UK Politics Questions

Question 1

Evaluate the view that the UK is facing a democratic deficit

Answer 1

Democratic deficit is a perceived deficient in the legitimacy and accountability of a democratic body

Legitimacy of parliament:
SOFT: HoL lacks democratic legitimacy as it is wholly unelected, with greater parts of its membership appointed by PMs and since 2000 ‘crossbench’ peers by dependent House of Lords Appointment Commission
STRONG: upper house has little democratic power in practice, restricted by PAs of 1911 and 1949 — House of Commons is wholly elected, which is the main legislative body in practice, highlighting democratic legitimacy. If the Lords could do more than merely delay non-financial bills and were not restricted by agreements such as the Salisbury Convention, then the UK would exhibit signs of a democratic deficit

Representation of minorities in a state of representative democracy:
SOFT: politicians likely to follow majority views to secure the vote, minorities might find themselves under-represented — enhanced by two-party system of the UK
STRONG: in practice, views of minorities are mediated by Parliament, contrasting direct democracy, meaning that policy-making is not influenced by majority but representative of the electorate. Enhanced by media and PMQs

Pressure groups enhance democracy in the UK:
SOFT: pressure groups carry little weight according to factors such as limited membership and outsider status. For eg, the Occupy London movement failed due to strong stance taken by authorities
STRONG: different forms of pressure groups suggest that they have more power than it commonly believed: insider (RSPB) vs outsider (EDL); sectional (BMA) vs case. Examples of PGs influencing government includes BMA which achieved ban on smoking in cars carrying children in 2015

Question 2

Evaluate the view that the UK is facing a participation crisis

Answer 2

Voter turnout suggests there is not a crisis:
SOFT: since WW2 turnout at GEs have faced trend decline — 76% in 1979 vs 59% in 2001 (lowest since WW1); even over for second-order elections — 2012 police and crime commissioner had lower turnout of any UK contest at 15%
STRONG: there is not a lack of engagement but merely inconsistency — inc in GE turnout since 2000, with 59% in 2001 rising to 69% in 2017. Higher turnout for referendums with 85% for Scottish referendum and 97% of 16-17 year olds said they’d vote in the future
Lower turnout may not mean apathy as formal voting is not only way of participating in politics

Partisan dealignment overstated:
SOFT: conservative membership dropped from 400,000 in 1990s to 150,000 to 2016 — 1983 3.8% of electorate were members of a party, this is now 1.5%
STRONG: one needs not be a member of a political party to engage with politics — informal participation — since 2013 Labour increase membership by 29% and other small parties such as SNP in recent years

Broad range of interests and pressure groups suggest engagement:
SOFT: arguably pressure groups carry little weight due to factors such as limited membership and outsider status - Occupy London Movement
STRONG: different forms (insiders vs outsiders) suggest impetus — RSPB has more members than double all of Cons, Lab and Lib Dem members combined, highlight extent of informal participation

Question 3

Evaluate the extent to which the Conservative party is divided ideologically

Answer 3

Divided over the economy:
SOFT: under the coalition 2010-15 the Party seemed to be united under a Thatcherite free-market economic system. In response to 2008 financial crash, austerity and budges cuts of up to 25% present thus, as decrease in public spending is aspect of laissez-faire economics. Also, 2017 manifesto presented Thatcherite economics with pledge to decrease corporation taxes by 17%
STRONG: more economic divide under the surface. 2008 austerity could be seen as pragmatic and paternalistic one-nation thinking in response to 2008. In 2018, Chancellor Hammond declared end of austerity with budget containing extra £20bn for NHS, clashing with 2017 manifesto

Law and order:
SOFT: rise of Thatcherite Neo-conservative, socially authoritarian views reflected in Tory party over last-decade. Following 2011 London riots, tougher sentencing was introduce to present anti-permissive attitudes, mirroring Thatcher;s boost of police and judicial powers and contrasting one-nation pledge to reconcile with the working-class, as a means to change to conserve
STRONG: mixed stances on law and order. Cameron’s ‘hug a hoodie’ and ‘rehabilitation revolution’ present one-nation stance on social order, mirroring Blair’s ‘tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime’

Division over social:
SOFT: socially conservative approach with majority of Tory MPs voting against same-sex marriages in 2013, required Lib Dem support. In 2015, May downgraded environmental policies and allowed fracking to cut costs
STRONG: Cameron identified himself as a ‘liberal conservative’, tolerant of minority groups, diverging from Thatcher’s morally orthodox and socially authoritarian outlook

Welfare and education divisions:
SOFT: Chancellor Osborne encourages self-sufficiency by distinguishing between hard-wrong ‘strivers; and undeserving ‘shirkers’. Under May, allowance of academically selective grammar schools highlights Neo-liberal individualism by prioritising few over the many. Further, overhaul of the NHS under coalition allowed private sector to compete with state hospitals, reflecting New Right privatisation and competition
STRONG: also One-Nation traits under May with support for JAM families and investment into infrastructure to reflect Disraeli’s paternalism

Question 4

Evaluate the view that the media is the most influential factor in determining voting behaviour

Answer 4

Media vs social class:
SOFT: Media has caused class dealignment — press owners have worked to shape political agenda, for eg Rupert Murdoch published the Times and the Sun, and is Tory, but booted support for Labour in the Sun in 1997. British press ‘biased’ to the right with the Sun, Daily Mail and Telegraph circulating 3x that if the Mirror, I and Guardian
STRONG: does not cause class-dealignment but instead enhanced views, as middle-class readership prone to reading right-wing papers — in 1997, support for Labour fell in year before election from 57% to 43%

Media vs political leadership:
SOFT: political leaders convey their governing competency though the media — in 1990s Baldric recruited press secretary Alastair Campbell (political editor of Today newspaper) — 62% cited TV as strongest political influence
STRONG: media employed by leaders to convey their leadership ability, thus it is of secondary importance — TV bound by law to remain neutral, so leadership itself is most influential — Cameron only took part in 1 elegised debate — 2000 only 26% had internet access

Media vs performance in office:
SOFT: media can often exacerbate divisions within parties and governing incompetency — Lab ahead in polls from 1992 due to govs loss of credibility with Black Wednesday
STRONG: media merely reports activity under gov so it follows that it is of secondary importance to the activity itself