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Urban > Towards an Urban World > Flashcards

Towards an Urban World Flashcards

1
Q

Hoskins and Tallon 2004

A

UK urban renaissance - new urban idyll

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2
Q

Zukin 1995

A

Symbolic community

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3
Q

Florida 2002

A

The New Creative Class

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4
Q

Zukin 1988

A

The Front - experience econ choregraphed by low-wage earners cleaning and preparing food. What kind of ‘public culture’ is being created through this process?

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5
Q

Keiller 1999

A

Orgman urbanism - globally funded warehouse

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6
Q

Sheller & Urry 2003

A

Does it still make sense to view ‘practice of everyday life’ from intimate knowledge of walking around city (Certeau 1984) or in a society primarily defined in terms of (auto)mobilities. Do people now gain knowledge of cities by driving through and around them?

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7
Q

Garreau 1991

A

Edge cities and post-suburbia E.g. Tysons Corner, Virginia - major IFS around edge cities - major part of econ

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8
Q

Fishman 1987

A

SB = search for bourgeois utopias. moving away from definitive SB landscape to post-SB landscape - UBS of SBs

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9
Q

Douglass and Huang 2007

A

Utopia on the urban edge in SEA - Phu My Hung, Saigon

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10
Q

Harvey 2008

A

Accumulation by Dispossession

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11
Q

Dear 2000

A

Postmodern urbanism

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12
Q

Soja 2000

A

Postmetroplis

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13
Q

Graham and Marvin 2001

A

Splintering Urbanism

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14
Q

Graham and Healey 1999

A

Network society - leads to ^ing sense of local disconnection in such places from physically close yet socially & econ distant places and people

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15
Q

Baviskar 2007

A

Bourgeois environmentalism

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16
Q

Amin and Thrift 2002

A

Trad divide between city & countryside has been perforated

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17
Q

Dear and Dahmann 2008

A

Geog trumped pol - extension of cities beyond conventional pol jurisdictions negated notion of representative democracy - may even intsensify subordiantion of local state to plutocratic priviatism. Balitmore: post-indust city where rep demo in crisis - RSs selectivly taking and applying to some areas while neglecting others - stark div between rich and poor. Juxtaposition of space.

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18
Q

Glass 1964

A

Gentrification. E.g. in 80s - ^ing evidence that residential rehab, brownstoning (MC to ‘bad’ NBDs), but also widespread restructuring of inner urban landscapes

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1
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2
3
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19
Q

Lees et al. 2008

A

Inner urban landscape destruction continuing through 60s - brownstoning in NY, and SG red-brick-chic. Gentrify as global urban strategy - driven by simult expansion of ‘old’ & ‘new’ spatial econ shifts Class transformation of urban classin global S Gentrif happening on ^ massive scale in Shanghai & M, than older post-IDS cities Expansion in manuf and heavy industry, growth in high-tech activities, service sector

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20
Q

Berry 1980

A

Filtering model of gentrification

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21
Q

Smith 1979

A

Gentrification and uneven development. Capitalism Society Hill - Philadelphia Renaissance 1960

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22
Q

Smith 1996

A

Capital devalorization in inner city - only when rent gap emerges can redevel be expected since if present use succeeded in capitalizing all or most of ground rent, little econ benefit derived from redevel. Process by which poor and WB NBDs in inner city are refurbished by influx of capital. Disturbs conventional understanding of city - Burgess model and Chicago school Gentrification tied to ‘see-saw’ movement of uneven devel

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
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23
Q

Ley 1986

A

Occupational and econ changes - new cultural class, alternative urbanism to SBization

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2
3
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24
Q

Rose 1984

A

Demographic changes due to gentrification - rethinking gentrif beyond uneven devel of Marxist urban theory

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25
Q

Williams 1986

A

Questions of identity - higher allow women exercise choice over roles

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26
Q

Castells 1983

A

Pink economy - single men with no family, young, connected to rel prosperous service econ

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27
Q

Zukin 1988

A

Gentrification as meeting point between capital and culture

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28
Q

Visser 2002

A

SA cities: rent gap opps Theories of gentric also of relevance here

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29
Q

Harris 2008

A

Gentrification in comparative perspective - defy continued Eurocentric hegemony Mumbai

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30
Q

Butler and Lees 2006

A

Super gentrification E.g. Barnsbury, N London X Smith 1980s - gentrification no longer always restricted to disinvested NBDs

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31
Q

Hubbard 2008

A

Studentification

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32
Q

Boddy 2007

A

Designer NBDs - Bristol e.g. non-metrop UK cities. New housing devel and conversion in 2nd tier UK cities - is this stretching term of gentrif too far?

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
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33
Q

Urban Taskforce 1999 Lees 2003

A

Towards an urban reniassance in London Urban regen that could slot neatly into any gentrification textbook Using it in policy shows how gentrif has become naturalized and generalized

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
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34
Q

Utjermark et al. 2007

A

Getrnification as governmental strategy - e.g. Netherlands - disadvantaged NBDs - promoting liveability to excibit low level of crime and nuisance to attract MCs

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
35
Q

Housing Market Renewal Policy 2003-2011 MacLeod and Johnstone 2012

A

Remodel low demand housing - and rebalance pop of disad and stigmatized comms in N cities - social engineering but on pre-existing resid land.

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1
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36
Q

Cameron 2003

A

Housing Market Renewal Policy 2003-2011 Perhaps suggests partic sharp form of displacement and exclusion - relates to revanchist city X anti-social behaviour

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37
Q

Clark 2005

A

Urban gentrif reconsidered - not just capital to urban centre, also related to prod of space for & consump by a more affluent & diff incoming pop

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38
Q

Atkins et al. 1999

A

Roman ancient waled city to a modern ‘public’ city

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39
Q

Macleod 2013

A

Walling the city in modernity Walls were used for protection - now reflect hierarchies

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40
Q

Bermann 1983

A

Mid-19th C - Paris - a city synonymous with street insurrection - spectacular urban innovation of 19th C & MDS breakthrough in trad city

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41
Q

Minton 2006

A

The privitization of public space

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42
Q

Banerjee 2001

A

Crucial role of public spaces in environmental quality - interpreted demo ideals, good citiz, civic responsibs

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43
Q

Davis 1991

A

Narrative of end of urban space - Bunker Hill

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44
Q

Judd 1995

A

Verticality - Peachtree Centre, Atlanta

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45
Q

Caldeira 1999

A

Fortified enclaves: the new urban segregation - Brazil

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46
Q

Minton 2009

A

Reshaping britain’s public urban space - growing emergence of ‘private=public’ space Becoming bland, sterile environs

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
47
Q

2004 Act of Parliament - Role of Legal planning Term: ‘Cumpolsory purchase’

A

Prove any new devel to be of signif benefit to local econ - favours econ over comm interests

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
48
Q

Low 2006

A

Gated enclaves - restrict access to resident homes and to assoc ‘public spaces’

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
49
Q

Atkinson and Flint 2004

A

London’s Former hospitals and schools - their consequent demise as ‘public assets’

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
50
Q

McKenzie 2006

A

Most powerful ‘social movement’ in contemp S California is that of affluent homeowners, engaged in defence of home values and NBD exclusivity, portioning selves from rest of metrop. Pmerium

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
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51
Q

Shaktin 2008

A

Manila, SEA - privitization and social equity - pub sector essentially subsidizing the priv of transportation and land devel

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
52
Q

Turner 2002

A

Corporatization of public space - contradiction of public realm: Today’s pol environ, difficult justify making space available to those without capacity to consume. So most cities reluctant to use downtown land for pub activites that do not prod revenue. Priv of downtowns - as part of ‘effective marketing and promotion’ of land downtowns ^ing priv style of downtown devel prods steady withering of urban realm

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
53
Q

DeFilippis 1997

A

By rendering people in pov invisible, they afford local states ability to ignore them. Just as exclusion of women, peasants and proletariat from dom pub spaces of early cap EU contrib to hist marg of these groups, so is the ^ing exclusion of urban poor & HL pops from urban public spaces contrib to ^ing marg of these groups now

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
54
Q

McLaughlin & Munci 1999

A

Upward trend in enclosure of commercial & resid space been defining feature of US urb - intensified by extensive surviellance and muscular policing

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
Perfectly
55
Q

Blakely and Snyder 1999

A

Gated sanctuaries reped ‘uncommon places for uncommon people’

How well did you know this?
1
Not at all
2
3
4
5
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56
Q

Macleod 2012

A

Sao Paulo - defensive urbanism

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2
3
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57
Q

Castells 1977

A

Privatopia eschews obligations to a city-scale mode of ‘collective consumption’

How well did you know this?
1
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2
3
4
5
Perfectly
58
Q

Know 2008

A

Secessionary citz is premised on management of secessionary spaces of internal regs Moreover, a secessionary citz encouraged by powerful developers - sense of comm has become commoditized

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59
Q

Amin and Thrift 2002

A

City spaces can’t be completely secured - still crossed by fumes of cities, internet, communications etc.

How well did you know this?
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2
3
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60
Q

Davis 1990

A

Bunker Hill - has dammed the rivers of life downtown - superimposition of sealed fortresses

How well did you know this?
1
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2
3
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5
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61
Q

Soja 2000 and Foucault

A

Postmetrop repped as collection of carceral cities - an archipelago of ‘normalized enclosures’ and fortified space Vol and invol barricades

How well did you know this?
1
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2
3
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5
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62
Q

Mitchell 1997

A

Punishing the poor - geography of HL

63
Q

Turner 2002

A

Phoenix’s campus for HL - annihilation of space by law reps a brutalizing public sphere - now seeks to re-establish conception of citizneship -> exclusionary citizenship

64
Q

Herbert 2010

A

Aesthetics

65
Q

Smith 1996

A

Gentrification reconsidered - creative cultures displacing existing residents -> people illegally evicted

66
Q

Smith 1998

A

Revanchist 1990s - 3 billion budget deficit - cutting services - erosion of sympathy for HL

67
Q

Swanson 2007

A

Revanchist urbanism: indig in Ecuador - hygenic racism

68
Q

Wacquant 2008

A

NL penal state punishing poor in penal law of terror - incarceration of marginal - ideally suited to publically dramatizing to slay monsters of urban crime

69
Q

Ruddick 1996

A

HL have agency - tactical use of space - de Certeau 1984

70
Q

Lees 1998

A

Vancouver’s street kids resist spatial hegemony of the adult world

71
Q

Graham and Hewitt 2013

A

Horizontalism tends to still dom analysis of contemp urban sapce - flat, 2D aspect

72
Q

Adey 2010

A

Verticality - megacity security

73
Q

Harris 2011

A

Verticality - architecture and inequality Politics of exposure or witnessing

74
Q

Secor forthcoming

A

Topological space

75
Q

Simone 2011

A

people are the urban life itself - intensive relations, especc in S contexts where life is precarious - incrementalism Peopls as IFS

76
Q

Park 1984

A

The urban is a prod of human nature - the postmod hyperspace - stretching & reorg of society’s time-space fabric in new dimensions The urban is a prod of nature, and partic of human nature

77
Q

Dear and Dahmann 2008

A

‘Urban fabric’ - shows city is not a phys mechanism, but a state of mind

78
Q

UK urban renaissance - new urban idyll

A

Hoskins and Tallon 2004

79
Q

Symbolic community

A

Zukin 1995

80
Q

The New Creative Class

A

Florida 2002

81
Q

The Front - experience econ choregraphed by low-wage earners cleaning and preparing food. What kind of ‘public culture’ is being created through this process?

A

Zukin 1988

82
Q

Orgman urbanism - globally funded warehouse

A

Keiller 1999

83
Q

Does it still make sense to view ‘practice of everyday life’ from intimate knowledge of walking around city (Certeau 1984) or in a society primarily defined in terms of (auto)mobilities. Do people now gain knowledge of cities by driving through and around them?

A

Sheller & Urry 2003

84
Q

Edge cities and post-suburbia E.g. Tysons Corner, Virginia - major IFS around edge cities - major part of econ

A

Garreau 1991

85
Q

SB = search for bourgeois utopias. moving away from definitive SB landscape to post-SB landscape - UBS of SBs

A

Fishman 1987

86
Q

Utopia on the urban edge in SEA - Phu My Hung, Saigon

A

Douglass and Huang 2007

87
Q

Accumulation by Dispossession

A

Harvey 2008

88
Q

Postmodern urbanism

A

Dear 2000

89
Q

Postmetroplis

A

Soja 2000

90
Q

Splintering Urbanism

A

Graham and Marvin 2001

91
Q

Network society - leads to ^ing sense of local disconnection in such places from physically close yet socially & econ distant places and people

A

Graham and Healey 1999

92
Q

Bourgeois environmentalism

A

Baviskar 2007

93
Q

Trad divide between city & countryside has been perforated

A

Amin and Thrift 2002

94
Q

Geog trumped pol - extension of cities beyond conventional pol jurisdictions negated notion of representative democracy - may even intsensify subordiantion of local state to plutocratic priviatism. Balitmore: post-indust city where rep demo in crisis - RSs selectivly taking and applying to some areas while neglecting others - stark div between rich and poor. Juxtaposition of space.

A

Dear and Dahmann 2008

95
Q

Gentrification. E.g. in 80s - ^ing evidence that residential rehab, brownstoning (MC to ‘bad’ NBDs), but also widespread restructuring of inner urban landscapes

A

Glass 1964

96
Q

Inner urban landscape destruction continuing through 60s - brownstoning in NY, and SG red-brick-chic. Gentrify as global urban strategy - driven by simult expansion of ‘old’ & ‘new’ spatial econ shifts Class transformation of urban classin global S Gentrif happening on ^ massive scale in Shanghai & M, than older post-IDS cities Expansion in manuf and heavy industry, growth in high-tech activities, service sector

A

Lees et al. 2008

97
Q

Filtering model of gentrification

A

Berry 1980

98
Q

Gentrification and uneven development. Capitalism Society Hill - Philadelphia Renaissance 1960

A

Smith 1979

99
Q

Capital devalorization in inner city - only when rent gap emerges can redevel be expected since if present use succeeded in capitalizing all or most of ground rent, little econ benefit derived from redevel. Process by which poor and WB NBDs in inner city are refurbished by influx of capital. Disturbs conventional understanding of city - Burgess model and Chicago school Gentrification tied to ‘see-saw’ movement of uneven devel

A

Smith 1996

100
Q

Occupational and econ changes - new cultural class, alternative urbanism to SBization

A

Ley 1986

101
Q

Demographic changes due to gentrification - rethinking gentrif beyond uneven devel of Marxist urban theory

A

Rose 1984

102
Q

Questions of identity - higher allow women exercise choice over roles

A

Williams 1986

103
Q

Pink economy - single men with no family, young, connected to rel prosperous service econ

A

Castells 1983

104
Q

Gentrification as meeting point between capital and culture

A

Zukin 1988

105
Q

SA cities: rent gap opps Theories of gentric also of relevance here

A

Visser 2002

106
Q

Gentrification in comparative perspective - defy continued Eurocentric hegemony Mumbai

A

Harris 2008

107
Q

Super gentrification E.g. Barnsbury, N London X Smith 1980s - gentrification no longer always restricted to disinvested NBDs

A

Butler and Lees 2006

108
Q

Studentification

A

Hubbard 2008

109
Q

Designer NBDs - Bristol e.g. non-metrop UK cities. New housing devel and conversion in 2nd tier UK cities - is this stretching term of gentrif too far?

A

Boddy 2007

110
Q

Towards an urban reniassance in London Urban regen that could slot neatly into any gentrification textbook Using it in policy shows how gentrif has become naturalized and generalized

A

Urban Taskforce 1999 Lees 2003

111
Q

Getrnification as governmental strategy - e.g. Netherlands - disadvantaged NBDs - promoting liveability to excibit low level of crime and nuisance to attract MCs

A

Utjermark et al. 2007

112
Q

Remodel low demand housing - and rebalance pop of disad and stigmatized comms in N cities - social engineering but on pre-existing resid land.

A

Housing Market Renewal Policy 2003-2011 MacLeod and Johnstone 2012

113
Q

Housing Market Renewal Policy 2003-2011 Perhaps suggests partic sharp form of displacement and exclusion - relates to revanchist city X anti-social behaviour

A

Cameron 2003

114
Q

Urban gentrif reconsidered - not just capital to urban centre, also related to prod of space for & consump by a more affluent & diff incoming pop

A

Clark 2005

115
Q

Roman ancient waled city to a modern ‘public’ city

A

Atkins et al. 1999

116
Q

Walling the city in modernity Walls were used for protection - now reflect hierarchies

A

Macleod 2013

117
Q

Mid-19th C - Paris - a city synonymous with street insurrection - spectacular urban innovation of 19th C & MDS breakthrough in trad city

A

Bermann 1983

118
Q

The privitization of public space

A

Minton 2006

119
Q

Crucial role of public spaces in environmental quality - interpreted demo ideals, good citiz, civic responsibs

A

Banerjee 2001

120
Q

Narrative of end of urban space - Bunker Hill

A

Davis 1991

121
Q

Verticality - Peachtree Centre, Atlanta

A

Judd 1995

122
Q

Fortified enclaves: the new urban segregation - Brazil

A

Caldeira 1999

123
Q

Reshaping britain’s public urban space - growing emergence of ‘private=public’ space Becoming bland, sterile environs

A

Minton 2009

124
Q

Prove any new devel to be of signif benefit to local econ - favours econ over comm interests

A

2004 Act of Parliament - Role of Legal planning Term: ‘Cumpolsory purchase’

125
Q

Gated enclaves - restrict access to resident homes and to assoc ‘public spaces’

A

Low 2006

126
Q

London’s Former hospitals and schools - their consequent demise as ‘public assets’

A

Atkinson and Flint 2004

127
Q

Most powerful ‘social movement’ in contemp S California is that of affluent homeowners, engaged in defence of home values and NBD exclusivity, portioning selves from rest of metrop. Pmerium

A

McKenzie 2006

128
Q

Manila, SEA - privitization and social equity - pub sector essentially subsidizing the priv of transportation and land devel

A

Shaktin 2008

129
Q

Corporatization of public space - contradiction of public realm: Today’s pol environ, difficult justify making space available to those without capacity to consume. So most cities reluctant to use downtown land for pub activites that do not prod revenue. Priv of downtowns - as part of ‘effective marketing and promotion’ of land downtowns ^ing priv style of downtown devel prods steady withering of urban realm

A

Turner 2002

130
Q

By rendering people in pov invisible, they afford local states ability to ignore them. Just as exclusion of women, peasants and proletariat from dom pub spaces of early cap EU contrib to hist marg of these groups, so is the ^ing exclusion of urban poor & HL pops from urban public spaces contrib to ^ing marg of these groups now

A

DeFilippis 1997

131
Q

Upward trend in enclosure of commercial & resid space been defining feature of US urb - intensified by extensive surviellance and muscular policing

A

McLaughlin & Munci 1999

132
Q

Gated sanctuaries reped ‘uncommon places for uncommon people’

A

Blakely and Snyder 1999

133
Q

Sao Paulo - defensive urbanism

A

Macleod 2012

134
Q

Privatopia eschews obligations to a city-scale mode of ‘collective consumption’

A

Castells 1977

135
Q

Secessionary citz is premised on management of secessionary spaces of internal regs Moreover, a secessionary citz encouraged by powerful developers - sense of comm has become commoditized

A

Know 2008

136
Q

City spaces can’t be completely secured - still crossed by fumes of cities, internet, communications etc.

A

Amin and Thrift 2002

137
Q

Bunker Hill - has dammed the rivers of life downtown - superimposition of sealed fortresses

A

Davis 1990

138
Q

Postmetrop repped as collection of carceral cities - an archipelago of ‘normalized enclosures’ and fortified space Vol and invol barricades

A

Soja 2000 and Foucault

139
Q

Punishing the poor - geography of HL

A

Mitchell 1997

140
Q

Phoenix’s campus for HL - annihilation of space by law reps a brutalizing public sphere - now seeks to re-establish conception of citizneship -> exclusionary citizenship

A

Turner 2002

141
Q

Aesthetics

A

Herbert 2010

142
Q

Gentrification reconsidered - creative cultures displacing existing residents -> people illegally evicted

A

Smith 1996

143
Q

Revanchist 1990s - 3 billion budget deficit - cutting services - erosion of sympathy for HL

A

Smith 1998

144
Q

Revanchist urbanism: indig in Ecuador - hygenic racism

A

Swanson 2007

145
Q

NL penal state punishing poor in penal law of terror - incarceration of marginal - ideally suited to publically dramatizing to slay monsters of urban crime

A

Wacquant 2008

146
Q

HL have agency - tactical use of space - de Certeau 1984

A

Ruddick 1996

147
Q

Vancouver’s street kids resist spatial hegemony of the adult world

A

Lees 1998

148
Q

Horizontalism tends to still dom analysis of contemp urban sapce - flat, 2D aspect

A

Graham and Hewitt 2013

149
Q

Verticality - megacity security

A

Adey 2010

150
Q

Verticality - architecture and inequality Politics of exposure or witnessing

A

Harris 2011

151
Q

Topological space

A

Secor forthcoming

152
Q

people are the urban life itself - intensive relations, especc in S contexts where life is precarious - incrementalism Peopls as IFS

A

Simone 2011

153
Q

The urban is a prod of human nature - the postmod hyperspace - stretching & reorg of society’s time-space fabric in new dimensions The urban is a prod of nature, and partic of human nature

A

Park 1984

154
Q

‘Urban fabric’ - shows city is not a phys mechanism, but a state of mind

A

Dear and Dahmann 2008

Urban (4 decks)

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