APUSH 3.rest of it Flashcards
“Thus, fellow citizens, have I pointed out what I thought necessary to be amended in our Federal Constitution. I beg you to call to mind our glorious Declaration of Independence, read it, and compare it with the Federal Constitution; what a degree of apostacy will you not then discover. Therefore, guard against all encroachments upon your liberties so dearly purchased with the costly expense of blood and treasure.”
A Georgian, Gazette of the State of Georgia, November 15, 1787
The views expressed in the excerpt contributed most directly to
the addition of the Bill of Rights shortly after the Constitution was adopted
“Thus, fellow citizens, have I pointed out what I thought necessary to be amended in our Federal Constitution. I beg you to call to mind our glorious Declaration of Independence, read it, and compare it with the Federal Constitution; what a degree of apostacy will you not then discover. Therefore, guard against all encroachments upon your liberties so dearly purchased with the costly expense of blood and treasure.”
A Georgian, Gazette of the State of Georgia, November 15, 1787
The opinion expressed in the excerpt would most likely have been held by
an Anti-Federalist
“Thus, fellow citizens, have I pointed out what I thought necessary to be amended in our Federal Constitution. I beg you to call to mind our glorious Declaration of Independence, read it, and compare it with the Federal Constitution; what a degree of apostacy will you not then discover. Therefore, guard against all encroachments upon your liberties so dearly purchased with the costly expense of blood and treasure.”
A Georgian, Gazette of the State of Georgia, November 15, 1787
Which of the following factors contributed most directly to the views expressed in the excerpt?
The fear of excessive centralized authority
The image most directly reflects the belief held by many in 1788 that
a stronger central government was a positive step
Which of the following most directly addressed reservations about the process depicted in the image?
B
The addition of the Bill of Rights to the Constitution
“It was painful for me, on a subject of such national importance, to differ from the respectable members who signed the Constitution; but conceiving, as I did, that the liberties of America were not secured by the system, it was my duty to oppose it.
“My principal objections to the plan are, that there is no adequate provision for a representation of the people; . . . that some of the powers of the legislature are ambiguous . . . ; that the executive is blended with, and will have an undue influence over, the legislature; that the judicial department will be oppressive; . . . and that the system is without the security of a bill of rights. These are objections which are not local, but apply equally to all the states.
“As the Convention was called for the ‘sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation . . . ,’ I did not conceive that these powers extend to the formation of the plan proposed; but the Convention being of a different opinion, I acquiesced [agreed] in it, being fully convinced that, to preserve the Union, an efficient government was indispensably necessary, and that it would be difficult to make proper amendments to the Articles of Confederation.
“The Constitution proposed has few, if any, federal features, but is rather a system of national government. Nevertheless, in many respects, I think it has great merit, and, by proper amendments, may be adapted. . . .
“Others may suppose that the Constitution may be safely adopted, because therein provision is made to amend it. But cannot this object be better attained before a ratification than after it? And should a free people adopt a form of government under conviction that it wants [needs] amendment?”
Elbridge Gerry, letter to the Massachusetts state legislature, 1787
Gerry made which of the following arguments regarding amending the Constitution?
A Bill of Rights should be added before ratification.
“It was painful for me, on a subject of such national importance, to differ from the respectable members who signed the Constitution; but conceiving, as I did, that the liberties of America were not secured by the system, it was my duty to oppose it.
“My principal objections to the plan are, that there is no adequate provision for a representation of the people; . . . that some of the powers of the legislature are ambiguous . . . ; that the executive is blended with, and will have an undue influence over, the legislature; that the judicial department will be oppressive; . . . and that the system is without the security of a bill of rights. These are objections which are not local, but apply equally to all the states.
“As the Convention was called for the ‘sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation . . . ,’ I did not conceive that these powers extend to the formation of the plan proposed; but the Convention being of a different opinion, I acquiesced [agreed] in it, being fully convinced that, to preserve the Union, an efficient government was indispensably necessary, and that it would be difficult to make proper amendments to the Articles of Confederation.
“The Constitution proposed has few, if any, federal features, but is rather a system of national government. Nevertheless, in many respects, I think it has great merit, and, by proper amendments, may be adapted. . . .
“Others may suppose that the Constitution may be safely adopted, because therein provision is made to amend it. But cannot this object be better attained before a ratification than after it? And should a free people adopt a form of government under conviction that it wants [needs] amendment?”
Elbridge Gerry, letter to the Massachusetts state legislature, 1787
Gerry made which of the following arguments in the excerpt about the Articles of Confederation?
The problems of the Articles could not be fixed by the state delegates.
“In the time of the late war, being desirous to defend, secure, and promote the Rights and Liberties of the people, we spared no pains but freely granted all the aid and assistance of every kind that our civil fathers [political leaders] required of us.
“We are sensible also that a great debt is justly brought upon us by the War, and we are as willing to pay our share towards it as we are to enjoy our shares in independency. . . .
“But with the greatest submission we beg leave to inform your Honors that unless something takes place more favorable to the people, in a little time at least one half of our inhabitants in our opinion will become bankrupt. . . . When we compute the taxes laid upon us the five preceding years, the State and County, town, and class taxes, the amount is equal to what our farms will rent for. Sirs in this situation, what have we to live on: No money to be had; our estates daily posted and sold. . . . Surely your Honors are no strangers to the distresses of the people but do know that many of our good inhabitants are now confined in jail for debt and for taxes. . . . Will not the people in the neighboring states say of this state: although the Massachusetts [people] boast of their fine Constitution, their government is such that it devours their inhabitants?
“. . . If your Honors find anything above mentioned worthy of notice, we earnestly pray that . . . [the state legislature] would point out some way whereby the people might be relieved.”
Petition from the town of Greenwich to the Massachusetts state legislature, 1786
Which of the following claims did the residents of Greenwich use to most support their argument that they should be “relieved” by the Massachusetts legislature from the situation described in the petition?
They had aided the government during the Revolutionary War.
“The Anti-Federalists charged that the authors of the Constitution had failed to put up strong enough barriers to block this inevitably corrupting and tyrannical force. They painted a very black picture indeed of what the national representatives might and probably would do with the unchecked power conferred upon them under the provisions of the new Constitution…. But [the Anti-Federalists] lacked both the faith and the vision to extend their principles nationwide.”
Cecelia M. Kenyon, historian, “Men of Little Faith: The Anti-Federalists on the Nature of Representative Government,” 1955
During the constitutional ratification process, Anti-Federalists’ concerns, as described in the excerpt, were most directly addressed by an agreement to
adopt the Bill of Rights
“The Anti-Federalists charged that the authors of the Constitution had failed to put up strong enough barriers to block this inevitably corrupting and tyrannical force. They painted a very black picture indeed of what the national representatives might and probably would do with the unchecked power conferred upon them under the provisions of the new Constitution…. But [the Anti-Federalists] lacked both the faith and the vision to extend their principles nationwide.”
Cecelia M. Kenyon, historian, “Men of Little Faith: The Anti-Federalists on the Nature of Representative Government,” 1955
By the 1790s the ideas of the Anti-Federalists contributed most directly to the
resistance of western farmers to federal oversight
“As its preamble promised, the Constitution would ‘ensure domestic tranquility’ by allowing the federal government to field an army powerful enough to suppress rebellions like those that had flared up in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and other states. Even more important, the Constitution would ‘establish justice’ by preventing the state assemblies from adopting relief measures that screened their citizens from either their Continental taxes or their private debts. . . . Excoriating [harshly criticizing] the legislatures for collecting too little money from taxpayers, the bondholders and their sympathizers noted with approval that the Constitution would take the business of collecting federal taxes away from the states and place it firmly in the hands of a powerful new national government.”
Woody Holton, historian, “‘From the Labours of Others’: The War Bonds Controversy and the Origins of the Constitution in New England,” William and Mary Quarterly, 2004
Which of the following historical events in the 1790s most directly followed from the developments described in the excerpt?
The federal government established a new economic policy in part by assuming states’ debts from the American Revolution.
“As its preamble promised, the Constitution would ‘ensure domestic tranquility’ by allowing the federal government to field an army powerful enough to suppress rebellions like those that had flared up in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and other states. Even more important, the Constitution would ‘establish justice’ by preventing the state assemblies from adopting relief measures that screened their citizens from either their Continental taxes or their private debts. . . . Excoriating [harshly criticizing] the legislatures for collecting too little money from taxpayers, the bondholders and their sympathizers noted with approval that the Constitution would take the business of collecting federal taxes away from the states and place it firmly in the hands of a powerful new national government.”
Woody Holton, historian, “‘From the Labours of Others’: The War Bonds Controversy and the Origins of the Constitution in New England,” William and Mary Quarterly, 2004
Which of the following most directly resulted from concerns over the increased power of the federal government in the late 1700s?
Rebellions over the right to tax goods, such as the Whiskey Rebellion
“Mr. Jay’s treaty [which reestablished trade and diplomatic relations between the United States and Great Britain following the Revolutionary War] has at length been made public. So general a burst of dissatisfaction never before appeared against any transaction. Those who understand the particular articles of it, condemn these articles. Those who do not understand them minutely, condemn it generally as wearing a hostile face to France. This last is the most numerous class, comprehending the whole body of the people, who have taken a greater interest in this transaction than they were ever known to do in any other. It has in my opinion completely demolished the monarchical party here.”
Thomas Jefferson, letter to James Monroe, September 6, 1795
Thomas Jefferson’s reaction to the Jay Treaty as expressed in the letter was most directly a reflection of ongoing debates in the United States over
the impact of the French Revolution
“Mr. Jay’s treaty [which reestablished trade and diplomatic relations between the United States and Great Britain following the Revolutionary War] has at length been made public. So general a burst of dissatisfaction never before appeared against any transaction. Those who understand the particular articles of it, condemn these articles. Those who do not understand them minutely, condemn it generally as wearing a hostile face to France. This last is the most numerous class, comprehending the whole body of the people, who have taken a greater interest in this transaction than they were ever known to do in any other. It has in my opinion completely demolished the monarchical party here.”
Thomas Jefferson, letter to James Monroe, September 6, 1795
Which of the following was a reason the United States government believed it necessary to negotiate a treaty with Great Britain following the American Revolution?
British activities and landholdings in North America were an impediment to western settlement and peace along the frontier.
“Let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind. Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things. And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions. . . . We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists. If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it.”
Thomas Jefferson, first inaugural address, 1801
In highlighting “the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated,” Jefferson was referring most directly to
passage of the Alien and Sedition Acts, which were designed to suppress criticism of the government
