Voting Behaviour Flashcards
what were the crutcial turning points in postwar politics?
1979 1997 2010
All critical turning points in postwar politics
key election dates during the postwar consensus (period of one nation conservatism, etc)
1945 labour under Clement Attlee
1951 Conservatives on the Winston Churchill
1955 and 1959 Conservative
1964 Labour and Harold Wilson
1966 labour
1970 Conservatives
1974 labour
key election dates after the postwar consensus (1979 onwards)
1979 Conservatives under Margaret Thatcher shift to neoliberalism
1983 and 1987 Conservatives under Thatcher
1992 Conservatives under John Major
1997, 2001 and 2005 — labour under Blair new labour
2010 Conservatives and Lib Dems coalition under David Cameron
2015 Conservatives under Cameron
2017 Conservative and DUP confidence and supply agreement under Theresa May
why do people vote the way they do?
Age — e.g. younger people tend to vote labour (2017 ‘youthquake’)
Class — Wealth, financial situation, education et cetera
Region and location
Tactical voting — i.e. not voting for who they actually want, instead voting for someone who is likely to prevent someone they do not want being elected
Dislike for party leader / Public image of Party leader — e.g. Cameron and the EU referendum
Economic situation
Ethnicity
Manifesto and policies of the parties
Morals and values
How their constituency votes
Election campaign techniques
Job
Media representation
Family and friends
social and demographic factors affecting voting behaviour
Region ethnicity age gender class
class-based voting: is class still an important factor in determining voting behaviour?
Class still remains a factor in determining voting habits but its influence has declined
A lower percentage of people vote based on class
For example upper classes are still more likely to vote Conservative but the percentage doing so has decreased
class-based voting: how is class categorised? (modern class categories)
A = higher managerial and professional workers, such as judges and business owners
B = Upper middle class (home owners, degrees, teachers, lawyers et cetera), Middle managers and professionals, such as store managers, teachers and lawyers
C1 = Unskilled middle-class, office/clerical, white-collar, Clerical workers such as office clerks and secretaries
C2 = Skilled working-class, have training, builders and electricians, Skilled manual workers such as builders electricians and plumbers
D = Semiskilled, factory workers/miners, no apprentice training, Semi skilled and unskilled workers such as day labourers and factory workers
E = Funding from state, unemployed, students, pensioners et cetera, The unemployed pensioners and those unable to work
class-based voting: which class traditionally votes for Conservatives?
A, B + C1 = traditionally vote for conservatives
1979 election — 59% voted Conservative 24% voted labour
2010 election — 39% voted Conservative 27% voted labour
class-based voting: what class traditionally votes for Labour?
C2, D + E = traditionally vote for labour
1979 election — 49% voted labour 34% voted Conservative
2010 — 40% voted labour 31% voted Conservative
(Examples of the DE group)
what is class dealignment?
People are less likely to vote based on their class
For example the working class will not necessarily vote labour
This is because individuals no longer identify themselves with a certain class so do not vote for the party they are expected to given their background
how does region affect voting behaviour?
There is strong regional bias to voting patterns, linked to class differences
North England tend to vote labour in 20 15 43% voted labour and in 20 17 53% voted labour, possibly because these are industrial and urban areas tend to be poor areas of the country
South England tend to vote Conservative with the notable exception of London in 2015 nearly 46% voted Conservative and in 20 17 54% voted Conservative, possibly because This area contains the most prosperous areas with highest levels of employment and home ownership
London is mostly labour
There are a wide variations in voting patterns Between regions there are electoral Heartlines the south is mainly Conservative whereas cities and the north are mainly labour
how does ethnicity affect voting behaviour?
BME tend to vote for labour over Conservatives in 19 9770% voted labour and only 18% voted Conservative in 20 and10 60% voted labour 16% voted Conservative
This may be because Labour has focused more strongly on promoting a multicultural and antidiscrimination agenda, it also links to class as minorities tend to be employed in lower wage jobs
One exception is that those of Asian descent are more likely to vote Conservative and voters of African descent possibly because the Conservatives are more focused and traditionally emphasise small businesses
Ethnicity is quite a significant factor however a weakening factor more established groups vote Conservative ethnic minorities tend to vote labour
how does age affect voting behaviour?
Younger people (18 to 24) tend to vote labour while older people vote Conservative
The average age when people begin voting Conservative is 47
Older people may be more likely to vote Conservative because they are more likely to own property so will vote Conservative as they will be most likely to protect their interests, these people may also be shaped by experience and will remember the perceived incompetencies of past Labour governments potentially influencing them to vote Conservative
Older people are also less likely to vote idealistically or with the aspiration of changing society where as young people are older people are more concerned with their own interests
In 20 1044% of 65+ age-group voted Conservative well only 30% of 18 to 24-year-olds did
As a result of their support from older voters the Conservatives refused to cut pensioner benefits
Age is a key factor older voters favour Conservative significantly younger voters favour labour
how does class affect voting behaviour?
Class is now less important but still remain significant arguably education is now more important
what is the general trend in turn out?
Upward trend in turn out possibly signalling the end of the participation crisis
how does gender affect voting behaviour?
Gender — Virtually no difference, slight tendency for women to vote labour
Historically women favourite Conservative And showed a strong preference than men, but as times changed they favour labour
Previously favoured a stable society and responded to the Conservative emphasis on family as they tended to be the main carers in families
However women may have begun to side with labour especially in the Blair era because women were as likely as men to have a job outside the home they also could have been responding to labours more family friendly policies such as free childcare provisions
Older women are more likely to vote Conservative Compared to younger women in 20 1030% of women aged 18 to 24 voted Conservative yet this was 42% for women over 55
differences in turn out: Age groups in the Scottish referendum EU referendum and 2017 general election
Scottish referendum 75% of 16 to 17-year-olds voted 54% of 18 to 24-year-olds voted
EU referendum 64% of 18 to 24-year-olds voted
2017 general election 54% of 18 to 24-year-olds voted
differences in turnout: age groups
Low turnout in young people difficult for radical parties and labour to get more votes young people are more likely to feel alienate it from a political system that they feel is not making a difference to their lives this may be the same with ethic minorities and poorer people
The 65+ age-group has a high turnout gives an advantage to Conservatives and you kip, Possibly because they have acquired the habit of voting and are more likely to believe the outcome of elections will impact their lives
in 20 1076% of those over 65 voted well only 44% of 18 to 24s did
differences in turn out: class
Turn out tends to be higher in AB Classes which gives a large advantage to Conservatives
differences in turn out: gender
There is virtually no difference in turnout between men and women also strikingly similar if they are in the same social class
20 1066% of men voted 64% of women voted
differences in turn out: region
Participation in Northern Ireland has fallen because the political situation has stabilised and turn out tended to be higher when there was conflict possibly because voters were more concerned on the outcome of elections
South England approximately 68% North West England 62%
differences in turn out: ethnicity
67% of white people voted in 2010 only 51% of ethnic minorities did disadvantage to labour
define social class
A way of categorising people based on their status in society usually by occupation or income
SOCIAL CLASS:
traditionally British society was divided into three classes based on wealth and how money was earned; upper class (Landowners/the nobility), middle class (property owners) and working class (labourers)
As British society has evolved the class system has developed into a more diverse set of groups e.g. A, B, C1, C2, D, E
SOCIAL CLASS:
until the 1980s, voters were strongly influenced by their social class background And class often determined how a person would vote (this is known as class voting)
Working-class people have the tendency to vote for labour because it was closely linked to the trade union movement and looked after the interests of those who worked in the cold steel textiles et cetera industries and those who owned a living from manual labour, Classes C2, D and to a large extent E would be described as working-class and tended to vote labour
The middle classes usually business white-collar workers and property owners voted for Conservative, Classes a, B and C1 would usually be described as middle-class and tended to vote Conservative
SOCIAL CLASS:
This was known as class voting which was voting in line with the party to best protect and serve the interests of your particular class
class determined how a person would vote
SOCIAL CLASS:
However towards the late 20th century class has begun to lose its importance in determining voting behaviour and this is a process known as class D alignment which is where individuals no longer identify themselves as belonging to a certain class and so no longer vote based on this
They fail to make a connection between their class and voting choice
less likely to vote based on class
SOCIAL CLASS:
There was never a clear-cut social divide between Labour and Conservative
Labour also had support from some of the middle class especially those who worked in the state sector such as teachers as well as university intellectuals
Conservatives also appealed to patriotic working-class voters who valued established institutions such as the monarchy
SOCIAL CLASS:
The link between class and voting has become a lot less important and significant now because society has become more wealthy in general and working-class people have aspired to a middle-class way of life
The difference is that separated classes have shrunk and become less visible
SOCIAL CLASS:
The difference is that separated classes have shrunk and become less visible
This was promoted by the sale of council houses to the tenants under the Thatcher government which allowed the lower classes to become homeowners
Old heavy industries declined which reduced trade union power while the service sector was less unionised and expanded
Many industries were privatised which reduced the size of the public sector traditionally a source of support for the Labour Party
SOCIAL CLASS:
Tony Blair’s victory in 1997 was a result of his ability to broaden the appeal of the party to middle-class voters as well as keeping the support of the working class this was mainly done by dropping its commitment to the nationalisation of industries in 1995
The creation of new labour was a recognition of the trends above
SOCIAL CLASS:
Although the way different people vote has changed it is still typical of the higher classes to vote Conservative on the lower classes to vote labour
A, B and C1 (middle and upper classes) are typically Conservative
C2, D and E (Working classes) are typically labour
SOCIAL CLASS:
There is also a link between class and turn out patterns people have more at stake financially the upper classes through property ownership savings and investments are more inclined to vote on the lower classes who may believe that the political system delivers little for them
In 20 1076% of the two highest classes voted but only 57% of the two lowest did
74% who owns the home is voted compared with only 55% of those living in social housing or renting
SOCIAL CLASS:
class voting meant that Each party had a set of core voters from a distinct social class that will usually always vote for that party which showed that economic factors such as employment and inflation Were the top concern
This reflected the fact that economic factors such as employment and inflation were the top concern of many people
As a result the two main parties presented a clear class-based choice to the electorate this explains why in 1970, 88% of all votes went to the two main parties
However since the 1970s economic reforms and changing attitudes resulted in a decline in the importance of economic issues and a greater concern about social issues such as immigration civil and human rights crime welfare provision, attitudes towards sex and sexuality And Britain’s position in the world
Many of these issues have an economic dimension but they tend to be considered from an emotional and social point of view
as they cross the class-based divisions they have resulted in class D alignment which has seen people less likely to vote according to their class
These issues across the class-based divisions and result in class and partisan de-alignment
E.g. in 2015 many Labour voters gravitated towards UKIP who reflected their concerns of immigration more than Labour did
SOCIAL CLASS:
Until the 1970s class was widely seen as the key to understanding voting behaviour in the UK
Peter Pulzer Was able to declare famously “class is the basis of British party politics; all else is embellishment and detail”
The stable Conservative Labour two party system of the 1945 to 70 period was largely a reflection of what was called class alignment a link between class and voting
For example in 1964 to 66, 64% of working-class or manual voters classes C2, D and E voted labour was 62% of middle-class or non-manual workers classes a, B and C1 voted Conservative
Overall in 1966, 66% of voters could be Classified as class voters in that they supported their natural party
However from the 1970s onwards the UK has experienced and accelerating process of class D alignment
This does not mean that social class has become irrelevant to voting behaviour but only that the relationship between class and voting has weakened substantially
By 1979 just 51% of all those who supported the natural class party and by 1987 this had fallen to a mere 44%
2010 general election witnessed the weakest ever link between class and voting with only 38% of electors being class voters
In 2015 this rose but only to 40%
what is partisan de-alignment?
The widening of issues considered important by the electorate has also led to partisan dealignment in which voters are less likely to be loyal to one party and more likely to take into consideration multiple issues before casting their vote
This in turn has led to an increase in floating/swing voters, who won’t always stay loyal to one party
2017 general election:
The results from the 2017 general election show that…
The share of Conservative and Labour votes increased significantly
While smaller party votes declined dramatically particularly UKIP whose votes from C to D and E categories probably went to the Conservatives
It appears that the collapse in UKIP votes was due to these going to the Conservatives in the C2 and DE categories
LibDem votes remained fairly stable
2017 general election:
the Conservative vote share from the a B and C1 categories remained constant
but the Conservative vote share increased dramatically among the C2 and DE voters, Who are usually associated with labour (in 2015 27% from DE voted Conservative and in 2017 this rose to 41%)
Labour votes from C to D and E remain stable that but votes from a B and C1 increased hugely (in 201526% of a B voted labour and in 2017 this rose to 38%)
labours vote share with the DE groups remain stable but they saw a significant increase in vote share among the C1 and a B groups usually associated with the Conservatives
2017 general election:
Green party votes declined by 3% based on class these votes most likely went to labour instead
It appears that many Conservative LibDem and greens switched their vote labour giving labour a huge boost and usually strong conservative areas who are typically higher class
with the Conservative votes remaining the same in the a B and C1 categories it appears that former UKIP voters did vote Conservative but that a number of Conservatives as well as Greens and Liberal Democrats switched their votes to labour giving labour a significant boost in these usually strong Conservative areas
2017 general election:
Class was not a major dividing line
C to D and E 44% Conservative 42% labour
A B and C1 44% Conservative 40% labour
The end result shows that class was not a major dividing line in the 2017 general election with the a B and C1 groups voting 44% Conservative and 40% labour, C2 and DE classes voting 44% Conservative and 42% labour
2017 general election:
Instead of class being a major factor education was
55% of those with GCSEs or below voted Conservative
49% with a degree or above voted labour
Instead of class education is now a factor with 55% of those with GCSEs or below voting Conservative and 49% of those with a degree or above voting labour
where was education also a major factor in determining voting behaviour?
2016 EU referendum
75% of those without qualifications voted leave
75% of those with university degrees et cetera voted to remain
Arguably education was the most important factor in how people voted
define class voting
Class determines how a person would vote
define class dealignment
People becoming less likely to vote based on class
breaking and weakening the link between class and voting
Prominent from the 1970s onwards
Where people no longer vote according to their social class
define partisan de-alignment
People are less likely to stay loyal to one party
The idea that people are less committed or loyal to one particular party
define core voters
Voters who have traditionally voted and will continue to vote for the same party over and over again displaying a clear allegiance
Voters who support the same party time and time again reflecting a strong allegiance towards a particular party
Any group of voters who will loyally vote for a party regardless of any personal issues
define floating/swing voters
voters who don’t always vote for the same party they do not identify themselves with a certain party
open to persuasion
few or no loyalties
Voters with few or no long-term party loyalties who therefore vote for different parties in different elections
Voters who are not loyal to a party and are therefore open to persuasion
A voter who tends to vote unpredictably and different elections and who is liable to change the way they vote fairly often
define left behind voters
Voters who feel alienate it and left behind by social and economic reforms that have happened in the UK over the past 50 years
They believe their lives and country has changed for the worst
Tend to be economically left-wing culturally right-wing older white financially poorer less educated live in deprived areas outside major cities
define deviant voting
A person does not vote how we would expect based on their social characteristics
E.g. working class Conservatives
This occurs when a person does not know the way we would expect given their social characteristics especially their class
Examples are working-class Conservatives and wealthy entrepreneurial Labour supporters
define instrumental voting
Self interest voting
voting for who best serves your interests
A term referring to voting behaviour which is motivated by self interest, in other words voters favour a party that they believe will do most good for themselves through its policies
define expressive voting
Voting for who will benefit society as a whole
define positional voting
Voters cast a vote for a party based on its position on a group of issues or a single issue
does class still matter in UK politics?
YES
Many voters still identify with a party based on their perceived class
Geographic voting trends reflect the relative wealth and class make up of a region or constituency e.g. wealthier areas vote Conservative
Class inequality And a lack of social mobility remain major concerns for many voters
There is a link between voting and how included people feel in society, those of a higher class are more likely to feel included and believe they can affect the outcomes of elections
Issues of tax and benefits remain a key distinction between the two main parties
does class still matter in UK politics?
NO
Major issues such as immigration cross class divisions
Size and role of the working class has declined by more than a half, making it less of a political presence
It is more difficult to categorise classes due to increased property ownership and education improvements, Increasing property ownership and improved education make it more difficult to categorise classes
Successful parties have to appeal across a wide range of issues, not just those relating to class
what was a reflection of class alignment in the 1960s?
The stable two-party system was a reflection of class alignment a link between class and voting
In 1964 to 66 64% of working/lower classes (C2, D plus E) voted labour
In the same period 62% of middle and upper classes (C1, B plus A) voted Conservative
how did the relationship between class and voting weaken from the 1970s onwards?
From the 1970s onwards class D alignment was happening which meant that the relationship between class and voting weakened substantially
By 1979 only 51% of voters supported their ’natural’ class party
By 1987 this was 44%
By 2010 this had fallen to 38% which was the weakest ever link between class and voting
However by 2015 this had risen to 40%
PARTY LOYALTY:
Before the 1970s most voters also had a clear and enduring identification with a particular party as partisan alignment which refers to a link between voting and party identification
During 1964 to 66, 90% of voters claimed to identify with the party overwhelmingly labour or Conservative and 44% in 1964 saw themselves as very strong identifiers with a party
PARTY LOYALTY:
Party loyalty has declined since the 1970s known as party dealignment in which individuals no longer identify themselves as being loyal to a certain political party
In 2005 only 10% of voters claimed to be strong party identifiers
Only 9% identified strongly with Labour or Conservative
PARTY LOYALTY:
Party loyalty is usually instilled by family tradition as well as the influence of the workplace and local community
These bonds weekend as people became less likely to work in the same industry their whole lives and education was improving
PARTY LOYALTY:
More people are becoming floating/swing voters who do not identify with a particular party and are open to persuasion at each election
This may be a result of growing dissolution and apathy
In 1979 81% of voters cast their vote for labour or Conservative
In 1997, this is felt to 74%
By 2010 this had fallen to 65% demonstrating that the size of the core vote for Labour and Conservative has diminished
PARTY LOYALTY:
Disillusion = Disappointment from discovering something is not as good as one believed it to be e.g. having no confidence in politics and politicians to solve issues and make a difference
Apathy = Lack of interest enthusiasm or concern e.g. not caring about political activity as seen in low turnout at elections and poor awareness of events
PARTY LOYALTY:
Issue voting = Voting behaviour that is shaped by party policies and usually a calculation of personal self-interest
Instrumental voting = Voting motivated by self interest, voters favour a party that they believe will benefit them the most through their policies
PARTY LOYALTY:
The second factor that explains the relatively stable habitual voting Patterns of the 1964 to 70 period is that most voters had a clear and enduring identification with a particular party this was known as partisan alignment a link between voting and party identification
For instance during 1964 to 66, 90% of voters claimed to identify with the party overwhelmingly with labour or the Conservatives
Many voters (44% in 1964) saw themselves as a very strong identifiers with a party
Nevertheless like social class party loyalty has declined significantly since the 1970s in this case through a process of partisan dealignment
This has been most marked In relation to the strength of party identification
By 2005 a mere 10% of voters claimed to be very strong party identifies with only 9% identifying very strongly with the Conservative or labour parties
reasons/explanations for class dealignment
Changing class system — Working-class shrinking from 58% in 1961 to 29% in 2013, the working-class are becoming more educated and so are becoming more middle-class, The manual workforce has shrunk from 58% in 1961 to 29% in 2013 and the traditional working-class has given way to the new working-class
Unclear social divides — Social class is becoming less clear-cut due to homeownership increase improvement in education and a decline in trade union membership, it is harder to place yourself into a class
Cross class locations — Social class has become less clear-cut through for instance the decline in trade union membership and the rise in homeownership
embourgeoisiement — Growing affluence has encouraged some working-class voters to think of themselves as being middle-class, affluent workers are less solidaristic and maybe more concerned about material self interest
Sectoral cleavages — Voters have been increasingly affected by whether they work in the public sector or the private sector these cleavages cut across class differences
reasons/explanations for partisan dealignment
Increased education — Encouraged to vote is to question traditional and party paste loyalties perhaps taking policies and issues more seriously, The expansion of education in recent decades has encouraged voters to question traditional party-based loyalties and perhaps to take policies and issues more seriously
Media influence — Access to wider sources of political information, less dependent on party supporting newspapers and can get an unbiased balanced report on both sides via the news, Voters have access to wider sources of political information particularly through television they are therefore less dependent on parties supporting newspapers
Ideological change — Shift in party policy has alienated some of their more traditional supporters, Shift in parties policies and ideological beliefs since the 1980s often in response to class D alignment have alienated some of their traditional supporters
Decline in social capital — As post-industrial society have become more diverse fluid and consumer orientated, social attachments and loyalties of all kinds have weakened
what has the weakening of the class system across the UK lead to?
The weakening of the class system across the UK has seen the emergence of a more diverse set of political struggles between the parties particularly at election time
While elections from 1945 to 1992 were more or less a straight contest between Labour and the Conservatives by 2015 the contest involved at least six key parties all dealing with issues that crossed class lines
what is the evidence to suggest a reemergence of class based voting?
despite the competition between many parties during the election campaign and leadership debates the results of the 2015 election seemed to show an emergence of the Conservative/Labour division with 82.4% of the vote going to these two parties, the highest proportion since 1970
However this alone does not prove the reemergence of the class system because education rather than class proved to be the major factor in determining how people voted
CASE STUDY: the left behind voters in 2015
Working-class people or C2, D and E class vote labour
people from these groups usually oppose austerity measures object to benefits for the wealthy and support welfare spending
So why did Labour do so badly in the 2015 general election, the answer lies in the rise of the left behind voters
these traditionally working-class voters would have voted for labour in the past but cultural concerns over immigration and income inequality as well as a perception that politics is dominated by a socially liberal educated and urban elite have alienates them from the Labour Party
Instead they have gravitated towards UKIP which reflects their concerns
This reveals partisan de-alignment and the fact that labour cannot rely on class as a means of getting votes
As leader of the Labour Party Jeremy Corbyn seems to have alienate it these left behind voters even further rather than appealing to them because it appears that in 2017 the Conservatives won the support of the left behind voters
what are left behind voters?
Left behind voters is a term used to identify a group of voters who feel left behind by the social and economic reforms that have occurred in the UK over the past 50 years and who believe that their lives and the country have changed for the worse
They tend to be economically left-wing but culturally right-wing
Left behind voters also tend to be older white financially poorer less educated typically only to GCSE level live in deprived areas outside major cities
class AB voting for the Conservatives
class AB voting for the Conservatives
1964 78%
1997 59%
2015 45%
2017 43%
class DE voting for Labour
class DE voting for labour
19 6464%
19 9759%
20 1040%
20 1759%
evidence to suggest that class-based voting has become less pronounced
In recent years class voting has declined noticeably this is not to say it has disappeared but it is certainly less pronounced
The link between class a B and Conservative voting has been steadily falling since 1964
The link between class DE and Labour voting has also been decreasing although it did rise in 2017
A close link between Class and party support is often described as voting attachment
what is a class voter?
Either a working-class Labour voter or a middle-class Conservative voter
Class voting is the idea that people will vote for a party based on the economic interests of their class
class dealignment: what is it? what are the explanations for it?
Class D alignment is the weakening of the relationship between social class and party support
Social class may nevertheless remain a significant factor influencing electoral choice
Course the alignment is reflected in a declining proportion of working-class voters supporting labour have fallen the proportion of middle-class voters supporting the Conservatives
Among the consequences of class D alignment has been a shift in the Policies and ideas of the major two parties especially labour as they have been forced to seek votes from natural supporters of other parties
Suggested explanations for class dealignment include the following... Changing class system Cross class locations embourgeoisement Sectoral cleavages
partisan dealignment: what is it? what are the explanations for it?
Partisan de-alignment is a decline in the extent to which people in them selves with the party by identifying with it
What is seen as the normal support of parties falls and a growing number of electors become floating voters
The main consequence of partisan de-alignment has been great electoral volatility this has been reflected in increased uncertainty about electoral outcomes, as swings from one party to another become larger, and perhaps in the rise of new parties or the decline of old ones
A variety of explanations have been advanced for partisan dealignment... Increased education Impact of the media Ideological change Decline in social capital
class and voting in the EU referendum 2016
Before leaving class we should observe the impact of class on voting in the 2016 EU referendum
43% of a B class voters voted leave, 51% for C1, 64% for C2, 64% for DE
As we can see it was the working-class made up of manual workers skilled and semiskilled and lower income groups who are more likely to vote leave
This accords with the tendency of these groups to support you kip which was not a surprising conclusion
We do however need to treat this with caution, it may well be that these voting trends were not due to class but were issued based
In other words those in social class groups C2, D and E believe that they have been most disadvantaged by EU membership in particular the perceived adverse affect on employment and wages created by free movement of labour within the EU
Therefore support for you kip on the leave campaign may be less a Case of class voting and more a case of self interested or instrumental voting
It is possible that members of what we can describe loosely as the working class did see this as a class issue of us against them
Many of the leave photos may well have felt that the voices are ignored because they are working-class and this was a chance to have some influence at last because every vote would count
voting by class in 2015
A B 45% Conservative 26% labour
C1 41% Conservative 29% labour
C2 32% Conservative 32% labour 19% UKIP
DE 27% Conservative 41% labour
voting by class in 2017
A B 46% Conservative 38% labour 10% Liberal Democrat
C1 41% Conservative 43% labour
C to 47% Conservative 40% labour
DE 41% Conservative 44% labour 4% UKIP
