3.1.2.2 Electoral systems Flashcards

1
Q

what is an election

A

An election is a competitive process in which a designated group of people, known as the electorate, select individuals to serve in specified positions. Elections to public office are a central feature of the democratic process. Members of legislatures, and members of the executive in presidential systems, are chosen and held accountable through elections. Voting in an election is the main form of political activity for many people. For UK general elections, the electorate consists of almost all of the adult population.

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2
Q

Functions of elections in the UK

A
  • Representation
  • Choosing a government
  • Participation
  • Influnece over Policy
  • Accountability
  • Citizen education
  • Legitimacy
  • Elite recruitment
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3
Q

Representation

A

In a representative democracy, elections enable a
large group (the electorate) to select a smaller group (representatives) to act on their behalf.

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4
Q

Choosing a government

A

General elections determine the composition of the House of Commons, but as the majority party in parliament forms the government, elections also normally determine which party takes power.

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5
Q

Participation

A

Voting is the key act of political participation for most
citizens.

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6
Q

Influence over policy

A

Elections allow citizens to voice their policy
preferences. Political parties issue manifestos outlining the policies they would introduce in government. The victorious party then claims a mandate to deliver those policies.

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7
Q

Accountability

A

The government and individual MPs are held accountable and will be removed from power if the electorate is unhappy with their record.

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8
Q

Citizen education

A

Election campaigns provide citizens with information on major political issues and the policies of the main parties. In theory, this enables citizens to make an informed decision on how to vote, but in practice the information provided is imperfect.

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9
Q

Legitimacy

A

Elections give legitimacy to the winning party and to the political system as a whole. By voting, even for a losing party, citizens give their consent to the system.

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10
Q

Elite recruitment

A

Political parties nominate candidates for election and provide them with campaign resources — and, in return, expect loyalty from them if they become MPs.

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11
Q

Legitimacy

A

Rightfulness: a political system is legitimate when it is based on the consent of the people. Political actions are also legitimate if they follow from agreed laws and procedures.

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12
Q

Mandate

A

An authoritative instruction; the doctrine of the mandate gives the party that wins a general election the authority to implement its manifesto commitments.

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13
Q

Manifesto

A

A document in which a political party sets out its policy programme at an election

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14
Q

In a liberal democracy what should elections be

A

competitve, free and fair

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15
Q

what does a competitive election require

A

A competitive election requires that voters have a meaningful choice between different political parties. Free elections require basic civil liberties such as freedom of speech and association, the right to join and stand for a party of one’s choice, and a free press.

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16
Q

key criteria for a fair election

A

The maxim ‘one person, one vote, one value’ is a key criterion for a fair election: each citizen should have one vote that is worth the same as everyone else’s. Electoral law should be free from bias and overseen by an impartial judiciary.

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17
Q

What should the electoral system do

A

translate votes cast into seats won in the legislature in a reasonably accurate manner, but as we will see, the first-past-the-post electoral system used in the UK falls short on some of these criteria: not all votes are of equal value, and election outcomes are disproportional.

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18
Q

democractic theorists view

A

The former prioritise the role of the people in the political process. They focus on bottom-up functions such as policy influence, participation and accountability. In a representative democracy, the government should act in accordance with the wishes of the people.

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19
Q

elite theorists view

A

elections provide authority and stability for the political system, allowing elites to get on with the task of governing, with only limited recourse to the expressed wishes of the people. They highlight top-down functions such as legitimacy and elite recruitment. In a representative democracy, the political elite decides what is in the best interests of the people.

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20
Q

Different elections in the UK

A
  • General Elections
  • Elections to the devloved assemblies
  • Local elections
  • European parliament elections
  • By-elections
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21
Q

General elections

A

hese elect all 650 MPs who make up the House
of Commons. The Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 introduced fixed 5-year terms for governments. Before 2011, the prime minister could call a general election at a time of his or her choosing within their 5-year term. Prime ministers must now seek a two- thirds majority in the Commons if they wish to trigger an early general election.

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22
Q

Elections to the devolved assemblies

A

Elections to the Scottish Parliament, Welsh Assembly and Northern Ireland Assembly are now held every 5 years.

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23
Q

Local elections

A

Local councillors are elected for fixed 4-year terms. In some local authorities, all councillors face the electorate at the same time; in others, only a proportion of members (normally a quarter) are elected each year. Some towns and cities also have directly elected mayors. In London, there is an elected mayor and assembly. Police and crime commissioners (PCCs) are also elected in England and Wales.

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24
Q

European Parliament elections

A

The UK has elected Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) every 5 years since 1979. However, the UK is unlikely to take part in the 2019 elections given the 2016 referendum vote to leave the European Union (EU).

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25
Q

By-Elections

A

A by-election is held to choose a new representative if a constituency seat in the House of Commons, devolved assembly or English local authority becomes vacant because of the death or resignation of an elected member.

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26
Q

By election

A

A one-off election that takes place in an individual constituency when a vacancy arises between scheduled elections.

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27
Q

Constituency

A

A geographical area that elects one or more representatives to a legislative assembly.

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28
Q

Three significant parts of the UK polity are not elected:

A
  • the head of state - the hereditary monarch
  • the upper chamber of parliament - the house of lords
  • the judiciary
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29
Q

Different electoral systems

A
  • Majoritarian system
  • plurality system
  • proportional representation
  • mixed system
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30
Q

Majoritarain system

A

The winning candidate must secure an absolute majority of the vote (i.e. 50% + 1 vote). Candidates are usually elected in single-member constituencies. The first-past-the-post system used for UK general elections is often described as a majoritarian system but this is not strictly accurate because the term is being used to reflect the output of the system rather than its mechanics.

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31
Q

Plurality system

A

First-past-the-post is a single-member plurality system in which the winner needs only a plurality of votes cast (i.e. one more than their closest rival), not an absolute majority. Plurality systems share characteristics of majoritarian systems. MPs are elected in single-member constituencies and both systems are non-proportional.

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32
Q

Majoritarian system definition

A

An electoral system in which the winning candidate must achieve an absolute majority of votes cast in a single-member constituency.

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33
Q

Single-member plurality system

A

An electoral system in which the candidate with the most votes in a single-member constituency wins.

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34
Q

Proportional representation

A

Proportional representation (PR) covers many systems that produce a close fit between votes and seats, although no system can deliver perfect proportionality. The district magnitude (i.e. the number of legislative seats per constituency) is crucial — the larger the constituency, the more proportional the result. PR systems use multi-member constituencies and electoral formulas. Some (e.g. the single transferable vote) allow electors to vote for as many candidates as they wish in order of preference, whereas others (e.g. the closed list system) permit only a single vote.

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35
Q

Mixed system

A

A mixed system combines elements of the plurality or majoritarian systems with elements of proportional representation (e.g. in the additional member system, AMS). Some representatives are elected in single-member constituencies using first-past-the-post. The remainder are elected by proportional representation in multi-member constituencies — seats are allocated to parties on corrective lines to represent their share of the vote proportionally.

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36
Q

District magnitude

A

The number of representatives elected from a particular constituency.

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37
Q

Mixed system definition

A

An electoral system where a proportion of representatives are elected under a majoritarian/plurality system in single-member constituencies, and the others are elected as ‘additional members’ using a proportional system in multi- member constituencies.

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38
Q

Proportional representation definition

A

An electoral system using multi-member constituencies
in which an electoral formula is used to match the percentage of seats won by each party to the percentage of votes they won.

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39
Q

Majoritarian vs proportional representation

A

Majoritarian systems:
- A candidate must secure an absolute majority of the vote to win; in a plurality system, they need only win more votes than the second-placed candidate.
- Candidates are elected in single-member constituencies.
- The outcome is not proportional — large parties take a higher proportion of seats than their share of the vote merits, while smaller parties are often under-represented.
- The systems tend to produce single-party governments with working parliamentary majorities.
Proportional representation systems:
- Candidates are elected in multi-member constituencies.
- Electoral formulas are used to allocate seats in the legislative assembly.
- The outcome is proportional — there is a close fit between the share of the vote won by a party and the share of the seats it is allocated.
- The systems tend to produce coalition governments as no single party wins a majority of seats.

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40
Q

When is first-past-the-post used in the UK

A

General elections

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41
Q

When is supplementary vote used in the UK

A

Mayor of london, police and crime commissioners

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42
Q

When is regional list used in the UK

A

European Parliament elections in Great Britain; list seats for the Scottish Parliament, Welsh Assembly and London Assembly

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43
Q

When is single transferrable vote used in the UK

A

Assembly, local and European Parliament elections in Northern Ireland; local elections in Scotland and Northern Ireland

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44
Q

When is additional member system used in the UK

A

Scottish Parliament, Welsh Assembly, London Assembly

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45
Q

Key feature of first-past-the-post

A

Plurality system; single-member constituencies; disproportional outcome

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46
Q

Key feature of supplementary vote

A

Majoritarian system; used to elect individuals; voters record two preferences; winning candidate has a majority

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47
Q

Key feature of regional list

A

Proportional representation system; electors vote for a party in multi-member regions; proportional outcome

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48
Q

Key feature of single transferable vote

A

Proportional representation system; electors rank candidates in multi-member constituencies; proportional outcome

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49
Q

Key feature of additional member system

A

Mixed electoral system; electors cast two votes — one for
a constituency candidate elected by FPTP and one for a regional list candidate elected by closed list PR; list candidates are allocated to parties on a corrective basis to produce a proportional outcome

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50
Q

How does FPTP operate

A
  • MPs are elected in single-member constituencies. Each constituency in the UK elects one representative to the House of Commons.
  • Electors cast a single vote by writing a cross (X) on the ballot paper beside the name of their favoured candidate.
  • A candidate requires a plurality of votes to win: that is, one more vote than the second-placed candidate. There is no requirement to obtain a majority of the votes cast. In contests involving three or more candidates, the winner may fall well short of an overall majority. Table 10.2 shows the extreme case of Belfast South in the 2015 general election where the victorious candidate secured fewer than one in four votes - 24.5 % was the winner with the social democrat and labour party
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51
Q

Constituencies

A

Constituency boundaries are determined by independent boundary commissions which review the size of the electorate in each constituency every 8–12 years. Differences in size are permitted if there are significant geographical factors. The most populous constituency at the 2015 general election, the Isle of Wight, had an electorate five times larger than the smallest constituency, Na h-Eileanan an Iar (the Western Isles) — 109,000 compared to 20,900. Urban constituencies tend to have fewer electors than suburban and rural seats. The geographical size of constituencies also varies. The smallest are inner city seats while the largest are rural seats in Scotland.

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52
Q

What did the conservatives do to the size of constituencies?

A

The Conservative government confirmed its plans to reduce the number of MPs from 650 to 600 and reduce disparities in constituency size. With the exception of two constituencies in Scotland (Orkney and Shetland, and the Western Isles) and two in England (the Isle of Wight will elect two MPs), all constituencies will have electorates that deviate by no more than five percentage points from the UK average of 74,769.

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53
Q

Safe seats

A

The competitiveness of elections varies significantly across constituencies. In safe seats, the same party wins at election after election because the incumbent party’s majority is so large. The safest seat in 2015 was Liverpool, Walton, where Steve Rotheram won 81% of the vote

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54
Q

Marginal seats

A

Marginal seats are the most competitive. Here, the incumbent party has a small majority which their nearest rival(s) has a realistic chance of overturning. Parties focus resources here as the results determine the overall election outcome. Turnout tends to be higher in marginal seats because votes are more likely to make a difference to the result. Gower in Wales was the most marginal constituency in 2015, although this was the first time in a century that Labour did not win the seat. Nuneaton was the first marginal seat to declare its result, with the swing to the Conservatives indicating that they were on course to win most seats.

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55
Q

Safe seat

A

A constituency in which the incumbent party has a large majority, and which is usually retained by the same political party at election after election.

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56
Q

Marginal seat

A

A constituency where the incumbent party has a small majority and which may thus be won by a different party at the next election.

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57
Q

Swing

A

The extent of change in support for one party to support for another party from one election to another.

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58
Q

What was the safest seat in the 2017 general election?

A

Liverpool Walton - Labour won a 77% majority

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59
Q

What was the most marginal seat in the 2017 general election?

A

East Dunbartonshire - where the then Liberal Democrat leader Jo Swinson lost the seat to the SNP by 149 votes (0.28%).

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60
Q

Features of the first past the post election

A
  • a two-party system
  • a winner’s bonus
  • bias to a major party
  • discrimination against third and smaller parties
  • single-party government
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61
Q

two-party system

A

FPTP tends to foster a two-party system in which two major parties compete for office (see the case study). It favours major parties that have strong nationwide support, which gives them a good chance of securing a parliamentary majority. There is little incentive for a faction within a major party to split and form a new party because small parties find it very difficult to win seats. The Social Democratic Party (SDP) was formed by disaffected Labour MPs in 1981. It fought the 1983 general election in an Alliance with the Liberals, winning 25% of the vote but only 23 seats. New ‘outsider’ parties also find it difficult to break through. The UK Independence Party (UKIP) won its only seat at a general election in 2015 but this was poor reward for 12.6% of the national vote.

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62
Q

two party system since 2010

A

The UK’s two-party system has, however, been in failing health. Increasingly, the UK resembles a multiparty system. In 2010, the Conservatives and Labour together received only 65% of the vote — a postwar low. Although the total rose to 67% in 2015, this was still the second lowest in the postwar period. Support for parties other than the Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats reached a record 25%.

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63
Q

1955 General election

A

The 1955 general election was a contest between the incumbent Conservative government and the opposition Labour Party. Both scored more than 46% of the vote, but a 2% swing from Labour to the Conservatives saw the latter gain 23 seats. This gave the Conservatives a parliamentary majority of 60 seats. Voters rewarded the party in office for presiding over a healthy economy and endorsed the prime minister, Sir Anthony Eden, who had become Conservative leader the previous year. Labour’s credibility had been damaged by internal divisions.

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64
Q

Winner’s bonus definition

A

The share of seats that the first-placed party wins in excess of its share of the vote under FPTP. The system exaggerates the support received by the most popular party, giving it more seats than is proportional to the number of votes it received, thus boosting its majority in parliament.

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65
Q

Winner’s Bonus

A

FPTP tends to exaggerate the performance of the most popular party, producing a winner’s bonus or landslide effect. A relatively small lead over the second-placed party is often translated into a substantial lead
in parliamentary seats. The Conservatives won landslide victories in 1983 and 1987, with Labour doing likewise in 1997 and 2001

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66
Q

Bias to one major party

A

Rather than simply favouring the winning party, FPTP is biased towards one of the two major parties. The system favoured Labour from the 1990s until 2010. Between 1997 and 2005, the proportion of seats won by the Conservatives was lower than their share of the vote. Then in 2010, the Conservatives led Labour by 7% but fell 19 seats short of an overall majority.

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67
Q

Number of reasons for Bias

A
  • Tactical voting
  • Differences in constituency sizes
  • Differential turnout
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68
Q

Tactical voting

A

Labour benefited from anti-Conservative tactical voting between 1997 and 2005.

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69
Q

Differences in consituency size

A

The electorate in constituencies won by Labour in 2015 was, on average, 3,850 lower than in those won by the Conservatives. This is largely because of population movement from urban constituencies to suburban and rural ones.

70
Q

Differential turnout

A

Turnout is lower in Labour-held seats: 62% in 2015, compared to 69% in seats won by the Conservatives. Labour needed fewer votes to win seats between 1997 and 2010.

71
Q

Conservative success in 2015 was due to

A
  • Gains from the lib dems
  • Strong performances in marginal seats
  • labour’s collapse in Scotland
72
Q

Gains from the liberal democrats

A

The Conservatives were the main beneficiaries of the collapse in support for the Liberal Democrats, winning 27 seats from them while Labour took 12.

73
Q

Strong performances in marginal seats

A

The Conservatives performed best in marginal seats, with their new MPs enjoying an average 4.5% increase in support compared to a 1.4% increase nationally.

74
Q

Labour’s collapse in scotland

A

Labour lost 40 seats to the SNP. It won 24% of the Scottish vote and the Conservatives won 14%, but each won only a single seat.

75
Q

Discrimination against smaller parties

A

FPTP discriminates against third parties and smaller parties whose support is not concentrated in particular regions.

76
Q

Smaller parties are disadvantaged by:

A
  • Mechanics
  • Psychology
77
Q

Mechanics

A

FPTP makes it more difficult for smaller parties to win
seats. There are no rewards for coming second.

78
Q

Psychology

A

Smaller parties have a credibility problem because voters
believe that a vote for them is a ‘wasted vote’.

79
Q

1983 general election

A
  • The Conservatives won a landslide victory in 1983,
    gaining 37 seats despite a 1.5% fall in their share of the vote. A parliamentary majority of 144 reflected
    the party’s 15 percentage point lead over Labour. The government also benefited from the split in the anti- Conservative vote between Labour, who recorded their worst result of the postwar period, and the Liberal–SDP
    Alliance.
  • Labour polled only 660,000 more votes than the Alliance but won 186 more seats. The Alliance’s 25% of the vote translated into 3.5% of seats. Votes for Labour were distributed efficiently, with the party holding its safe seats despite the collapse in its national vote, while the Alliance chalked up a series of second and third place finishes without reward.
80
Q

UKIP 2015

A

In 2015, despite a dramatic increase in UKIP’s share of the vote, only Douglas Carswell in Clacton emerged victorious. UKIP came second in 120 constituencies but was only within 10% of the votes of the winning party in two of these.

81
Q

Parties in specific areas

A

Parties whose support is concentrated in a particular region, such as Plaid Cymru in Wales, fare better in terms of matching seats to share of the vote. The SNP showed how a party with strong regional support can prosper under FPTP, winning 50% of the vote and 95% of the seats in Scotland in 2015.

82
Q

Single party government

A

FPTP tends to produce single-party majority governments with working parliamentary majorities. Coalition governments and minority governments are relatively rare at Westminster. In the postwar period, only the February 1974 and 2010 general elections did not deliver a majority of seats for one party. A minority Labour government took office in February 1974, while the 2010 Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition was the first coalition government since the Second World War. However, four of the seven general elections held between 1910 and 1929 failed to produce a majority government, and a multiparty National Government held power from 1931 to 1939.

83
Q

Post-war governments

A

The 2015 election saw a return to single-party government but the Conservative majority of 12 seats is small by postwar standards. Only three postwar majority governments (1950, 1964 and October 1974) had a smaller majority.

84
Q

Minority government

A

A government consisting of members of one political party which does not have an absolute majority of seats.

85
Q

Coalition

A

A government consisting of two or more political parties, usually with an absolute majority of seats in parliament, formed after an agreement on policy and ministerial posts.

86
Q

Majority government

A

A government consisting of members of one political party which has an absolute majority of seats.

87
Q

2010 general election

A

This was the first general election since February 1974 to produce a hung parliament in which no party had an absolute majority of seats. The Conservatives were the largest party but fell 19 seats short of a parliamentary majority. They achieved a net gain of 97 seats, their highest since 1931, and led Labour by 7%, but their 36% of the vote was well short of that won by Margaret Thatcher and John Major between 1979 and 1992. Labour fell below 30% of the vote for only the second time since 1945 but it benefited from disparities in constituency size and turnout.

88
Q

2015 General election

A

For supporters of FPTP, the 2015 election showed that it can still deliver single-party government. The party that won most votes formed a majority government, could deliver its manifesto commitments and would be held accountable to voters for its record in office. Some voters may have switched to the Conservatives because they wanted to avoid a hung parliament.
Critics of FPTP claimed that their case had been strengthened. The Conservatives could not convincinglyclaim democratic legitimacy: their vote share was up by less than 1% and they performed poorly in parts
of Britain. The 2010–15 coalition government had been stable, but a Conservative government with a parliamentary majority of just 12 may not enjoy the same stability. The 2015 election was also particularly disproportionate: the SNP were major beneficiaries and UKIP major losers of the way FPTP operates.

89
Q

Arguments in favour of FPTP

A
  • simplicity
  • clear outcome
  • strong and stable government
  • responsible government
  • effective representation
  • keep out extremist parties
90
Q

Simplicity

A

FPTP is easy to understand and operate. The ballot paper is simple: electors only vote once and counting the votes is straightforward and speedy. Voters are familiar with the current system and, for the most part, view it as legitimate and effective.

91
Q

Clear Outcome

A

FPTP elections normally produce a clear winner. The party securing the largest number of votes often achieves a majority of seats.

92
Q

Strong and stable government

A

By favouring the major parties and giving the winning party an additional bonus of seats, FPTP produces strong government. Single-party governments with working majorities exercise significant control over the legislative process. They can fulfil their mandate by enacting the policy commitments they made in their manifestos, and can act decisively in times of crisis.

93
Q

Responsible government

A

Voters are given a clear choice between the governing party, which is held responsible for its record in office, and the main opposition party, which is a potential alternative government. The doctrine of the mandate obliges the winning party to put its proposals into effect.

94
Q

Effective representation

A

Single-member constituencies provide a clear link between voters and their elected representative, with one MP representing the interests of the area.

95
Q

Keeps out extremist parties

A

Parties on the far right and far left have not prospered in the UK, in part because FPTP makes it difficult for them to win seats at Westminster

96
Q

Arguments against FPTP

A
  • Disproportional outcomes
  • Electoral deserts
  • plurality rather tha majority support
  • votes are of unequal value
  • limited choice
97
Q

Disproportional outcomes

A

The number of parliamentary seats won by parties at a general election does not reflect accurately the share of the vote they achieved. As we have seen:
- The two main parties tend to win more seats than their vote merits, with the lead party given an additional winner’s bonus. A party can form a majority government having won only 35% of the vote.
- Third parties and small parties whose votes are spread thinly are significantly under-represented in parliament.

98
Q

partys winning smaller percentage but more seats

A

Since 1945, the party coming second in the popular vote has twice won more seats than its opponent. In 1951, the Conservatives won more seats than Labour, despite winning fewer votes, while in February 1974, Labour won more seats although the Conservatives won a larger share of the vote.

99
Q

Electoral deserts

A

FPTP creates electoral ‘deserts’: that is, parts of the country where a party has little or no representation. For example, in 2015, the Conservatives won 15% of the vote in Scotland but only one seat, while Labour won only four of 58 seats in eastern England but received 18% of the vote. In their former stronghold of southwest England, the Liberal Democrats won 15% of the vote but none of the 55 seats available. Similarly, UKIP polled 17% of the vote in northeast England but failed to win a seat.

100
Q

Plurality rather than majority support

A

Candidates do not need to secure a majority of the votes cast to be victorious and most voters are represented by an MP who is not from their chosen party. In 2010, a record two-thirds (66%) of MPs did not achieve a majority in their constituency. Low turnout meant that a majority of MPs were supported by less than one in three of the electorate. In 2015, 47% of MPs did not achieve a majority in their constituency.

101
Q

2005 labour

A

In 2005, Labour won a parliamentary majority with 35% of the UK vote. The general election of 1935 was the last time that the governing party won a majority of the popular vote. In 2010, the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats, who formed a coalition, won a combined 59% of the vote.

102
Q

Votes are of unequal value

A

FPTP does not meet the ‘one person, one vote, one value’ principle. Disparities in constituency size mean that votes have different values. A vote cast in a small constituency is more likely to influence the outcome than one cast in a larger constituency. Many votes are wasted because they do not help to elect an MP.

103
Q

A wasted vote

A
  • any vote for a losing candidate — this amounted to 50% of all votes cast in 2015
  • a vote for a winning candidate that was not required for him or her to win, i.e. where the candidate had already secured enough votes to win — this amounted to 24% of votes in 2015
104
Q

Tactical voting

A

Voting for the candidate most likely to defeat the voter’s least favoured candidate.

105
Q

Wasted vote

A

A vote for a losing candidate in a single-member constituency, or a vote for a winning candidate that was surplus to the plurality required for victory.

106
Q

Limited choice

A

Voters are denied an effective choice because only one candidate stands for each party: voters cannot choose between different candidates from the same party. Furthermore, many constituencies are safe seats in which one party has a substantial lead over its rivals. Supporters of other parties have little prospect of seeing their candidate win.

107
Q

When was tactical voting evident?

A

1997 General Election

108
Q

1997 General election

A
  • In 1997, Tony Blair’s Labour Party achieved a swing of 10.2% from the Conservatives, giving it a record tally of 418 Labour MPs and a parliamentary majority of 179. Labour advanced across the country, gaining not only countless marginal seats but also some apparently safe Conservative seats. The Conservatives received 30% of the vote, their worst result since 1832, and were left without MPs in Scotland, Wales and big cities in the north.
  • The Liberal Democrats won 46 seats, the highest third- party total since 1929. Despite a 1% decline in their share of the vote, the Liberal Democrats doubled their tally of seats. They and Labour benefited from tactical voting, which cost the Conservatives some 50 seats. Labour voters switched to the Liberal Democrats in seats where they, rather than Blair’s party, were best placed to defeat the Conservative incumbent. Voters recognised that Labour and the Liberal Democrats were ideologically similar and had worked together on constitutional reform.
109
Q

Divisive politics

A

In the 1960s and 1970s, critics argued that FPTP brought adversarial politics. Small shifts in voting produced frequent changes of government and this led to instability because parties were able to overturn policies introduced by their rivals. Then, from 1979 to 2010, FPTP contributed to long periods of one-party rule, first by the Conservatives and then by Labour, without them winning majority support.

110
Q

Adversarial politics

A

A situation often found in two-party systems in which the governing party is confronted by an opposition party that offers a different policy programme and is hostile towards the government even when in broad agreement with it.

111
Q

FPTP no longer does what it is supposed to

A

Professor John Curtice argues that FPTP is becoming less effective at delivering what its supporters view as some of its key strengths, notably single-party government and a winner’s bonus.

112
Q

What reasons does John Curtice give

A
  • FPTP is less effective in persuading electors not to vote for smaller parties that stand little chance of winning a seat. The combined vote for Labour and the Conservatives was lower in the 2010 and 2015 elections than in any other postwar election. Support for the Liberal Democrats reached 23% in 2010, and the SNP, UKIP and the Greens recorded their best ever general election performances in 2015.
  • Parties other than Labour and the Conservatives are winning more seats in the House of Commons. The Liberal Democrats won over 50 seats between 2001 and 2010, and the SNP won 56 seats in 2015.
  • Regional differences in support for parties are becoming more pronounced. This makes it more difficult for one party to win a parliamentary majority. The 2015 general election was the first in which a different party topped the poll in each nation of the UK: the Conservatives won most votes in England, Labour was top in Wales, the SNP won most votes in Scotland and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) was top in Northern Ireland.
  • The number of marginal seats has declined, so fewer seats are likely to change hands at general elections.
113
Q

Should the first-past-the-post system be retained for general elections? YES

A
  • It is simple to use and voters are familiar with it.
  • It tends to produce strong and stable majority
    governments which can deliver their manifesto
    commitments.
  • The governing party is held accountable by voters who have a clear choice between two major parties and can remove unpopular governments.
  • It rarely produces unstable minority governments or coalitions that emerge from secretive negotiations.
  • There is a clear link between an MP and the
    constituency he or she represents.
  • Extremist parties are kept out of parliament and government.
114
Q

Should the first-past-the-post system be retained for general elections? NO

A
  • Votes are not translated into seats fairly — larger parties get more seats than they merit and many smaller parties get fewer than they deserve.
  • A party can win a parliamentary majority with as little as 35% of the vote — this is far from a democratic mandate.
  • Regional differences in support are exaggerated, creating electoral deserts.
  • Most MPs do not have the support of a majority of voters in their constituencies.
  • Many votes do not influence the election outcome, particularly in the growing number of safe seats.
  • FPTP is becoming less likely to deliver what its supporters claim is its key strength, i.e. strong, single- party government.
115
Q

Supplementary vote

A

The supplementary vote (SV) is used to elect the mayor of London and directly elected mayors in other towns and cities. It is also used to elect police and crime commissioners (PCCs) (except in contests with only two candidates, where single-member plurality is used).

116
Q

Key features of the supplementary vote

A
  • The voter records their first and second preferences on the ballot paper (though they are not required to make a second choice if they do not wish to).
  • If no candidate wins a majority of first preferences, all but the top two
    candidates are eliminated and the second preference votes for the two remaining candidates are added to their first preference votes.
  • The candidate with the highest total is elected.
117
Q

2021 Mayoral election

A
  • Sadiq Khan (labour) - first round 40%, second round 55.2%
  • Shaun Bailey (conservative) - first round 35.3%, second round 44.8%
  • Siân Berry (green) - first round 7.8%, second round eliminated
118
Q

Advantages of the supplementary vote

A
  • The winning candidate must achieve broad support, giving them greater legitimacy.
  • Supporters of smaller parties can use their first preference to express their allegiance and their second preference to indicate which major party candidate they prefer.
  • The votes of people who use both their first and second preferences to support minor parties do not influence the election outcome.
119
Q

Disadvantages of the supplemetary vote

A
  • The winning candidate may be elected without winning a majority of votes if second preference votes are not used effectively. Voters need to use either of their preferences for one of the top two candidates in order to affect the outcome.
  • The winning candidate does not need to get a majority of first preference votes. The candidate who secures most first preference votes may not be elected after second preferences are distributed — the least unpopular, rather than most popular, candidate may be elected.
  • The system would not deliver a proportional outcome if used for general elections.
120
Q

Single transferable vote

A

The single transferable vote (STV) is used in Northern Ireland for elections to the Assembly, local government and the European Parliament. It is also used for local elections in Scotland — and for general elections in the Republic of Ireland.

121
Q

Features of single tranferrable vote

A
  • Representatives are elected in large multi-member constituencies. In Northern Ireland Assembly elections, 18 constituencies each elect six members.
  • Voting is preferential — electors indicate their preferences by writing ‘1’ besides the name of their first preference, ‘2’ next to the name of their second choice and so on.
  • Voting is ordinal — electors can vote for as many or as few candidates as they like.
  • A candidate must achieve a quota, known as the Droop quota, in order to be elected. Any votes in excess of this quota are redistributed on the basis of second preferences.
  • If no candidate reaches the quota on the first count, the lowest-placed candidate is eliminated and their second preferences are transferred. This process of elimination and redistribution of preferences continues until the requisite number of seats is filled by candidates meeting the quota.
122
Q

Northern Ireland Assembly election results 2022

A
  • Sinn Féin - 29%, 27 seats
  • DUP - 21.3%, 25 seats
123
Q

Advantages of single transferrable vote

A
  • It delivers proportional outcomes and ensures that votes are largely of equal value.
  • The government is likely to consist of a party or group of parties that win over 50% of the vote.
  • Voters choose between a range of candidates, including different candidates from the same party, meaning there is greater choice.
124
Q

Disadvantages of single transferrable vote

A
  • It can be less accurate in translating votes into seats than proportional representation list systems.
  • Large multi-member constituencies weaken the link between individual
    MPs and their constituency.
  • It is likely to produce a coalition government that may be unstable and can give disproportional influence to minor parties that hold the balance of power.
  • The counting process is lengthy and complex.
125
Q

Additional member system

A

The additional member system (AMS) is a mixed electoral system which includes elements of FPTP and the regional list (closed list) system of proportional representation. It is sometimes referred to as a mixed-member proportional system. AMS is used to elect the Scottish
Parliament, Welsh Assembly and London Assembly. (The structure and power of the devolved bodies are examined in Chapter 4.) It is also used for general elections in Germany.

126
Q

key features of Additional memeber system

A
  • A proportion of seats in the legislative assembly are elected using FPTP in single-member constituencies: 73 out of 129 members (57%) of the Scottish Parliament are elected in single-member constituencies, as are 40 of the 60 members (67%) of the Welsh Assembly.
  • A smaller number of representatives, known as additional members, are elected in multi-member constituencies using the regional list system of proportional representation. This regional list system is used to elect 56 members (43%) of the Scottish Parliament and 20 members (33%) of the Welsh Assembly.
    Electors cast two votes: one for their favoured candidate in a single- member constituency and one for their favoured party from a closed party list in a multi-member constituency.
  • For the regional list seats, political parties draw up a list of their candidates and decide the order in which they will be elected. It is a closed list system, meaning electors can only vote for a party or an independent candidate. The list of candidates for each party appears on the ballot paper, but electors cannot choose between candidates representing the same party. (In an open list system, voters can choose between candidates from the same party.)
  • Regional list seats (additional members) are allocated on a corrective basis to ensure that the total number of seats for parties in the assembly is proportional to the number of votes won. So a party that has won a disproportionately high number of constituency seats may not win many list seats, even if it also polls more list votes than other parties.
  • Regional list seats are allocated using the d’Hondt formula. The total number of votes for each party is divided by the number of seats it already has, plus the next seat to be allocated. So the party totals are divided first by 1 (0 seats plus 1), then by 2 (1 seat plus 1) and so on. The first seat goes to the party with the largest number, the next seat to the next highest number, and so on. Candidates are elected in the order they appear on the party list.
  • To win seats in the London Assembly, a party must also pass a threshold of 5% of the vote. There is no threshold for Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly elections.
127
Q

Advantages of additional member system

A
  • It combines the best features of FPTP and proportional representation, e.g. balancing the desirability of constituency representation with that of fairness of outcomes.
  • Results are broadly proportional and votes are less likely to be wasted.
  • Voters have greater choice. Split-ticket voting is allowed: a voter may use their constituency vote to support a candidate from one party and
    their list vote to support a different party.
  • Some parties have used the system to improve the representation of women: e.g. by ‘zipping’ — alternating male and female candidates on
    party lists.
  • Votes are easy to count and it is not difficult for voters to understand
    how the outcome is reached.
128
Q

Split ticket voting

A

The practice of voting for candidates from different parties in an election where an elector is permitted to cast more than one vote.

129
Q

Disadvantages of additional member system

A
  • It creates two categories of representative, one with constituency duties and one without. This may create tensions within the legislative assembly.
  • Parties have significant control over the closed lists used to elect additional members and voters cannot choose between candidates from the same party.
  • Smaller parties are often under-represented because in many multi- member seats, only a few representatives are elected. Larger parties are also over-represented if other votes are split evenly between many small parties.
  • Proportional outcomes are less likely where the number of additional members is low, as in the Welsh Assembly.
130
Q

2016 Parliament election

A

In 2016, the SNP dominated the constituency contests, winning 59 of the 73 seats, but added only four list seats (which are allocated in a corrective way). The party fell two seats short of a parliamentary majority and formed a minority government. For the first time, the Conservatives won more seats than Labour in the Scottish Parliament. The Greens contested only three constituency contests, but secured six list seats.
This was the second time that AMS had produced an SNP minority government. The 1999 and 2003 contests both resulted in a Labour–Liberal Democrat coalition. Yet in 2011, AMS delivered a majority government when the SNP won 73% of constituency seats.

131
Q

The impact on the type of government

A

Minority governments and coalition governments are the norm in the devolved assemblies but the exception at Westminster. Only one of the devolved elections —the 2011 Scottish Parliament elections, which produced an SNP majority government — delivered an outright winner. As we have seen, FPTP is becoming less likely to deliver majority government at Westminster, with the 2010 election leading to the formation of a Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition.
It is often claimed that coalition and minority governments are weak and unstable but the Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition
at Westminster and the various coalitions and minority governments in the devolved institutions have all served a full term in office and achieved many of their core policy objectives. There have, however, been tensions between unionist and nationalist parties in the Northern 2015. The effective number of parliamentary parties (ENPP), which is based on the share of seats in the House of Commons, has only increased from 2 to 2.5. FPTP has acted as a life support machine for the two-party system, holding back, but not halting, the advance of multiparty politics.

132
Q

2015 - impact on government

A

The 2015 general election was one of the most disproportionate in the postwar period. The Conservatives won a majority of seats with 38% of the vote, UKIP won a single seat despite winning almost 13% of the vote, and the SNP won 95% of Scottish seats with 50% of the vote in Scotland. Elections conducted under STV and AMS are more proportional than Westminster elections but they also produce results that reward larger parties and penalise smaller ones. The outcome of the 2016 Welsh Assembly election, for example, was notably disproportional. The large number of constituency seats delivered to Labour by FPTP could not be corrected fully by the distribution of the smaller number of regional list seats.

133
Q

The impact on voter choice

A
  • Voters have greater choice under AMS, SV and STV than under FPTP. They allow for split-ticket voting in which an elector uses one of their votes
    or preferences to support their first-choice party (or candidate), but uses their second vote to back a different party (or candidate). This has allowed voting behaviour to become more sophisticated. Electors recognise that a vote for a minor party is less likely to be wasted under AMS and STV. In return, smaller parties gain a higher profile and, having become accustomed to voting for a smaller party, electors are more likely to vote for one in general elections as well.
  • Evidence from other countries shows that turnout in general elections conducted under PR is higher than where FPTP is used. Low turnout is common in ‘second-order’ elections that do not determine who forms the national government. Turnout in elections to the devolved institutions in the UK and the European Parliament has been significantly lower than for general elections, but turnout at general elections has declined since the early 1990s, and turnout at local elections in England — which use a version of FPTP — is often poor.
  • AMS, SV and STV give voters greater choice but some have found the different electoral systems complex and difficult to understand. The design of ballot papers was changed after the 2007 Scottish Parliament elections, when 146,000 ballots were completed incorrectly. At the 2016 London mayoral election, 382,000 electors did not use their second preference vote and 220,000 cast it for the same candidate as their first preference. Another 1.5 million second preference votes that were not for the top two candidates did not affect the result.
134
Q

Electoral reform definition

A

Changes made to an electoral system
or a change from one electoral system to an alternative. In Britain, the term commonly refers to the campaign to replace FPTP with PR.

135
Q

Electoral reform

A

Labour embraced electoral reform after the Conservatives won four successive general elections between 1979 and 1997. The Blair government then introduced new electoral systems for the European Parliament and devolved institution elections, and established the Jenkins Commission to examine the case for electoral reform at Westminster. Jenkins recommended using alternative vote plus (AV+), a hybrid of the AMS and alternative vote systems, for general elections but Blair did not support the change. Like the supplementary vote, AV is a majoritarian system in which voters rank their preferred candidates. If no candidate wins a majority, the lowest-placed candidate is eliminated and their second preferences are redistributed. This continues until one candidate achieves a majority of votes cast.

136
Q

David Cameron referendumon AV

A

David Cameron agreed to hold a referendum on AV as part of the coalition agreement with the Liberal Democrats. The 2011 referendum produced a 68% vote against AV. This appeared to end the prospect of electoral reform for Westminster in the medium term, even though FPTP was becoming less effective in delivering its supposed benefits. At the 2015 general election, the Liberal Democrats proposed using STV for general elections but neither the Conservatives nor Labour supported the replacement of FPTP.

137
Q

Which electoral system is best

A

For some, the most important task of an electoral system is to produce a clear winner and a strong government. Majoritarian and plurality systems are most appropriate here because they are more likely to produce single- party government. A single-party government is, in turn, more likely to be effective in implementing its manifesto commitments and more accountable, as voters can easily identify which party is responsible for government policies and reward or punish them accordingly in the next election. In contrast to majoritarian and plurality systems, proportional representation is often associated with unstable governments in which fringe parties exercise influence that is disproportional to their popular support.

138
Q

Election systems using single-member constituencies

A

Electoral systems using single-member constituencies, such as FPTP and SV, also score highly for those who value a clear link between an elected representative and their constituents. Under FPTP, MPs have incentives to represent the interests of their geographical constituency (e.g. their support may include a ‘personal vote’ which results from their record or activities in office) and voters can easily identify their parliamentary representative.

139
Q

Fairer outcomes - best system

A

For those who most value fairness to smaller parties and a high degree of proportionality in the way votes are translated into seats, proportional representation systems such as STV and the regional list are the most attractive. These systems tend to produce coalition governments and promote cooperation between parties. Under STV and the regional list system, the government often consists of parties that have collectively secured more than 50% of the vote. Large multi-member constituencies produce the most proportional outcome.

140
Q

voter choice - best system

A

Voter choice is also regarded as a valuable feature of electoral systems. If a straightforward choice between the government and opposition party is desired, then FPTP might be preferred. If there is a choice from a range of parties then the closed regional list might be favoured, but if a choice between candidates from the same party is also viewed as desirable then STV is the optimal system. There is also evidence that parties are more likely to select women and minority candidates under AMS and
STV. Finally, comparative research shows that turnout is higher in general elections that use proportional representation.

141
Q

Mixed systems

A

Mixed systems such as AMS combine elements of both plurality and proportional representation systems. They provide a degree of proportionality while still rewarding the major parties and offer a link between MPs and constituencies. They might, then, be regarded as providing the best of both worlds, but the experience of AMS can vary, as has been seen in Scotland and Wales. In Scotland, it has resulted in both stable government and representation of smaller parties. In Wales, election outcomes have not been proportional because there are too few list seats. Labour has remained in power after every election, despite fluctuations in its vote share, but has never won a parliamentary majority — which suggests that the electoral system is not effective at rewarding or penalising governing parties.

142
Q

Have the additional member system, supplementary vote, single transferable vote and regional list been effective in the UK? YES

A
  • Election results have been more proportional, translating votes cast into seats won more effectively.
  • The rise of multiparty politics is reflected in election outcomes with smaller parties winning seats and taking office.
  • Voters have a greater choice as votes for small parties are less likely to be wasted.
  • Minority and coalition governments in the devolved assemblies have been stable.
  • The new electoral systems have helped to produce more representative political systems.
  • Voters have become more sophisticated, often engaging in split-ticket voting.
143
Q

Have the additional member system, supplementary vote, single transferable vote and regional list been effective in the UK? NO

A
  • The new systems have not always delivered highly proportional outcomes.
  • Extremist parties have gained seats — the British National Party (BNP) won two seats in the 2009 European Parliament elections.
  • The closed list element of AMS restricts voter choice and gives party bosses a significant say over the composition of the legislature.
  • The relationship between representatives and constituents has been weakened by using large multi-member constituencies or, in AMS, creating two classes of representative.
  • Turnout has been low.
  • Some voters appear confused by the different systems, evidenced in the relatively high number of spoiled ballot papers and wasted second preference votes.
144
Q

referendum definition

A

A vote on a single issue put to a public ballot by the government.

145
Q

referendum

A

A referendum is a popular vote on a single issue. It is the major modern- day example of direct democracy. In states such as Switzerland or the Republic of Ireland, referendums are used widely to resolve major political and constitutional issues.

146
Q

Modern phenomenon of referendums

A

Referendums are a relatively modern phenomenon in the UK. The first nationwide referendum did not take place until 1975 and most have been held after 1997. Before then, referendums were regarded as alien to a British political tradition that emphasised the sovereignty of parliament rather than popular sovereignty. The absence of a codified constitution meant that there was no formal list of circumstances in which a referendum must be held.

147
Q

Elections vs referendums

A

Elections:
- They are a feature of representative democracy — citizens choose representatives to make decisions on their behalf.
- They determine who holds political office and, in the case of a general election, who forms the government.
- Citizens vote for candidates who stand in geographical constituencies.
- An election campaign covers many issues of public policy.
- They are required by law and must take place at a specified time.
Referendums:
- They are an example of direct democracy — citizens make the decisions themselves.
- A referendum is a one-off vote on a specific issue of public policy.
- The choice offered to voters is normally a simple ‘yes’ or ‘no’ in response to a proposal.
- The decision to hold a referendum in the UK is taken by the government.

148
Q

three uk wide referendums

A
  • the 1975 referendum on continued membership of the European Economic Community
  • the 2011 referendum on using the alternative vote system for Westminster elections
  • the 2016 referendum on whether the UK should remain a member of the European Union
149
Q

Local referendums

A
  • establishing directly elected mayors
  • congestion charges
  • council tax increases
  • neighbourhood plans
  • parish polls
150
Q

Establishing directly elected mayors

A

By 2016, 52 referendums had been held on moving to the directly elected mayor model, with only 16 approving the move. The referendums were triggered by central government, a decision by the local authority or a petition by local citizens.

151
Q

Congestion charges

A

Two cities, Edinburgh in 2005 and Manchester in 2008, held referendums on introducing congestion charges. In both cases, some three-quarters of voters rejected the proposals and so they were dropped.

152
Q

Council tax increases

A

A local authority proposing to increase council tax above a threshold set by central government must hold a referendum to approve it. In 2015, voters in Bedfordshire rejected an increase proposed by the police and crime commissioner (PCC).

153
Q

Neighbourhood plans

A

The Localism Act 2011 requires local authorities to hold referendums on neighbourhood plans for housing development. By the end of 2015, 126 such referendums had been held and all of them approved the plans. Turnout averaged 33%.

154
Q

Parish polls

A

The Local Government Act 1972 allows voters to request that a parish council holds an advisory referendum on a local issue. The regulations were tightened after criticism that the system was being used to hold votes on issues that were not local matters (e.g. EU treaties).

155
Q

Key factors influencing the decision of a natonal referendum have included

A
  • Constitutional changes
  • Coalition agreement
  • Party management
  • Political pressure
156
Q

Constitutional changes

A

The Blair governments held referendums
to approve their proposals for constitutional change, particularly devolution.

157
Q

Coalition government

A

A referendum on replacing first-past-the-post
with the alternative vote system was a central feature of the 2010 Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition agreement. It also included commitments to referendums on Welsh devolution, directly elected mayors and future EU treaties.

158
Q

Party management

A

By calling the 1975 and 2016 EEC/EU referendums, Harold Wilson and David Cameron hoped to resolve long- running internal party divisions on the issue of European integration. Neither was successful.

159
Q

Political pressure

A

The momentum for a Scottish independence referendum became unstoppable following the SNP’s victory in the 2011 Scottish Parliament elections. The rise of UKIP and media campaigns for a vote influenced Cameron’s decision to hold an EU referendum. However, governments are unlikely to hold referendums that they believe they will lose and they have the advantage of controlling the timing of the referendum. Governments have also promised referendums — e.g. on joining the euro and approving EU treaties — that, in the end, they did not hold because of a change in circumstances.

160
Q

The Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 gave the Electoral Commission specific responsibilities on regulating referendums

A
  • Wording
  • Campaign participation
  • Campaign spending
  • Conduct of the campaign
161
Q

Wording

A

The Commission comments on the intelligibility of proposed referendum questions. The government is not required to accept these
recommendations, but tends to do so.

162
Q

Campaign participation

A

Groups and individuals who expect to
spend more than £10,000 on referendum campaigning must register as participants with the Electoral Commission. The Commission designates the lead organisations for each side of the campaign. These organisations have a higher spending limit, receive public money and
are entitled to television broadcasts.

163
Q

Campaign spending

A

The Commission ensures that organisations and
individuals adhere to limits on funding and spending.

164
Q

Conduct of the campaign

A

After the referendum, the Commission
issues a report on administration and spending. Its report on the 2016 EU referendum questioned the rules regarding spending by the UK government.

165
Q

2014 Scottish independence referendum

A
  • The Yes Scotland campaign group was fronted by the SNP, while Better Together was supported by Labour, the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats. The campaign saw debate over the costs and benefits of the Union and independence, but Better Together was criticised for a negative campaign focused on the dangers of independence. In the final stages of the campaign, when opinion polls suggested a vote for independence was possible, the leaders of the three main UK parties made a vow to deliver further devolution in the event of a ‘no’ vote.
  • The referendum was a success in terms of political participation and education. Turnout was very high (84.5%), and 16- and 17-year-olds were permitted to vote. In the end, 55.3% said ‘no’ to an independent Scotland while 1.6 million voters (44.7%) supported independence. The result did not settle the issue of Scottish independence and the SNP supports a second vote, particularly in the wake of the outcome of the EU referendum in 2016.
166
Q

Referendums have had an impact on UK political life in three main areas:

A
  • direct democracy
  • parliamentary sovereignty and representative democracy
  • constitutional convention
167
Q

Impact of direct democracy on referendums

A

An element of direct democracy has been injected into a political system previously wedded to representative democracy. However, the extent to which referendums have enhanced UK democracy is debatable (see the debate). Referendums have extended political participation and made government more responsive to the people on major constitutional issues, but they have created competing legitimacies (e.g. should parliament or the people have the final say?) and some of the information presented by referendum campaign groups has been misleading.

168
Q

Have referendums enhanced representative democracy in the UK? YES

A
  • They have introduced direct democracy, ensuring that citizens, not politicians, have the final say on major issues.
  • They have checked the power of government, making it more responsive to the wishes of the people.
  • They have enhanced political participation, notably in the Scottish independence referendum.
  • They have educated people on key issues and improved popular understanding of politics.
  • They have legitimised important constitutional changes such as devolution.
169
Q

Have referendums enhanced representative democracy in the UK? NO

A
  • They have undermined representative democracy, taking decision making on complex issues away from those with the most political knowledge or experience.
  • They have undermined parliamentary sovereignty and, in the case of the 2016 EU referendum, created tensions between parliament and the people.
  • Governments take advantage of their authority to decide whether and when to call referendums in order to strengthen their position, e.g. to legitimise their policies or resolve internal divisions.
  • Turnout in referendums is often poor, with decisions taken on the basis of votes cast by a minority of eligible electors.
  • Referendum campaigns have been ill-informed and distorted by inaccurate claims made by rival camps and media bias.
170
Q

Parliamentary sovereignty and representative democracy

A
  • The doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty is the cornerstone of the British constitution. It states that parliament is the highest legal authority and can make law on any matter of its choosing. The predominance of parliament is also central to representative democracy. Citizens elect MPs to take decisions on their behalf: MPs are representatives who make up their own mind on issues rather than delegates who must follow instructions from voters.
  • The use of referendums on major constitutional issues marks a shift towards popular sovereignty in which the people, rather than parliament, take the ultimate decision. This has created competing claims of legitimacy. Most UK referendums are not legally binding and parliament retains the authority to respond as it sees fit — though legislation meant the government would have been required to change the electoral system in the case of a ‘yes’ vote in the 2011 AV referendum. A clash of competing claims of legitimacy was evident after the 2016 EU referendum. It was followed by debate on whether and how the government should invoke Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty in order to leave the EU. Some people prioritised parliamentary sovereignty, arguing that the referendum had not authorised the terms of Brexit and that parliament must be asked to give its consent for the country to leave the EU. Others warned that attempts to bypass or dilute the referendum result would damage the legitimacy of the government and political system.
171
Q

Constitutional conventions

A

Since the 1997 devolution referendums, it has become a constitutional convention that further changes to the devolved settlement would require approval in a referendum. The Government of Wales Act 2006 permitted the Welsh Assembly to gain new powers if they were approved in a referendum — as happened in 2011. The Scotland Act 2016 states that the Scottish Parliament and government cannot be abolished unless approved in a referendum in Scotland.

172
Q

UK/US comparisons

A
  • There are separate elections for the president and for Congress in the USA. Presidential elections take place every 4 years. Members of the House of Representatives are elected every 2 years. Senators serve a 6-year term but there are rolling elections, with one-third of the Senate elected every 2 years. Hundreds of thousands of other positions (from judges to local officials) are subject to election. In the UK, the prime minister is not directly elected.
  • Members of the House of Representatives are elected in single-member constituencies known as districts. Each of the 50 US states sends two representatives to the Senate. In the UK, the House of Lords is unelected.
  • The single-member plurality system is used for Elections to Congress. In presidential elections, the candidate who secures a plurality of votes in a state receives all the Electoral College votes for that state. As in the UK, single- member plurality can deliver a winner’s bonus and may produce the ‘wrong’ result — Republican candidates won the 2000 and 2016 presidential elections despite polling fewer votes than their Democratic opponents.
  • The USA retains a classic two-party system while it is in decline in the UK. The Republicans and Democrats win the vast majority of votes and seats in Congress. Since the 1850s, the presidential election has been won by either a republican or democratic candidate - a candidate from a third party has not taken office.