11 Flashcards
When was Hitler appointed as Chancellor?
On 30 lanuary 1933, Adolt Hitler was summoned to the office of the President of the Weimar Republic, Field Marshal Hindenburg. At this short but momentous meeting Hitler was invited by Hindenburg to lead a new government ot national concentration, a coalition government in which the Nazi Party would share power with the DNVP and others, including Franz Von Papen.
When he left the meeting to return to his party headquarters,
Hitler had been appointed Chancellor of the new government. Although Hitler was the leader of the largest party in the Reichstag, Hindenburg and Papen believed his inexperience meant that he could easily be manipulated bi the more experienced politicians in his cabinet.
Summary of Hitler came to power
The process that brought Hitler to power in January 1933 was long and complex. Hitler and the Nazis won enough votes in the 1932 elections to become the largest party in the Reichstag, but that did not mean Hitler was carried into power on a wave of popular support. The NSDAP was the largest party in the Reichstag, but it did not have an absolute maiority, and a large majority of German voters supported other parties. Nor did Hitler become Chancellor as the result of a Nazi-led political uprising, even though subsequent Nazi propaganda presented it in that way. His appointment involved negotiations and secret deals between many of key German political figures, including Hindenburg and his close circle of advisers. As the historian Alan Bullock has written, Hitler came to power ‘as part of a shoddy political deal with the ‘Old Gang’ whom he had been attacking for months past. Hitler did not seize power; he was jobbed into office by a backstairs intrigue. To understand how this came about, we need to look in detail at the worsening political and economic crisis during 1932 and the beginning of 1933.
Aims of Brüning
Brunings coalition government was in power from March 1930 until
May 1934, despite not having majority support in the Reichstag. His appointment by Hindenburg had been heavily influenced by Schleicher and he could only remain in office, or indeed pass any new laws, with Hindenburg and Schleicher’s continued support. Kurt von schleicher, who had become the key power broker in Weimar politics, was determined to establish a more authoritarian style of government in Germany and his hirst attempt to achieve this was during Brüning’s government, which ruled largely through presidential decree.
In economic policy, Brunings priority was to reduce state expenditure by cutting welfare benefits, reducing the number of civil servants and cutting wages, a policy for which he was dubbed the ‘Hunger Chancellor” Far trom improving the economic situation, these measures contributed to the deepening of the Depression and, by February 1932, unemployment in Germany exceeded 6 million for the first time. As unemployment increased. so too did electoral support for the Nazi Party and the Communist Party and the level or street violence rose. By the spring of 1932, there was growing alarm among the middle and upper classes that Germany was descending into chaos and that a communist revolution was a real possibility.
Fall of Brüning
Althougn Braning imposed a ban on the Sa in April 1932 in an attemnt to
stop steer violence, the poltica situation continned to deteriorate and Schleicher
withdrew his support. Schleicher was concerned that the ban on the SA would
the political head of the army in
provoke a Nazi uprising and he also came to the conclusion, after the presidential this period, read his key profile or election, that no government could rule without the support of the Nazi Party.
In talks with Schleicher, Fitler refused to join a coalition government unless he was appointed Chancellor, something that Schleicher was not willing to concede.
However, Hitler did agree not to oppose a new government, on condition that there would be a new Reichstag election and that the ban on the SA was lifted
Brüning’s fate as Chancellor was sealed. When Hindenburg, acting on Schleicher’s advice, refused to sign a presidential decree Brüning had submitted, Bruning had no alternative but to resign. Hindenburg replaced him with Franz von Papen, with Schleicher as Defence Minister in the new cabinet.
Early Papen gov
Following the orders of Hindenburg and Schleicher, Papen, in an attempt to establish a ‘government of national concentration, constructed his government on a non-party political basis. The only political party that supported his
coalition was the DNVP which was rewarded with two posts in the cabinet
All other cabinet positions were filled by men who were not members of the Reichstag, most of whom came from the landowning and industrial elite, hence the nickname cabinet of barons. With limited support in the Reichstag, raper continned to rule by decree. a situation that suited his authoritarian leanings
Papen believed that the greatest threat to Germany was a communist revolution and that Weimar democracy had allowed this threat to grow
Although, as an aristocrat, he looked down on the Nazis, he nevertheless sympathised with many of Hitler’s ideas and saw the Nazis, with their mass popular support, as useful allies in his quest to establish a government of
‘national concentration’ In June 1932, therefore, he lifted the ban on the SA and imposed curbs on the left-wing press. The result was a new wave of street violence, especially during the Reichstag election campaign of July 1932, which gave Papen an excuse to impose authoritarian rule in Germany’s largest state, Prussia.
Papen’s credibility
Papen was not taken seriously by anyone apart from Hindenburg.
The French ambassador wrote thal his appointment was met with incredulity. The ambassador went on to say that Papen ‘enjoyed the peculiarity of being taken seriously by neither his friends nor his enemies.
Papen’s destruction of democratic government in Prussia
One of the most serious incidents of political violence occurred in the Altona suburb of Hamburg on 17 July. This mainly working-class district, in which the KPD had a strong following, was the scene of a large SA march, which was confronted by several hundred communists. The police panicked and opened fire on the communists, killing 18 and injuring over
100. Although the deaths were caused by police violence, Papen blamed the SPD-led state government of Prussia (of which Hamburg was a part) for the breakdown of law and order. He used this as an excuse to dismiss the government. He declared a state of emergency in Prussia, used the army to impose order in Berlin, and appointed himself Reich Commissioner in charge of Prussia. He also purged the civil service in Prussia of SPD supporters. Although Papen had the support of Hindenburg, his actions nevertheless went far bevond his constitutional powers. The SPD, however, did not try to organise resistance to this blatant assault on the democratic constitution. As loseph Goebbels wrote in his diary, ‘You only have to bare your teeth at the reds and they knuckle under. The reds have missed their chance. It’s never going to come again.
July 1932 election vote shares
NSDAP:37.3%
KPD:14.3%
SPD:21.6%
July 1932 election
One of the terms of the agreement between Hitler and Schleicher was that there should be a new Reichstag election. This was held at the end of July.
Most moderate parties, with the exception of the Centre, suttered losses in the July 1932 election as Germany’s political life had become even more polarised compared with the previous election in September 1930. The DVP and the State Party (DDP), in particular, experienced a serious loss ot support and were reduced to the ranks of fringe parties. The DNVP also suffered heavy losses as the Nazis established themselves as the main party of the right. The Nazis succeeded in attracting large numbers of middle-class voters, many who had never participated in elections before and many of the unemployed They did not, however, succeed in winning voters from the SPD or KPD. nor were they able to attract Catholic voters away trom the Centre Partv. Despite their success, some Nazis were aware that they were reaching the limits of their appeal in an open election. As Goebbels noted in his diary. ‘We have won a tiny bit. We won’t get to an absolute majority this way. Something must happen. The time for opposition is over. Now deeds!’
How did the July 1932 election strengthen Hitler and eventually cause news elections in November?
Nevertheless, Hitler was now in an even stronger position in his dealings with Papen and Schleicher. Alter the election, Papen invited Hitler to ioin his government but Hitler still refused. Again he would only particinate in a coalition government it he were the Chancellor. He also felt free to break his agreement with Schleicher and attack Papens government. Indeed. the Nazis ioined with other parties, including even the communists, to debale a vote of no contidence in Papens government, which was passed by the massive majority ot 512 votes to 42. Papens position had weakened and he was forced to ask Hindenburg to dissolve the Reichstag and call a new election in November.
November 1932 election
The most striking aspect of the November 1932 election result was the loss of support for the Nazi Party. Although they remained the largest party in the Reichstag, they lost two million votes and 34 seats in the Reichstag. It appeared that Nazi support had peaked in July and was now in decline. Part of the explanation for this was that many middle-class voters had been alienated by Hitler’s attacks on Papen and by his refusal to join a coalition government if he could not lead it. These middle-class voters returned to the DVP and the DNVP both of which saw a modest revival in their electoral support. The fact that the Nazis had supported a communist-led transport strike in Berlir during the election campaign also damaged the party in the eves of middle class voters, who were terrified of a communist revolution. Moreover three election campaigns in the space of eight months had exhausted Nazi funds Titler appeared to have lost his chance to take power by legal means. The centre parties suffered losses, whilst the communists made significant gains.
November 1932 election vote shares
SPD:20.4%
KPD:16.9%
NSDAP:33.1%
The end of Papen’s government
Overall, the biggest loser in the November 1932 election was Papen, even though he was not a candidate. His government still faced a hostile Reichstag majority and he was beginning to lose credibility in the eyes of the army.
Panen considered banning the Nazis and the communists, and using the army to entorce an authoritarian style of government, which would bypass the Reichstag altogether. However, when Schleicher informed Papen that the army would not support him, he had no alternative but to resign.
Hindenburg’s inner circle
Throughout the complicated twists and turns of the political situation in 1932, a small group of men who made up President Paul von Hindenburgs inner circle ot advisers were involved in all of the key decisions. It was this group which advised Hindenburg on the appointment of Chancellors and the signing of presidential decrees. Chief among these was Kurt von Schleicher who, since 1926, had been the political head of the army. Indeed, since
929, he had been the head of the Ministeria Oftice whose function was to represent the army in its dealings with the government. Schleicher had been instrumental in persuading Hindenburg to withdraw his support from Brüning in May 1932 and appoint Papen in his place. Then, in November 1932, Schleicher was deeply involved in the downfall of Papen, since Papen had proved to be far too independent-minded for Schleicher’s liking.
Schleicher was ambitious, quick-witted and addicted to behind-the-scenes intrigue. As a conservative, he worked for the restoration of authoritarian rule in Germany but, as a pragmatist, he recognised that this could not be achieved through a straightforward return to the past. The rise of the Nazi Party had transtormed German politics. Schleicher aimed for an alliance between the forces ot old conservatism and the Nazis who, with their popular support, would legitimise an authoritarian regime dominated by the old conservatives.
Within Hindenburg’s private office, two other men occupied key positions. Oskar von Hindenburg, the President’s son. was another army other with close links to Schleicher. He controlled access to the President and his opinions were highly valued by his father. Also in a key position WaS WI Olo meIssner, a civil servant who ran the residents ince and acted as a key go-between in negotiations between Hitler and Hindenburg.
Flindenourg regarded Titler with disdain and viewed the Nazis as a noisv. undisciplined rabble. He was, therefore, reluctant to concede Hitler’s demand to be made chancellor without any checks on his treedom of action. Alter the fall of Papens government, however, Hindenburg was running out of options.
Rise of Schliecher and initial aim and success
After the fall of Papen, Schleicher persuaded President Hindenburg to appoint
him as chancellor. He was reluctant to take this step as he preterred to exercise influence from behind the scenes. Moreover, his task of constructing a stable government was fraught with difficulty since he had alienated Papen and lost some of Hindenburgs trust because of the way he had conspired against Papen. He believed that his best chance of success lay in persuading the Nazis to join a coalition let by him.
At first, this did not seem to be an impossible dream. The Nazis had suttered a setback in the November election and. in state elections in
December, their support continued to fall. They were also virtually bankrupt Criticism of Hitler’s tactics in refusing to join a coalition government after several invitations was beginning to surface within the Nazi Party itself. All of this contributed to the impression that Hitler had overplayed his hand and that his bargaining position had weakened. Schleicher, believing that he could put pressure on Hitler by playing on these divisions in the party. opened negotiations with the party’s organisation leader, Gregor Strasser. about ioining his government. Hitler, however, moved quickly to get rid of Strasser and reassert his control over the party. Schleicher’s bid to win Nazi support for his government had failed.
