week 14 Flashcards

1
Q

surrounding the Cold War/decolonization, China emerged as

A

a new, alternative partner for Africa. Initially driven by just state policy, relations have evolved to where private ventures are increasingly significant.
-Chinese emigration used to be pretty dependent on CPC policy (historically restrictive), but as it has relaxed, more Chinese emigrate on their own volition

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2
Q

Big D/Little D

A

Big D as in “third world interventions”/aid, big development projects; little d as in evolution of
capitalism, trading, more on the non-state side of things. The two are intertwined through people, investments, loans, and diplomacy. (reading mentions “no Beijing Consensus,” rejecting the idea that the CPC orchestrates absolutely everything)
-Becoming clear that the behaviour of Chinese migrants and their respective African host communities (local level) matters just as much as high-level govt/diplomatic relations

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3
Q

countries like South Africa, which is a longer-term partner to China, has maintained a

A

large, increasing population of Chinese migrants. Countries of particular interest like Sudan and Nigeria have seen some of the most drastic increases.

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4
Q

3 main considerations regarding Chinese migration to Africa

A
  1. Understanding histories, and how both China and African states have evolved over time/how demands in capitalist world economy shape migration
  2. Recognition of characteristics of migrants, particularly differences between overseas Chinese populations
  3. Diasporas generally bound by ethnic “sameness,” but since people settle in different host communities/circumstances, it’s tough to talk about just one single diasporic identity
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5
Q

6 main channels between china and africa

A
  1. trade links
  2. investment flow
  3. aid
  4. global institutions
  5. flow of people
  6. environmental spillovers
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6
Q

embeddedness

A

the idea that economic practices are interconnected with social relations. This concept is used to analyze ethnic businesses, who often get labor contracts and more from members of a shared racial or ethnic group

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7
Q

features of migrant’s preferences/migration trajectory

A

often, Chinese traders are involved in cheap goods and life frugally. Usually, a male family member will migrate to the new host community, and the rest of the family will join as needed, in a form of chain migration. This is changing though, as more people migrate in a commercial form of chain migration, being paid to go abroad to work rather than joining a family member

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8
Q

integration w local communications can be affected by several things

A

For instance, with more state-backed projects, workers may be living on compounds with little contact with the surrounding African communities. And in general, there are still significant language barriers, as very few Chinese migrants speak local languages, and their English/Portuguese, if any, is limited

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9
Q

issues of trust

A

Chinese people, in some cases, express a lack of trust for local African labor. In Ghana, for example, the Chinese viewed the locals as unreliable due to absences for funerals and other such cultural events. Still, in certain industries, such as restaurants, the Chinese view hiring locals as beneficial, since they know the customer base better and have insight on markets and culture

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10
Q

links to mainland Chna

A

internationally, family/personal ties hold private Chinese businesses together, cementing communities through things like social clubs with library groups, gambling, Mandarin newspapers, etc in the host country. This maintains Chinese culture for migrants and their children, as well as links back to mainland China.
-One result of Chinese sometimes keeping more to themselves is they tend to be absent from local politics, with the exception of places like Mauritius with more established diaspora communities. In such places, many Chinese end up seeking citizenship, and some even marry locals

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11
Q

Some things making migrants less embedded

A

Chinese traders prefer to buy from Chinese wholesalers or directly from Chinese factories and maintain communication with partners back home, but in some cases, flexibility and diversification can lead Chinese merchants to branch out; perhaps moving to a new, more enticing area less connected to the old diaspora communities.
-Also, Chinese migrants may sometimes use African nations as “soft locations,” breaking up their overarching goal of journeying to Western Europe or North America.
Migrants in this category tend to be less imbedded in African economies

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12
Q

Different host countries receive Chinese migrants differently

A

Ghana seems generally more open, while many in Zambia and Nigeria perceive Chinese migrants to be more of a threat. Perhaps in more open environments, where the Chinese
are able to be imbedded in the local community, they may become more active in local politics over time, whereas they may stay exclusive in environments more hostile to foreigners

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13
Q

the nature of african state formation is crucial

A

policy, history, and grassroots politics all shape local responses to China and foreigners in general. there is no single African perspective

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14
Q

migrants are granted varying degrees
of rights in their host country

A

affects their livelihood and connections back home in China.
Chinese migrants’ ability to form relationships with local officials and customs officers is also impactful, since these are the sources through
which they get trading permits. in some cases, Chinese migrants’ dealings with those officials may include more shady business practices, though not outright bribery. In such cases, the Chinese don’t really see it as wrong, but rather a legitimate business practice. Basically, Chinese migrants will work within local laws, but may push the limits in some cases if they see opportunity

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15
Q

African agency in relation to Chinese migrants

A

South African Trade Union Congress (TUC), which organizes debates surrounding clothing and textile industries
-Uganda, holding local campaign around “unfair” Chinese competition
-Zambia, following the Chambishi mining incident, Civil Society Trade. Network of Zambia accused Chinese firms and urged for change and better enforcement of health and safety standards (this is alongside protests by the public, as well as Michael Sata’s anti-China based campaign)
So while some African governments have previously been “unserious” in their relations with China, many have been increasingly proactive and willing to advocate for local public concerns.

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16
Q

the perceived threat of exploitation of resources, and of being replaced or outcompeted

A

drives a lot of the discontempt among
African societies, but in areas where the knowledge or materials needed for manufacturing are scarce, the Chinese may be welcomed in hopes of bringing investment, jobs, knowledge, and goods

17
Q

convivial culture

A

basically day-to-day interactions
the level where much of integration of Chinese people into their host community occurs

18
Q

agency regional level

A

SADC, ECOWAS

19
Q

agency governmental level

A

authoritative level

20
Q

agency bureaucratic level

A

others have noted many African countries’ agency at the bureaucratic level

21
Q

growing popular agency

A

independent african analysts have identified best practices to enhance African countries’ leverage vis-a-vis China.
this includes defining a China strategy, building more in-house expertise on China within bureaucracies, closer collaboration among African countries - e.g. regional groups and continental agency

22
Q

implications of chinese investments

A

Popular pressure also comes from groups dealing with the human rights implications of Chinese investments – demanding scrutiny of Chinese investments;
* In October 2020, a Ghanaian environmental coalition led by the NGO A Rocha
Ghana lodged a complaint at the High Court in Accra to stop a $2- billion infrastructure-for-natural resources deal under which Sinohydro would develop roads, hospitals, housing, and rural electrification in exchange for refined
bauxite.
* The complaint claims the deal violates citizens’ right to a clean and healthy environment for current and future generations.

23
Q

Zimbabwe coal mining agency

A

In Zimbabwe, the government banned coal mining in national parks in September 2020 after three weeks of protests demanding the withdrawal of Chinese mining licenses in Hwange National Park.
* This campaign was led by the Zimbabwe
Environmental Law Association (ZELA), which also lodged an urgent appeal at the Harare High Court

24
Q

SGR in Kenya Agency

A

In Kenya, a June 2020 Court of Appeals ruling found that the new Standard Gauge Railway from Mombasa to Nairobi—a flagship project of the Belt and Road—was illegal.
* This came after years of strategic litigation by the Kenya Law Society dating back to 2014.
* These legal battles were supported by extensive media reporting on widespread corruption in the project.
* Influential industry leaders affiliated with the powerful Kenya Chamber of Commerce and Industry also lent their voice, amplifying calls for greater scrutiny of the Kenya-China relationship.
* This forced the government to launch an
investigation leading to the arrests of several
Chinese and Kenyan managers.

25
Q

rebalancing the china-africa power gap

A

African countries need to be more transparent in negotiating with Chinese counterparts.
* Deals need to be considered in terms of how much they advance citizen interests, as opposed to the narrow personal interests of
leaders.
* Public engagement in negotiations is also vital.
* China is sensitive to how it is perceived.
Therefore, publicly negotiated deals can lead to Chinese concessions to ensure perceptions of fairness. This is especially the case when public pressure is well-organized and widespread

26
Q

african agency and emerging powers

A

Africa’s agency in International Relations provides a useful departure point to talk about a set of trends shaping current global politics.
* These include uneven globalization, identity politics, and dangerous power transitions.
* In this volatile context, African decision-making is frequently described as a response to a radically unequal global power
hierarchy.
* This sometimes leads to a tendency to celebrate any African decision—even decisions that break key norms—as a strike by
excluded, marginalized populations against Western dominance

27
Q

agency as emancipatory

A

there is a belief that any act of agency by weaker actors within a system dominated by global powers is a normative good, because that act necessarily challenges this lopsided power hierarchy.
* This outlook complicates the analysis of African agency because it ascribes moral purpose to the conduct of African actors because they occupy a weaker position compared to major powers, rather than
sufficiently engaging with the specific impacts of the act itself.
* African agency is not necessarily (moral according to others)

28
Q

3 areas of agency

A

1). the nation of Africa in African agency
who are we talking about, which african actors are constituted as agents, whom do they
represent, what is their source of authority
2) the actual process of agency
what constitutes agency, which actions reflect agency and which dont
3)the issue of how african actors have managed to increase their agency in the face of global power imbalances

29
Q

agency can be hypocritical

A

For example, such an analysis might praise an African elite’s being against international norms as striking a blow against the structural marginalization of African states in the international system, while not critiquing how these acts monopolize power and exclude groups domestically.
* Evidence suggests, however, that agency can and often does express itself through tactics used by incumbent governments to shore up their own power, or to exclude other groups.

30
Q

ways to use agency

A

playing countries againist each other
agency is using its relationships

31
Q
A