Voting Behaviour

Question 1

what were the crutcial turning points in postwar politics?

Answer 1

1979 1997 2010

All critical turning points in postwar politics

Question 2

key election dates during the postwar consensus (period of one nation conservatism, etc)

Answer 2

1945 labour under Clement Attlee

1951 Conservatives on the Winston Churchill

1955 and 1959 Conservative

1964 Labour and Harold Wilson

1966 labour

1970 Conservatives

1974 labour

Question 3

key election dates after the postwar consensus (1979 onwards)

Answer 3

1979 Conservatives under Margaret Thatcher shift to neoliberalism

1983 and 1987 Conservatives under Thatcher

1992 Conservatives under John Major

1997, 2001 and 2005 — labour under Blair new labour

2010 Conservatives and Lib Dems coalition under David Cameron

2015 Conservatives under Cameron

2017 Conservative and DUP confidence and supply agreement under Theresa May

Question 4

why do people vote the way they do?

Answer 4

Age — e.g. younger people tend to vote labour (2017 ‘youthquake’)

Class — Wealth, financial situation, education et cetera

Region and location

Tactical voting — i.e. not voting for who they actually want, instead voting for someone who is likely to prevent someone they do not want being elected

Dislike for party leader / Public image of Party leader — e.g. Cameron and the EU referendum

Economic situation

Ethnicity

Manifesto and policies of the parties

Morals and values

How their constituency votes

Election campaign techniques

Job

Media representation

Family and friends

Question 5

social and demographic factors affecting voting behaviour

Answer 5

Region ethnicity age gender class

Question 6

class-based voting: is class still an important factor in determining voting behaviour?

Answer 6

Class still remains a factor in determining voting habits but its influence has declined

A lower percentage of people vote based on class

For example upper classes are still more likely to vote Conservative but the percentage doing so has decreased

Question 7

class-based voting: how is class categorised? (modern class categories)

Answer 7

A = higher managerial and professional workers, such as judges and business owners

B = Upper middle class (home owners, degrees, teachers, lawyers et cetera), Middle managers and professionals, such as store managers, teachers and lawyers

C1 = Unskilled middle-class, office/clerical, white-collar, Clerical workers such as office clerks and secretaries

C2 = Skilled working-class, have training, builders and electricians, Skilled manual workers such as builders electricians and plumbers

D = Semiskilled, factory workers/miners, no apprentice training, Semi skilled and unskilled workers such as day labourers and factory workers

E = Funding from state, unemployed, students, pensioners et cetera, The unemployed pensioners and those unable to work

Question 8

class-based voting: which class traditionally votes for Conservatives?

Answer 8

A, B + C1 = traditionally vote for conservatives

1979 election — 59% voted Conservative 24% voted labour

2010 election — 39% voted Conservative 27% voted labour

Question 9

class-based voting: what class traditionally votes for Labour?

Answer 9

C2, D + E = traditionally vote for labour

1979 election — 49% voted labour 34% voted Conservative

2010 — 40% voted labour 31% voted Conservative

(Examples of the DE group)

Question 10

what is class dealignment?

Answer 10

People are less likely to vote based on their class

For example the working class will not necessarily vote labour

This is because individuals no longer identify themselves with a certain class so do not vote for the party they are expected to given their background

Question 11

how does region affect voting behaviour?

Answer 11

There is strong regional bias to voting patterns, linked to class differences

North England tend to vote labour in 20 15 43% voted labour and in 20 17 53% voted labour, possibly because these are industrial and urban areas tend to be poor areas of the country

South England tend to vote Conservative with the notable exception of London in 2015 nearly 46% voted Conservative and in 20 17 54% voted Conservative, possibly because This area contains the most prosperous areas with highest levels of employment and home ownership

London is mostly labour

There are a wide variations in voting patterns Between regions there are electoral Heartlines the south is mainly Conservative whereas cities and the north are mainly labour

Question 12

how does ethnicity affect voting behaviour?

Answer 12

BME tend to vote for labour over Conservatives in 19 9770% voted labour and only 18% voted Conservative in 20 and10 60% voted labour 16% voted Conservative

This may be because Labour has focused more strongly on promoting a multicultural and antidiscrimination agenda, it also links to class as minorities tend to be employed in lower wage jobs

One exception is that those of Asian descent are more likely to vote Conservative and voters of African descent possibly because the Conservatives are more focused and traditionally emphasise small businesses

Ethnicity is quite a significant factor however a weakening factor more established groups vote Conservative ethnic minorities tend to vote labour

Question 13

how does age affect voting behaviour?

Answer 13

Younger people (18 to 24) tend to vote labour while older people vote Conservative

The average age when people begin voting Conservative is 47

Older people may be more likely to vote Conservative because they are more likely to own property so will vote Conservative as they will be most likely to protect their interests, these people may also be shaped by experience and will remember the perceived incompetencies of past Labour governments potentially influencing them to vote Conservative

Older people are also less likely to vote idealistically or with the aspiration of changing society where as young people are older people are more concerned with their own interests

In 20 1044% of 65+ age-group voted Conservative well only 30% of 18 to 24-year-olds did

As a result of their support from older voters the Conservatives refused to cut pensioner benefits

Age is a key factor older voters favour Conservative significantly younger voters favour labour

Question 14

how does class affect voting behaviour?

Answer 14

Class is now less important but still remain significant arguably education is now more important

Question 15

what is the general trend in turn out?

Answer 15

Upward trend in turn out possibly signalling the end of the participation crisis

Question 16

how does gender affect voting behaviour?

Answer 16

Gender — Virtually no difference, slight tendency for women to vote labour

Historically women favourite Conservative And showed a strong preference than men, but as times changed they favour labour

Previously favoured a stable society and responded to the Conservative emphasis on family as they tended to be the main carers in families

However women may have begun to side with labour especially in the Blair era because women were as likely as men to have a job outside the home they also could have been responding to labours more family friendly policies such as free childcare provisions

Older women are more likely to vote Conservative Compared to younger women in 20 1030% of women aged 18 to 24 voted Conservative yet this was 42% for women over 55

Question 17

differences in turn out: Age groups in the Scottish referendum EU referendum and 2017 general election

Answer 17

Scottish referendum 75% of 16 to 17-year-olds voted 54% of 18 to 24-year-olds voted

EU referendum 64% of 18 to 24-year-olds voted

2017 general election 54% of 18 to 24-year-olds voted

Question 18

differences in turnout: age groups

Answer 18

Low turnout in young people difficult for radical parties and labour to get more votes young people are more likely to feel alienate it from a political system that they feel is not making a difference to their lives this may be the same with ethic minorities and poorer people

The 65+ age-group has a high turnout gives an advantage to Conservatives and you kip, Possibly because they have acquired the habit of voting and are more likely to believe the outcome of elections will impact their lives

in 20 1076% of those over 65 voted well only 44% of 18 to 24s did

Question 19

differences in turn out: class

Answer 19

Turn out tends to be higher in AB Classes which gives a large advantage to Conservatives

Question 20

differences in turn out: gender

Answer 20

There is virtually no difference in turnout between men and women also strikingly similar if they are in the same social class

20 1066% of men voted 64% of women voted

Question 21

differences in turn out: region

Answer 21

Participation in Northern Ireland has fallen because the political situation has stabilised and turn out tended to be higher when there was conflict possibly because voters were more concerned on the outcome of elections

South England approximately 68% North West England 62%

Question 22

differences in turn out: ethnicity

Answer 22

67% of white people voted in 2010 only 51% of ethnic minorities did disadvantage to labour

Question 23

define social class

Answer 23

A way of categorising people based on their status in society usually by occupation or income

Question 24

SOCIAL CLASS:

Answer 24

traditionally British society was divided into three classes based on wealth and how money was earned; upper class (Landowners/the nobility), middle class (property owners) and working class (labourers)

As British society has evolved the class system has developed into a more diverse set of groups e.g. A, B, C1, C2, D, E

Question 25

SOCIAL CLASS:

Answer 25

until the 1980s, voters were strongly influenced by their social class background And class often determined how a person would vote (this is known as class voting)

Working-class people have the tendency to vote for labour because it was closely linked to the trade union movement and looked after the interests of those who worked in the cold steel textiles et cetera industries and those who owned a living from manual labour, Classes C2, D and to a large extent E would be described as working-class and tended to vote labour

The middle classes usually business white-collar workers and property owners voted for Conservative, Classes a, B and C1 would usually be described as middle-class and tended to vote Conservative

Question 26

SOCIAL CLASS:

Answer 26

This was known as class voting which was voting in line with the party to best protect and serve the interests of your particular class

class determined how a person would vote

Question 27

SOCIAL CLASS:

Answer 27

However towards the late 20th century class has begun to lose its importance in determining voting behaviour and this is a process known as class D alignment which is where individuals no longer identify themselves as belonging to a certain class and so no longer vote based on this

They fail to make a connection between their class and voting choice

less likely to vote based on class

Question 28

SOCIAL CLASS:

Answer 28

There was never a clear-cut social divide between Labour and Conservative

Labour also had support from some of the middle class especially those who worked in the state sector such as teachers as well as university intellectuals

Conservatives also appealed to patriotic working-class voters who valued established institutions such as the monarchy

Question 29

SOCIAL CLASS:

Answer 29

The link between class and voting has become a lot less important and significant now because society has become more wealthy in general and working-class people have aspired to a middle-class way of life

The difference is that separated classes have shrunk and become less visible

Question 30

SOCIAL CLASS:

Answer 30

The difference is that separated classes have shrunk and become less visible

This was promoted by the sale of council houses to the tenants under the Thatcher government which allowed the lower classes to become homeowners

Old heavy industries declined which reduced trade union power while the service sector was less unionised and expanded

Many industries were privatised which reduced the size of the public sector traditionally a source of support for the Labour Party

Question 31

SOCIAL CLASS:

Answer 31

Tony Blair’s victory in 1997 was a result of his ability to broaden the appeal of the party to middle-class voters as well as keeping the support of the working class this was mainly done by dropping its commitment to the nationalisation of industries in 1995

The creation of new labour was a recognition of the trends above

Question 32

SOCIAL CLASS:

Answer 32

Although the way different people vote has changed it is still typical of the higher classes to vote Conservative on the lower classes to vote labour

A, B and C1 (middle and upper classes) are typically Conservative

C2, D and E (Working classes) are typically labour

Question 33

SOCIAL CLASS:

Answer 33

There is also a link between class and turn out patterns people have more at stake financially the upper classes through property ownership savings and investments are more inclined to vote on the lower classes who may believe that the political system delivers little for them

In 20 1076% of the two highest classes voted but only 57% of the two lowest did

74% who owns the home is voted compared with only 55% of those living in social housing or renting

Question 34

SOCIAL CLASS:

Answer 34

class voting meant that Each party had a set of core voters from a distinct social class that will usually always vote for that party which showed that economic factors such as employment and inflation Were the top concern

This reflected the fact that economic factors such as employment and inflation were the top concern of many people

As a result the two main parties presented a clear class-based choice to the electorate this explains why in 1970, 88% of all votes went to the two main parties

However since the 1970s economic reforms and changing attitudes resulted in a decline in the importance of economic issues and a greater concern about social issues such as immigration civil and human rights crime welfare provision, attitudes towards sex and sexuality And Britain’s position in the world

Many of these issues have an economic dimension but they tend to be considered from an emotional and social point of view

as they cross the class-based divisions they have resulted in class D alignment which has seen people less likely to vote according to their class

These issues across the class-based divisions and result in class and partisan de-alignment

E.g. in 2015 many Labour voters gravitated towards UKIP who reflected their concerns of immigration more than Labour did

Question 35

SOCIAL CLASS:

Answer 35

Until the 1970s class was widely seen as the key to understanding voting behaviour in the UK

Peter Pulzer Was able to declare famously “class is the basis of British party politics; all else is embellishment and detail”

The stable Conservative Labour two party system of the 1945 to 70 period was largely a reflection of what was called class alignment a link between class and voting

For example in 1964 to 66, 64% of working-class or manual voters classes C2, D and E voted labour was 62% of middle-class or non-manual workers classes a, B and C1 voted Conservative

Overall in 1966, 66% of voters could be Classified as class voters in that they supported their natural party

However from the 1970s onwards the UK has experienced and accelerating process of class D alignment

This does not mean that social class has become irrelevant to voting behaviour but only that the relationship between class and voting has weakened substantially

By 1979 just 51% of all those who supported the natural class party and by 1987 this had fallen to a mere 44%

2010 general election witnessed the weakest ever link between class and voting with only 38% of electors being class voters

In 2015 this rose but only to 40%

Question 36

what is partisan de-alignment?

Answer 36

The widening of issues considered important by the electorate has also led to partisan dealignment in which voters are less likely to be loyal to one party and more likely to take into consideration multiple issues before casting their vote

This in turn has led to an increase in floating/swing voters, who won’t always stay loyal to one party

Question 37

2017 general election:

Answer 37

The results from the 2017 general election show that…

The share of Conservative and Labour votes increased significantly

While smaller party votes declined dramatically particularly UKIP whose votes from C to D and E categories probably went to the Conservatives

It appears that the collapse in UKIP votes was due to these going to the Conservatives in the C2 and DE categories

LibDem votes remained fairly stable

Question 38

2017 general election:

Answer 38

the Conservative vote share from the a B and C1 categories remained constant

but the Conservative vote share increased dramatically among the C2 and DE voters, Who are usually associated with labour (in 2015 27% from DE voted Conservative and in 2017 this rose to 41%)

Labour votes from C to D and E remain stable that but votes from a B and C1 increased hugely (in 201526% of a B voted labour and in 2017 this rose to 38%)

labours vote share with the DE groups remain stable but they saw a significant increase in vote share among the C1 and a B groups usually associated with the Conservatives

Question 39

2017 general election:

Answer 39

Green party votes declined by 3% based on class these votes most likely went to labour instead

It appears that many Conservative LibDem and greens switched their vote labour giving labour a huge boost and usually strong conservative areas who are typically higher class

with the Conservative votes remaining the same in the a B and C1 categories it appears that former UKIP voters did vote Conservative but that a number of Conservatives as well as Greens and Liberal Democrats switched their votes to labour giving labour a significant boost in these usually strong Conservative areas

Question 40

2017 general election:

Answer 40

Class was not a major dividing line

C to D and E 44% Conservative 42% labour

A B and C1 44% Conservative 40% labour

The end result shows that class was not a major dividing line in the 2017 general election with the a B and C1 groups voting 44% Conservative and 40% labour, C2 and DE classes voting 44% Conservative and 42% labour

Question 41

2017 general election:

Answer 41

Instead of class being a major factor education was

55% of those with GCSEs or below voted Conservative

49% with a degree or above voted labour

Instead of class education is now a factor with 55% of those with GCSEs or below voting Conservative and 49% of those with a degree or above voting labour

Question 42

where was education also a major factor in determining voting behaviour?

Answer 42

2016 EU referendum

75% of those without qualifications voted leave

75% of those with university degrees et cetera voted to remain

Arguably education was the most important factor in how people voted

Question 43

define class voting

Answer 43

Class determines how a person would vote

Question 44

define class dealignment

Answer 44

People becoming less likely to vote based on class

breaking and weakening the link between class and voting

Prominent from the 1970s onwards

Where people no longer vote according to their social class

Question 45

define partisan de-alignment

Answer 45

People are less likely to stay loyal to one party

The idea that people are less committed or loyal to one particular party

Question 46

define core voters

Answer 46

Voters who have traditionally voted and will continue to vote for the same party over and over again displaying a clear allegiance

Voters who support the same party time and time again reflecting a strong allegiance towards a particular party

Any group of voters who will loyally vote for a party regardless of any personal issues

Question 47

define floating/swing voters

Answer 47

voters who don’t always vote for the same party they do not identify themselves with a certain party

open to persuasion

few or no loyalties

Voters with few or no long-term party loyalties who therefore vote for different parties in different elections

Voters who are not loyal to a party and are therefore open to persuasion

A voter who tends to vote unpredictably and different elections and who is liable to change the way they vote fairly often

Question 48

define left behind voters

Answer 48

Voters who feel alienate it and left behind by social and economic reforms that have happened in the UK over the past 50 years

They believe their lives and country has changed for the worst

Tend to be economically left-wing culturally right-wing older white financially poorer less educated live in deprived areas outside major cities

Question 49

define deviant voting

Answer 49

A person does not vote how we would expect based on their social characteristics

E.g. working class Conservatives

This occurs when a person does not know the way we would expect given their social characteristics especially their class

Examples are working-class Conservatives and wealthy entrepreneurial Labour supporters

Question 50

define instrumental voting

Answer 50

Self interest voting

voting for who best serves your interests

A term referring to voting behaviour which is motivated by self interest, in other words voters favour a party that they believe will do most good for themselves through its policies

Question 51

define expressive voting

Answer 51

Voting for who will benefit society as a whole

Question 52

define positional voting

Answer 52

Voters cast a vote for a party based on its position on a group of issues or a single issue

Question 53

does class still matter in UK politics?

YES

Answer 53

Many voters still identify with a party based on their perceived class

Geographic voting trends reflect the relative wealth and class make up of a region or constituency e.g. wealthier areas vote Conservative

Class inequality And a lack of social mobility remain major concerns for many voters

There is a link between voting and how included people feel in society, those of a higher class are more likely to feel included and believe they can affect the outcomes of elections

Issues of tax and benefits remain a key distinction between the two main parties

Question 54

does class still matter in UK politics?

NO

Answer 54

Major issues such as immigration cross class divisions

Size and role of the working class has declined by more than a half, making it less of a political presence

It is more difficult to categorise classes due to increased property ownership and education improvements, Increasing property ownership and improved education make it more difficult to categorise classes

Successful parties have to appeal across a wide range of issues, not just those relating to class

Question 55

what was a reflection of class alignment in the 1960s?

Answer 55

The stable two-party system was a reflection of class alignment a link between class and voting

In 1964 to 66 64% of working/lower classes (C2, D plus E) voted labour

In the same period 62% of middle and upper classes (C1, B plus A) voted Conservative

Question 56

how did the relationship between class and voting weaken from the 1970s onwards?

Answer 56

From the 1970s onwards class D alignment was happening which meant that the relationship between class and voting weakened substantially

By 1979 only 51% of voters supported their ’natural’ class party

By 1987 this was 44%

By 2010 this had fallen to 38% which was the weakest ever link between class and voting

However by 2015 this had risen to 40%

Question 57

PARTY LOYALTY:

Answer 57

Before the 1970s most voters also had a clear and enduring identification with a particular party as partisan alignment which refers to a link between voting and party identification

During 1964 to 66, 90% of voters claimed to identify with the party overwhelmingly labour or Conservative and 44% in 1964 saw themselves as very strong identifiers with a party

Question 58

PARTY LOYALTY:

Answer 58

Party loyalty has declined since the 1970s known as party dealignment in which individuals no longer identify themselves as being loyal to a certain political party

In 2005 only 10% of voters claimed to be strong party identifiers

Only 9% identified strongly with Labour or Conservative

Question 59

PARTY LOYALTY:

Answer 59

Party loyalty is usually instilled by family tradition as well as the influence of the workplace and local community

These bonds weekend as people became less likely to work in the same industry their whole lives and education was improving

Question 60

PARTY LOYALTY:

Answer 60

More people are becoming floating/swing voters who do not identify with a particular party and are open to persuasion at each election

This may be a result of growing dissolution and apathy

In 1979 81% of voters cast their vote for labour or Conservative

In 1997, this is felt to 74%

By 2010 this had fallen to 65% demonstrating that the size of the core vote for Labour and Conservative has diminished

Question 61

PARTY LOYALTY:

Answer 61

Disillusion = Disappointment from discovering something is not as good as one believed it to be e.g. having no confidence in politics and politicians to solve issues and make a difference

Apathy = Lack of interest enthusiasm or concern e.g. not caring about political activity as seen in low turnout at elections and poor awareness of events

Question 61

PARTY LOYALTY:

Answer 61

Issue voting = Voting behaviour that is shaped by party policies and usually a calculation of personal self-interest

Instrumental voting = Voting motivated by self interest, voters favour a party that they believe will benefit them the most through their policies

Question 63

PARTY LOYALTY:

Answer 63

The second factor that explains the relatively stable habitual voting Patterns of the 1964 to 70 period is that most voters had a clear and enduring identification with a particular party this was known as partisan alignment a link between voting and party identification

For instance during 1964 to 66, 90% of voters claimed to identify with the party overwhelmingly with labour or the Conservatives

Many voters (44% in 1964) saw themselves as a very strong identifiers with a party

Nevertheless like social class party loyalty has declined significantly since the 1970s in this case through a process of partisan dealignment

This has been most marked In relation to the strength of party identification

By 2005 a mere 10% of voters claimed to be very strong party identifies with only 9% identifying very strongly with the Conservative or labour parties

Question 64

reasons/explanations for class dealignment

Answer 64

Changing class system — Working-class shrinking from 58% in 1961 to 29% in 2013, the working-class are becoming more educated and so are becoming more middle-class, The manual workforce has shrunk from 58% in 1961 to 29% in 2013 and the traditional working-class has given way to the new working-class

Unclear social divides — Social class is becoming less clear-cut due to homeownership increase improvement in education and a decline in trade union membership, it is harder to place yourself into a class

Cross class locations — Social class has become less clear-cut through for instance the decline in trade union membership and the rise in homeownership

embourgeoisiement — Growing affluence has encouraged some working-class voters to think of themselves as being middle-class, affluent workers are less solidaristic and maybe more concerned about material self interest

Sectoral cleavages — Voters have been increasingly affected by whether they work in the public sector or the private sector these cleavages cut across class differences

Question 65

reasons/explanations for partisan dealignment

Answer 65

Increased education — Encouraged to vote is to question traditional and party paste loyalties perhaps taking policies and issues more seriously, The expansion of education in recent decades has encouraged voters to question traditional party-based loyalties and perhaps to take policies and issues more seriously

Media influence — Access to wider sources of political information, less dependent on party supporting newspapers and can get an unbiased balanced report on both sides via the news, Voters have access to wider sources of political information particularly through television they are therefore less dependent on parties supporting newspapers

Ideological change — Shift in party policy has alienated some of their more traditional supporters, Shift in parties policies and ideological beliefs since the 1980s often in response to class D alignment have alienated some of their traditional supporters

Decline in social capital — As post-industrial society have become more diverse fluid and consumer orientated, social attachments and loyalties of all kinds have weakened

Question 69

what has the weakening of the class system across the UK lead to?

Answer 69

The weakening of the class system across the UK has seen the emergence of a more diverse set of political struggles between the parties particularly at election time

While elections from 1945 to 1992 were more or less a straight contest between Labour and the Conservatives by 2015 the contest involved at least six key parties all dealing with issues that crossed class lines

Question 70

what is the evidence to suggest a reemergence of class based voting?

Answer 70

despite the competition between many parties during the election campaign and leadership debates the results of the 2015 election seemed to show an emergence of the Conservative/Labour division with 82.4% of the vote going to these two parties, the highest proportion since 1970

However this alone does not prove the reemergence of the class system because education rather than class proved to be the major factor in determining how people voted

Question 71

CASE STUDY: the left behind voters in 2015

Answer 71

Working-class people or C2, D and E class vote labour

people from these groups usually oppose austerity measures object to benefits for the wealthy and support welfare spending

So why did Labour do so badly in the 2015 general election, the answer lies in the rise of the left behind voters

these traditionally working-class voters would have voted for labour in the past but cultural concerns over immigration and income inequality as well as a perception that politics is dominated by a socially liberal educated and urban elite have alienates them from the Labour Party

Instead they have gravitated towards UKIP which reflects their concerns

This reveals partisan de-alignment and the fact that labour cannot rely on class as a means of getting votes

As leader of the Labour Party Jeremy Corbyn seems to have alienate it these left behind voters even further rather than appealing to them because it appears that in 2017 the Conservatives won the support of the left behind voters

Question 72

what are left behind voters?

Answer 72

Left behind voters is a term used to identify a group of voters who feel left behind by the social and economic reforms that have occurred in the UK over the past 50 years and who believe that their lives and the country have changed for the worse

They tend to be economically left-wing but culturally right-wing

Left behind voters also tend to be older white financially poorer less educated typically only to GCSE level live in deprived areas outside major cities

Question 73

class AB voting for the Conservatives

Answer 73

class AB voting for the Conservatives

1964 78%

1997 59%

2015 45%

2017 43%

Question 74

class DE voting for Labour

Answer 74

class DE voting for labour

19 6464%

19 9759%

20 1040%

20 1759%

Question 75

evidence to suggest that class-based voting has become less pronounced

Answer 75

In recent years class voting has declined noticeably this is not to say it has disappeared but it is certainly less pronounced

The link between class a B and Conservative voting has been steadily falling since 1964

The link between class DE and Labour voting has also been decreasing although it did rise in 2017

A close link between Class and party support is often described as voting attachment

Question 76

what is a class voter?

Answer 76

Either a working-class Labour voter or a middle-class Conservative voter

Class voting is the idea that people will vote for a party based on the economic interests of their class

Question 77

class dealignment: what is it? what are the explanations for it?

Answer 77

Class D alignment is the weakening of the relationship between social class and party support

Social class may nevertheless remain a significant factor influencing electoral choice

Course the alignment is reflected in a declining proportion of working-class voters supporting labour have fallen the proportion of middle-class voters supporting the Conservatives

Among the consequences of class D alignment has been a shift in the Policies and ideas of the major two parties especially labour as they have been forced to seek votes from natural supporters of other parties

Suggested explanations for class dealignment include the following...
Changing class system
Cross class locations
embourgeoisement
Sectoral cleavages

Question 78

partisan dealignment: what is it? what are the explanations for it?

Answer 78

Partisan de-alignment is a decline in the extent to which people in them selves with the party by identifying with it

What is seen as the normal support of parties falls and a growing number of electors become floating voters

The main consequence of partisan de-alignment has been great electoral volatility this has been reflected in increased uncertainty about electoral outcomes, as swings from one party to another become larger, and perhaps in the rise of new parties or the decline of old ones

A variety of explanations have been advanced for partisan dealignment...
Increased education
Impact of the media
Ideological change
Decline in social capital

Question 79

class and voting in the EU referendum 2016

Answer 79

Before leaving class we should observe the impact of class on voting in the 2016 EU referendum

43% of a B class voters voted leave, 51% for C1, 64% for C2, 64% for DE

As we can see it was the working-class made up of manual workers skilled and semiskilled and lower income groups who are more likely to vote leave

This accords with the tendency of these groups to support you kip which was not a surprising conclusion

We do however need to treat this with caution, it may well be that these voting trends were not due to class but were issued based

In other words those in social class groups C2, D and E believe that they have been most disadvantaged by EU membership in particular the perceived adverse affect on employment and wages created by free movement of labour within the EU

Therefore support for you kip on the leave campaign may be less a Case of class voting and more a case of self interested or instrumental voting

It is possible that members of what we can describe loosely as the working class did see this as a class issue of us against them

Many of the leave photos may well have felt that the voices are ignored because they are working-class and this was a chance to have some influence at last because every vote would count

Question 80

voting by class in 2015

Answer 80

A B 45% Conservative 26% labour

C1 41% Conservative 29% labour

C2 32% Conservative 32% labour 19% UKIP

DE 27% Conservative 41% labour

Question 81

voting by class in 2017

Answer 81

A B 46% Conservative 38% labour 10% Liberal Democrat

C1 41% Conservative 43% labour

C to 47% Conservative 40% labour

DE 41% Conservative 44% labour 4% UKIP