from non-violence to more radical tactics? Suggests MLK out of touch with young, inner-city blacks?

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6
Q

What changed after the ‘Freedom Summer’ of 1964? Why were black radicals disillusioned?

A
  • Heavy white presence in rallies and demonstrations at the end led some radicals, notably Stokely Carmichael, to question why they hadn’t received so much attention when the demonstrators were all black.
    • was this, in the words of I+K, a concession to racism?
  • Felt that voting rights and desegregation didn’t deliver true equality
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7
Q

What did SNCC’s Charles Sherrod have to say about the progress of Civil Rights by 1964?

A

‘We want more than “token” positions, we want power for our people’

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8
Q

How did Malcolm X influence the SNCC, including a quote as evidence

A
  • ‘Malcolm’s militancy, including advocacy of armed self-defence, and his pan-Africanism…greatly appealed to the SNCC’s young black activists.
  • John Lewis, SNCC moderate: ‘more than any other single personality [he was] able to articulate the aspirations, bitterness, and frustrations of the Negro People.’
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9
Q

Election of Stokely Carmichael, and the change of tone in the SNCC’s campaigning

A
  • Defeated John Lewis, non-violent SNCC moderate, in the Spring of 1966
  • Carmichael withdraws SNCC from White House planning sessions for civil rights conference
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10
Q

Shooting of James Meredith, and response from SNCC/Stokely Carmichael, June 1966

A
  • James Meredith stages ‘March Against Fear’, solo 200 mile march from Memphis, Tennessee, to Jackson, Mississippi, starting June 6th 1966
  • Shot on June 8th by white gunman
  • March continued, and there are shouts of ‘Black Power’
  • Stokely Carmichael holds rally at Greenwood: ‘What are we gonna start saying now is Black Power.’
  • Compare to MLK’s Rhetoric in March 1964 at Montgomery rally
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11
Q

The ambivalence of Black Power

A

To whites

  • declaration of race war
  • challenge to ‘white power’ and white supremacy

To blacks

  • to some, race pride
  • to others, a means of social cohesion
  • To some, Black Power was interpreted as an explicit call for Black capitalism. The first major Black Power conference, held in Newark, N.J., in 1967, was organized by a Republican businessman named Nathan Wright Jr. with the message that African Americans needed to organize for their “fair share of the pie.”
  • —- > Nixon liked this idea.
  • For Carmichael, was, at points, struggle against ‘white Western imperialist society’
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12
Q

PRIMARY SOURCE: Nixon on Black Power

A

President Richard Nixon himself could sympathize with this definition of Black Power. He declared in a 1968 speech that “[w]hat most of the militants are asking is not separation, but to be included in–not as supplicants, but as owners, as entrepreneurs–to have a share of the wealth and a piece of the action.” Federal government programs, Nixon said, should “be oriented toward more Black ownership, for from this can flow the rest–Black pride, Black jobs, Black opportunity and, yes, Black Power.”

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13
Q

Was the rise of Black Power a response to the failure of the Civil Rights movement?

A
  • Racism still widespread, and not just isolated to issues such as voting/segregation but more ingrained in national identity
  • nonviolence hadn’t achieved true equality
  • popularity of black power slogan/new SNCC identity

However

  • polls showed that integration still favoured by majority of Americans in mid-60s
  • civil rights movement didn’t fail. It had very specific aims that were met
  • difficult to define what black power was/meant §
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14
Q

The Moynihan Report or ‘The Negro Family: The Case for National Action

A

Released March 1965

- despite emergence of strong black middle-class, many African American families were critically unstable

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15
Q

PRIMARY SOURCE:

President Lyndon B. Johnson’s

Commencement Address at Howard University: “To Fulfill These Rights”

June 4, 1965

*****Did LBJ identify with the Black Power Movement?

A

This is the next and the more profound stage of the battle for civil rights. We seek not just freedom but opportunity. We seek not just legal equity but human ability, not just equality as a right and a theory but equality as a fact and equality as a result.

For the task is to give 20 million Negroes the same chance as every other American to learn and grow, to work and share in society, to develop their abilities–physical, mental and spiritual, and to pursue their individual happiness.

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16
Q

Riots in America in 1966 and 1967 - overview

A

1966

  • 11 major riots
  • 32 minor riots

1967

  • 25 major riots
  • 30 minor riots
  • 43 died in the riots of July 1967

During the five years, after Watt , there were over five
hundred major violent uprisings by African Americans.

Newark and Detroit in 1967, where nearly eighty people died in total

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17
Q

Statistical evidence of changing public opinion on Civil Rights

A
  • 1964, 68% of northern whites supported civil rights legislation
  • 1966, 52% of same cohort believed LBJ was pushing too fast for civil rights legislation
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18
Q

MLK’s SCLC urban campaign in Chicago, 1966 as evidence of ailing civil rights movement

Cite evidence?

A
  • aimed to open up housing to all blacks

Results

  • many northern whites mock the SCLC marchers in Chicago
  • many feared mass black migration
  • EVIDENCE: Michigan women to congressman: ‘These white people [in Chicago] wish to be left alone and should not be allowed to live with their own kind of people, or is the white not supposed to have any freedom?’
  • no open housing bill proposed
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19
Q

MLK’s support for black sanitation workers striking in Memphis, 1968

A
  • Linked ‘racial and economic injustice’

- March 28th, march that MLK leads turns violent

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20
Q

Rev James Lawson vs Memphis militants, 1968

Evidence of a…?

A
  • Lawson, founding member of SNCC, condemned militants
  • Militants accused Lawson of being out of touch
  • -> evidence of generational divide
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21
Q

Assassination of MLK

A
  • April 4th 1968
  • By escaped white convict James Earl Ray
  • 120 cities riot, inc. major ones like San Fransisco, Washington, D. C.
  • ‘now that they’ve taken Dr. King off, it’s time to end this non-violence bullshit.’ - Stokely Carmichael
  • End of nonviolence?
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22
Q

1968 Civil Rights Act or ‘fair housing act’

A
  • Makes it illegal to refuse housing to someone in a protected class
  • Targeted de facto inequality, but MLK’s ‘dream’ had not been fulfilled
23
Q

Problems with the ‘declension’ narrative?

A
  • Black power not well defined
  • Longer history of armed self-defence

EVIDENCE
- Case of Robert F. Williams:
- June 1, 1946, Bennie Montgomery kills white man, executed, Klan come to funeral home for body, 40 blacks with guns drive them away (no shots fired)
- . “That was one of the first incidents,” Williams recalled, “that really started
us to understanding that we had to resist, and that resistance could be effective
if we resisted in groups, and if we resisted with guns.” 18

BLACK POWER: RADICAL POLITICS AND AFRICAN AMERICAN IDENTITY, JEFFREY OG OGBAR
- Williams ‘unlike many’ but still significant

24
Q

The Black Panther Party

A

Founded by Huey Percy Newton and Bobby Seale in Oakland, California, 1966

10 point plan issued May 1967 covered issues of black power and pride, economic exploitation and welfare

Acted like a watchdog with their ‘police the police’ approach

Military in their organisation and dress

Additional social improvement/empowerment programmes eg ‘Free Food Programme’, Free Breakfast for Children programme (1969) and over 30 others

Membership numbered in 1000s by late 60s, chapters in 48 states

25
Q

An example of black panther militancy

A
  • April 6th 1968, Panthers ambush police in Oakland after death of MLK
  • Shootout –> Panther Bobby Hutton is killed
26
Q

How did the nation of Islam aid the civil rights movement

How did it compromise it?

BLACK POWER: RADICAL POLITICS AND AFRICAN AMERICAN IDENTITY, JEFFREY OG OGBAR

A

BLACK POWER: RADICAL POLITICS AND AFRICAN AMERICAN IDENTITY, JEFFREY OG OGBAR

  • Household name
  • Made people more aware of their oppression, and more likely to move towards organisations like SCLC/NAACP
  • White supremacists wary of retaliations by Nation of Islam so more cautious
Compromise
GROWTH
- Rapid growth in 50s 
- Fundamentally opposing approaches
- High profile instances like murder of Emmet Till hardened attitudes and made people more radical
27
Q

In what ways was the Nation of Islam different from the rest of the black power movement?

BLACK POWER: RADICAL POLITICS AND AFRICAN AMERICAN IDENTITY, JEFFREY OG OGBAR

A

BLACK POWER: RADICAL POLITICS AND AFRICAN AMERICAN IDENTITY, JEFFREY OG OGBAR

  • same basic tenants of ‘blackness and racial pride and an insistence on the economic and political liberation of black people, independent of whites.’
  • but more rigid and explicit about its nationalism
28
Q

How did the NOI’s message differ from MLK’s and other’s ?

BLACK POWER: RADICAL POLITICS AND AFRICAN AMERICAN IDENTITY, JEFFREY OG OGBAR

A
  • NOI believed Christianity duped blacks into subservience and ‘loving’ oppressors

Called a ‘fool’ by Elijah Muhammed and a “clown” by Malcolm X

Roy Wilkins/NAACP rejected ‘hate preaching’ organisations

29
Q

Black self-Defence: The Deacons for Defence

A
  • Armed Civil Rights Group in the 60s

EVIDENCE
- July 65 civil rights march, Henry Austin Shoots attacker in self-defence

30
Q

Armed self defence

HISTORIOGRAPHY

This Nonviolence Stuff’ll get you Killed’ - How Guns Made Civil Rights Possible- Charles E. Cobb, Jr.

A
  • ‘Organising tradition is much older than nonviolent protest, and the one word that is essential for connecting the elements of this tradition is “resistance”

‘long before’ 60s

says nonviolence ‘not passive’ - cf. Carmichael - but an effective challenge

‘Willingness to engage in armed self-defence played an important role in the southern freedom movement

EVIDENCE
‘tougaloo college, regularly protested civil rights: ‘we guarded our campus…and We let it be known’

31
Q

The Black Panther Party aid programmes

HISTORIOGRAPHY

Serving the People: The survival programs of the Black Panther Party - JoNina M. Abron

Three Programmes

A

SUSTENANCE

  • free breakfast for school children in some branches fro 1968
  • ‘how can our children learn anything when most of their stomachs are empty’?
  • Measure of success, attention from FBI COINTELPRO

HEALTH

  • ambulance service
  • free health clinic
  • Bobby Hutton Community Clinic opens in Missouri in 1969
  • ‘at the forefront’ of efforts against sickle cell anemia

EDUCATION

  • Wanted revised curriculum to teach true African American history
  • ‘liberation schools’ and community youth classes
  • First schools open in 1969
32
Q

PRIMARY SOURCE on BLACK DETERMINATION

Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America:

Serving the People: The survival programs of the Black Panther Party - JoNina M. Abron

A

‘black people in America must get themselves together. [Black Power] is about taking care of business’

33
Q

Black Panther Movement: police alert patrols and Legal Aid

Serving the People: The survival programs of the Black Panther Party - JoNina M. Abron

A
  • To combat police brutality in Oakland, California
  • ‘police the police’
  • started in 1966

LEGAL AID
‘The Black Panther’ publication had ‘the pocket lawyer of legal first aid’ and some columns that explained particulars of federal law eg gun law

34
Q

J. M. Abron on the legacy of Black Panther Community Aid Programmes

Serving the People: The survival programs of the Black Panther Party - JoNina M. Abron

A

Serving the People: The survival programs of the Black Panther Party - JoNina M. Abron

  • Increased consciousness of inequality through progressive action
  • Improved community-police relations in some cases
  • Despite efforts ‘quest for “land, bread, housing, education, clothing, justice and peace” remains elusive for far too many Black and poor people in America:
35
Q

Stephen Tuck, Black Power and Grassroots protest

On the decline of the civil rights movement - what does he cite as a turning point

A
  • James Meredith’s March for freedom - SNCC/SCLC dispute over Carmichael’s request of Deacons for Defence Guards/no white marchers
  • Stokely Carmichael says Freedom Now ended with Black Power rally in Greenwood
  • End to nonviolence and MLK’s ‘dream of a colour blind society’

HOWEVER

  • Tuck argues it was a gradual transition
  • Freedom Now and Black Power not entirely different: both aware of economic injustice, both called for self-determination and self respect
36
Q

H. Rap Brown succeeds Stokely Carmichael as chairman of SNCC

Stephen Tuck, Black Power and Grassroots protest

A
  • 1967
  • ‘violence is as American as Cherry Pie’
  • Violence in Cambridge, Maryland: ‘don’t be trying to love the Honkey to death, shoot the Honkey to death’ —> 2 blocks burn down later that night
37
Q

Stephen Tuck, Black Power and Grassroots protest

- Can the media be given responsibility for the rise of black power?

A
  • Media gave more attention to black disobedience than to nonviolence

EVIDENCE
- Protestor: ‘if Stokely Carmichael throws is shoes in the air the TV networks will have 500 words on it before it hits the ground.’

38
Q

What does Tuck say about the relationship between civil rights and black power?

Stephen Tuck, Black Power and Grassroots protest

A

– Freedom Now and Black Power not entirely different: both aware of economic injustice, both called for self-determination and self respect

  • But the supposed clear contrast with a clear and coherent Civil Rights Movement was a myth

-

39
Q

PRIMARY SOURCE: What ideas did Stokely Carmichael articulate in Black Power (1967)

A
  • Rejection of non-violence
  • ‘broad experimenting in accordance with the context of black power’ - at ends with centralised administration of ‘big six’ civil rights leaders
  • ## ‘Before a group can first enter the open society, it must first close its ranks’
40
Q

How successful was Black power at orchestrating change?

Stephen Tuck, Black Power and Grassroots protest

HISTIORIOGRAPHY

A
  • Black Power was often entirely practical when applied to a particular place at a particular moment. Revolutionary trade union movements demanded more black jobs and black representation in decision making. Black Power student groups demanded more black faculty members, better treatment of black staff, and courses on black history

Argues for strength of panthers grassroots organisation

COUNTER

  • Good to be flexible but this didn’t necessarily lead to wide spread and substantial change.
  • Stephen F. Lawson stresses significance of the Big six and their relationship with LBJ - had they been more centralised, without being stifled by bureaucracy, they might have affected more meaningful change?
  • Seems to mix evidence of reassertion of black pride/confidence with success of their domestic initiatives
41
Q

Criticism of Tuck -

R. Good Historiography

Stephen Tuck, Black Power and Grassroots protest

A

Conflates success of initiatives with confidence/black pride

Cites rising NAACP approval ratings, black pride, grass roots adaptability, but neglects to consider whether alliance with a centralised system would’ve further advanced successes

Was race pride, their greatest asset, also a flaw for the black radicalism movement?

42
Q

Other than the decline of the Civil Rights Movement, what other factors can explain
Stephen Tuck, Black Power and Grassroots protest

A
  • Radicalism of the times
  • De jure success achieved, but de facto success required more radical tactics
  • Anti-Vietnam stance appealed to many - ‘hard to overstate’ the significance of BP Anti-War stance
  • High unemployment, high grime, ghettoisation
  • Limits of liberalism
43
Q

PRIMARY SOURCE John Morsell, civil rights figure, on the Similarities between Black Power/Civil Rights

A
  • ‘All of the goals which Mr Carmichael asserts in the phrase black power turn out, on inspection, to be merely restatements of goals pursued by the NAACP since its founding’
44
Q

Examples of African race pride

Stephen Tuck, Black Power and Grassroots protest

A
  • 1966 HOWARD UNIVERSITY beauty pageant queen wears afro haircut
  • 1968 Mexico olympics, Tommie Smith, John Carlos
  • R&B music on the rise in 1965 - James Brown, Say It Loud I’m Black I’m Proud

–> Culture ‘A Battleground of Black Politics’

EVIDENCE

‘Harlem Renaissance’
- Ben Caldwell’s ‘Prayer Meeting’ a satire on non-violence

45
Q

Tuck on the positive effect of rioting

Stephen Tuck, Black Power and Grassroots protest

A
  • rioting about asserting black pride, not changing white views
  • pride in destroying property of ‘enemy’ said some
  • Led to change? Congressman John B. Anderson on significance of 1968 act: to ‘diminish the influence of black racists and preachers of violence’
46
Q

Tuck on the significance of King

A
  • ‘Key coalition builder of the era’
47
Q

Congress of African People (1970)

A
  • significant that attended by moderates (Whitney Young of National Urban League/SCLC)
  • ‘It’s Nation Time’
  • Followed by further conferences
48
Q

Arnesen, Reconsidering the Long Civil Rights Movement, on absolving the blame of the movement for its failure

Cites external factors?

A

the persistence and even worsening of some problems
amid dramatic improvement in other areas may
have more to do with the political and ideological
forces that have continually vexed all social movements
in America that advance a class perspective.

49
Q

J. O. G. Ogbar - Armed self-defence in the SNCC, NAACP and SCLC

A
  • Nation of Islam strongly opposed guns, even knives, but SCLC and members of other moderate groups were armed
50
Q

Why did Newton and Seale found the black panthers?

J. O. G. Ogbar, Radical Politics and African American Identity

How did it survive?

A
  • Newton alleged to have had violent, unpredictable streak
  • Reaction against ‘Armchair Revolutionaries’ they met at Merritt College
  • ‘police brutality was the driving force behind initial party activity’ - unique capacity to ‘police the police’

Survival

  • After Newton sentenced to life for role in shooting in 1967,
  • The efforts of Eldridge and Katheleen Cleaver ‘revitalised the movement’ with ‘Free Huey’ campaign ]
  • New interest after shooting of ML K
51
Q

J. O. G. Ogbar on the decline of the civil rights movement

J. O. G. Ogbar, Radical Politics and African American Identity

Info on leaders

A

LEADERS

  • King and members of UL and NAACP had hoped to prevent divide between nonviolent SCLC and radicals
  • Met with Elijah Muhammed in 1966 to discuss things and no agreements met
  • King DID get more radical in his condemnation of white America
  • Other leaders, like Whitney Young, began to acknowledge the significance of black power to stay relevant

DECLINE

  • Leadership ‘victim of its own success’
  • Dismantling of racist laws allowed people to be pushed to more radical positions
52
Q

Example of pan africanism

J. O. G. Ogbar, Radical Politics and African American Identity

A

African Descendants Nationalist Independence Position Party (AD NIP)

Established United African Peoples Republic Provisional Government

However, ‘no plans for mass exodus’ and wanted land in America

‘never gained considerable attention’

53
Q

Radicalism at Universities

A

Black Student Unions in most universities by 1969