Topic Three - Northern Ireland 1965 - 1985 [6] Flashcards

1
Q

Study Source A [6 marks]

I want a new airport worthy of our position as the busiest air centre in Britain outside London. I am planning for a new hospital in Londonderry - the most modern in the world. We need new laboratories and research facilities at Queen’s University to make sure we are at the forefront of knowledge

(Terence O’Neill explaining his economic plans to improve the economy of Northern Ireland).

Using Source A and your own knowledge, describe O’Neills plans to improve the economy of Northern Ireland.

A

It is clear from the evidence in Source A that O’Neill had a number of ideas as to how he wanted to improve the NI economy. He first of all states that he wanted a new airport as Northern Ireland was the busiest air centre in Britain outside London. This was the upgrading of RAF Aldegrove to become an international airport.

He also states in the source that plans were in place for a new hospital in Derry at Altnagelvin which would be state of the art and also that research facilities and laboratories would be planned for QUB and this would place Northern Ireland at the forefront of knowledge. As well as all of this O’Neill also put in place the ministry for Development which would mirror the work of the Department of the Environment in the UK.

He also proposed other infrastructure projects like the M1 motorway and rail upgrades. The economic Council was put in place under the direction of Brian Faulkner and a new university was to be sited at Coleraine.

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2
Q

How did O’Neill try to improve relations with nationalists in NI in the 1960’s?

A

Terence O’Neill tried to improve relations with the Nationalist community in a number of ways during his time as PM of NÍ between 1963 and 1969. He made the decision to become more engaged with the catholic community and visited schools and hospitals run by Catholic religious orders.

He visited Assumption Grammar School for Girls in 1965 which gave the impression he was a PM for all in NI. He also increased funding to these institutions on the same level as the state run institutions.

O’Neill also passed his official condolences to Cardinal Conway the spiritual leader of Ireland’s Catholics on the death of Pope John XXIII in 1963 and also visited the primate in Armagh.

Terence O’Neill also made the unprecedented step of banning the UVF, a loyalist paramilitary organisation which had been targeting Catholics. Finally, in the aftermath of Civil rights marches in Derry in October 1968 and elsewhere he introduced the Five Point Programme for reform on November 22nd 1968.

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3
Q

How did O’Neill try to improve the economy in NI in the 1960’s?

A

Terence O’Neill came into office as PM in 1963 and his primary motivation was to improve the economy in NI. He felt this would lead to a more prosperous and peaceful NI.

He went about this with a number of initiatives. In January 1965 the ministry for Development was established to mirror the work of the U.K. Department for the environment.

Tax breaks and grants were offered to foreign companies as incentives to invest in NI, this yielded success with companies such as Michelin and Grundig. The Government also invested £900 million sterling into the NI economy.

There was slo improvements to the new motorways, rail networks and a new international airport at RAF Aldegrove. The government also commenced the building of a new town at Craigavon between Lurgan and Portadown.

Finally there was also investment in the construction of a new university at Coleraine which would have have short and longer term economic benefits.

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4
Q

What methods were used by NICRA to achieve its aims in 1968 and 1969?

Or

What actions did the NICRA and People’s Democracy take to try to gain civil rights for the people of NI?

A

The NICRA was established in January 1967 with the aim of achieving Civil Rights for all the citizens of Northern Ireland. They were most famously remembered for the public marches and demonstrations they organised notably between Coalisland and Dungannon on August 24th 1968, in Derry on October 5th 1968 and again in Derry on August 12th 1969.

They also made use of the media particularly the modern medium of television which was able to broadcast images of their activities across the world.

The NICRA also engaged in acts of civil disobedience such as sit-down protests and squatting in houses to highlight the inequality in housing allocation. This was famously done in Caledon in Co. Tryone in June 1968.

They also took their campaign to the courts where decisions made by local authorities were challenged through the judicial system.

Finally, the NICRA also promoted the withholding of rents and rates as a means of protest at government action and inaction.

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5
Q

How did the Unionist government and the RUC respond to the Civil Rights Movement between 1968 and 1969?

A

The Unionist government of NI which had governed uninterrupted since 1920 and partition dealt with the challenge of the Civil Rights movement in a number of ways.

First they permitted the protests to proceed. Then they sent out the RUC and B-Specials to stop both the legal marches like that in Dungannon in August 1968 and that which had been declared illegal in Derry in October that year.

The government also declared NICRA marches illegal for example Derry October 5th 1968 and Derry again in August 12th 1969.

The RUC were deployed to escort the famous People’s Democracy March from Belfast to Derry in January 1969 but they failed to do this when the marchers came under attack at Burntollett.

Finally, the government responded to the violence which erupted after the march in Derry and to the pressure applied by the Civil Rights Movement by introducing the Five point programme for reform which came on November 22nd 1968. Cameron Commission was introduced on January 15th 1969 in the aftermath of violence attendant on Civil rights marches.

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6
Q

How did Unionists and Nationalists in NI respond to O’Neill Five Point Programme of November 1968?

A

There were a range of reactions from both Nationalists and Unionists to O’Neill’s Five Point Programme of November 22nd 1968. Some Nationalists had become increasingly frustrated with the pace of change and believed that the programme was ‘too little, too late’ and dismissed it as such. Others of a moderate disposition accepted it as a good start to the process of reform.

In the Unionists community the more extreme believed it was another betrayal by O’Neill and that he was giving in to republican motivated violence. Ian Paisley the populist demagogue intensified his criticism of O’Neill and called for his resignation and new elections. This also intensified the ‘O’Neill Must GO’ Campaign.

There were moderates in the Unionist community who agreed with O’Neill and that his reforms were necessary but also that they were sufficient and no more were needed.

Again there were others within the UUP who were unhappy as exemplified by Brian Faulkner who resigned in protest at the programme. The UVF also intensified their campaign against O’Neills reforms.

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7
Q

How did O’Neill try to improve relations with the Republic of Ireland between 1963 and 1969?

A

One of the three strands of Terence O’Neill’s policy for Northern Ireland was to improve relations with the north’s closest neighbour, the Republic of Ireland.

He tried to achieve this through a variety of strategies. He first of all made speeches which were of a conciliatory nature, for example when he stated: “We share many of the same rivers, the same mountains and some of the same problems’.

O’Neill set out to make the co-operation a reality by inviting the Taoiseach Séan Lemass to Stormont in January 1965, this was the first official meeting between the two leaders since Partition.

O’Neill made the return visit to to Dublin later that Year.

He also extended the invitation to Lemass’ successor Jack Lynch in 1967.

Between the two governments they agreed to initiatives which facilitated electricity supply across the border.

O’Neill also permitted the establishment of Dublin based Trade Unions for NI for northern workers which also improved cross border co-operation.

There were also agreements on a united tourism initiative.

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8
Q

In what ways did some Unionists challenge O’Neill and his policies in the late 1960s?

A

When Terence O’Neill embarked upon his policy of liberalising NI he encountered opposition from within Unionism in many guises. When he invited Lemass North without informing his cabinet in 1965 it raised opposition within his own party and some ministers resigned in protest.

As well as this more extreme Unionists including Ian Paisley began the ‘O’Neill must GO’ Campaign designed to force him out of office.

The extension of the invitation to Lemass’ successor Jack Lynch led to an intensification of the campaign and the comical scene in January 1967 of Paisley pelting Lynch’s car with snowballs.

As the Civil rights campaign grew in force O’Neill introduced the Five Point Programme which created outrage among some in Unionism with Brian Faulkner resigning from the cabinet and others calling for O’Neill’s resignation and new elections.

His détente with Cardinal Conway also led to many protests from extreme Unionists and Loyalists.

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9
Q

How did O’Neill deal with the economic problems facing NI in the 1960s?

A

Terence O’Neill who had become Prime Minister of Northern Ireland in 1963 had come to the office with a plan of modernising Northern Ireland.

He saw the first priority was to modernise and update the economy which would make Northern Ireland a more attractive place for all. The traditional industries of linen, engineering and ship-building were in decline in the 1960s and so prime minister O’Neill had to find alternative sources of employment.

He set about encouraging foreign businesses to set up in Northern Ireland by offering them tax breaks and grants to incentivise the move.

This worked with companies like Grundig and Michelin setting up in the north.

He also established the Ministry for Development which was to oversee large infrastructural projects like the building of motorways and the upgrading of the international airport.

In order for work like this to be carried out O’Neill invested £900 million sterling into the economy.

The Economic Council was established under Brian Faulkner and this government body had the remit of strategically planning the Northern Ireland Economy.

The new town Craigavon was also built with the idea of providing work and modern living and a university was built in Coleraine to again provide jobs and inward investment and also then to provide a graduate workforce for potential investors and employers.

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10
Q

What actions did O’Neill take to improve relations with northern Nationalists in the 1960s?

A

Terence O’Neill a liberal Unionist intended to create a new Northern Ireland where all would feel welcome and valued.

To this end he initiated changes to improve relations with nationalists.
He deliberately went on public visits to Catholic run schools like Assumption Grammar, Ballynahinch and St. Colman’s College which illustrated equality of treatment.

He also increased funding to Catholic run schools to match that of state schools which again reassured the Catholic and Nationalist population.

On the occasion of the death of Pope John XXIII, Captain O’Neill offered his condolences to Cardinal Conway, the Primate of All-Ireland and also went on to visit the Cardinal in Armagh.

This encouraged Catholics that O’Neill was genuine in his friendship and that the Northern State was welcoming to Catholics.

In 1966 he famously proscribed the UVF making them an illegal organisation which illustrated that he could even be handed when it came to Loyalist crime.

In November 22nd 1968 he introduced his Five Point Programme of reform which met some of the demands of NICRA.

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11
Q

How did Nationalists respond to the events of Bloody Sunday?

A

Nationalists of all shades were horrified and angered by Bloody Sunday.

Some gave their support to the PIRA

Some even joined the ranks of the PIRA to gain a measure of revenge

There were protests and riots across NI

NICRA ceased their marches against Internment

The rent and rate strikes continued

Nationalist MPs withdrew from Stormont

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12
Q

How did the people of NI respond to the introduction of Internment in 1971?

A

Under provisions of the 1922 SPA the Unionist government in NI introduced internment.

Internment is arrest, detention and interrogation without charge or trial

Operation Demetrius August 8th/9th 1971

Only Nationalists were targeted and 2357 were arrested in the first 6 months

Nationalists warned residents of British army approach (By hitting bin lids together loudly to alert residents of the incoming army?)

There were riots and disturbances against the army

The PIRA intensified its campaign and used the army as its target on occasions

NICRA organised marches (January 30th 1972 - NICRA march - Bloody Sunday)

SDLP and NICRA urged rent and rate strikes

Unionists were for the most part in support of the introduction of internment

Some saw the potential danger of a one-sided application of internment though.

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13
Q

How did Nationalists and Unionists respond to the events of Bloody Sunday, 30th January 1972?

A

Some moderate Unionists looked on with horror at the actions of the army knowing it would have repercussions.

Other Unionists believed the army acted within its rights in using lethal force against an illegal march.

Nationalists of all shades were horrified and angered by Bloody Sunday.

Some gave their support to the PIRA

Some even joined the ranks of the PIRA to gain a measure of revenge

There were protests and riots across NI

NICRA ceased their marches against Internment

The rent and rate strikes continued

Nationalist MPs withdrew from Stormont

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14
Q

How did Nationalists attitudes to the presence of British troops in NI change between 1969 and 1971?

A

On August 14th/15th 1969 the British troops were deployed to Northern Ireland.

They were universally welcomed by the nationalist population as their saviours from the loyalist mob.

They were welcomed famously with cups of tea

Control of the troops was handed to the Unionist government

The British army was deployed in riot control situations alongside the RUC and B-Specials.

The army was aware it was becoming ‘Piggy in the middle’

The NI government deployed the army in arms searches in Catholic areas

The army knew it was in a no win situation. If they did nothing the PIRA would grow. If they acted they would alienate the Nationalist community

July 1970 - The Falls road curfew

August 1971 - Internment was introduced

Because of these actions the attitude to the British troops turned from support to outright opposition.

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15
Q

In what ways did violence increase in NI in July & August 1969?

A

The traditional marching season brought with it tensions in NI. This was made worse by the tensions raised due to Civil rights.

In August 1969 NICRA organised a march for 12th August in Derry

This heightened tensions as the Apprentice Boys march was the same day.

The NICRA march went ahead and predictably ended in violence.

Thus began the Battle of the Bogside (August 12th-15th)

Violence spread across NI - Bombay Street was burned

The British army were deployed to calm the unrest.

The IRA were angered and re-emerged

The IRA split into Official and Provisional wings vowing to end British Imperialism in Ireland

Sticks and stones were replaced by bullets and bombs.

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16
Q

How did the people of NI respond to the introduction of British troops in August 1969?

A

Initially the Nationalist population welcomed them with open arms

Unionists saw this as the British government interfering in their business

Nationalists welcomed the troops with cups of tea

Loyalist paramilitaries like the UVF were against the deployment as the army were defending the enemies of Ulster.

Republicans were not happy however, as what they saw was British Imperialism.

Unionists Politicians welcomed the army with one hand as they would return order in the streets but also saw it as Westminster interference into the government of NI.

Loyalists and extreme Unionists saw the deployment as interference leading to Direct Rule.

17
Q

How did the aims and methods of the Provisional IRA differ from those of the Official IRA?

A

Many of the aims of the two organisations were very similar

Both wanted to end partition and also end British imperialism in Ireland

Both wanted to establish an All-Ireland 32 County Republic

Both saw it as their role to defend the Nationalist Population

The Officials wanted to establish a Socialist republic while the Provisionals priority was to get rid of British influence.

The greatest difference between the two was that the Officials were more prepared to go down a constitutional route while the Provisionals were determined to achieve their aims through an armed struggle against the British in Ireland.

18
Q

How did relations change between the British army and Nationalists between 1969 and 1971?

A

On August 14th and 15th 1969 the British troops were deployed to Northern Ireland.

They were universally welcomed by the Nationalist population as their saviours from the loyalist mob.

They were welcomed with cups of tea famously

Control of the troops was handed to the Unionist government

The army was aware it was becoming ‘Piggies in the middle’.

The NI government deployed the army in arms searches in Catholic areas

The army knew it was in a no-win situation. If they did nothing the PIRA would grow. If they acted they would alienate the Nationalist community.

July 1970 - Falls Road Curfew

August 1971 - Internment

Because of these actions the attitude to the British troops turned from support to outright opposition.

19
Q

What measures were introduced by the Downing Street Declaration of August 1969 to address the problems of NI?

A

The Downing Street Declaration was signed on August 19th 1969 in the immediate aftermath of the Battle of the Bogside.

It recommended the established of a Ministry of Community Relations.

An independent Community Relations Commission

The Re-Organisation of the RUC

Reform of the local government franchise

The establishment of a Commission of Complaints (Ombudsman)

Measures to prevent discrimination in allocation of local government jobs.

This would also introduce the Scarman Tribunal and Hunt Commission.

Scarman Tribunal
• Examine the onset of what became known as the ‘Troubles’
• Investigate accounts of misconduct, assault, battery, disciplinary offences and malicious damage to property in Northern Ireland.

20
Q

How did Unionists and Nationalists respond to the introduction of Direct Rule in 1972?

A

Direct Rule was imposed on Northern Ireland when Edward Heath’s conservative government Prorogued the Stormont Parliament in March 1972.

Unionists were almost universally opposed to the introduction of Direct Rule while Nationalists were divided.

The UUP government were against Direct Rule seeing it as a removal of their powers and unwelcome interference by the British Government into the affairs of Northern Ireland. They called a mass rally at Stormont to protest against the suspension.

More extreme Unionists also were against it seeing it as a concession to Nationalists after Bloody Sunday.

Moderate Nationalists were welcoming of Direct Rule preferring it to Unionist Majority Rule. This was evidenced by the SDLP and Irish government support for Direct Rule.

The PIRA were against it as further evidence of British Imperialism.

Loyalist paramilitaries also saw it as pandering to Nationalists and Republicans.

21
Q

How did Nationalists respond to the introduction of internment between August 1971 and January 1972?

A

Under provisions of the 1922 SPA the Unionist government in NI introduced internment.

Internment is arrest, detention and interrogation without charge or trial

Operation Demetrius August 8th/9th 1971

Only Nationalists were targeted and 2357 were arrested in the first 6 months

Nationalists warned residents of British army approach (By hitting bin lids together loudly to alert residents of the incoming army?)

There were riots and disturbances against the army

The PIRA intensified its campaign and used the army as its target on occasions

NICRA organised marches (January 30th 1972 - NICRA march - Bloody Sunday)

SDLP and NICRA urged rent and rate strikes

22
Q

In what ways did the British government respond to increased violence in NI during the summer of 1969?

A

As tensions rose in the marching season and the Civil rights campaign in the summer of 1969 the British government was forced to respond.

The leaders of Unionism were summoned to London to explain the situation.

Troops were introduced on August 14th/15th to give the authorities a break.

The Downing Street declaration was introduced on August 19th 1969 with a series of recommendations.

23
Q

How did Nationalists and Unionists react to the suspension of Stormont in 1972?

A

Moderate Nationalists like the SDLP welcomed the end of Unionist majority rule and hoped for a fairer more balanced treatment under the British government.

The Irish government also welcomed Direct Rule and the end of Stormont.

The PIRA saw Direct Rule as further evidence of British Imperialism but they did welcome the end of Stormont majority rule.

Unionists were universally opposed to the proroguing of Stormont.

They demonstrated at Stormont on March 28th 1972, almost 100,000 protested.

The Ulster Vanguard Movement was established in response.

This organisation arranged strikes and shutdowns which paralysed NI for days but did not lead to the restoration of Stormont.

Some gave their support to Loyalist paramilitaries.

Loyalist paramilitaries like the UVF continued their campaign of violence.

New Loyalist paramilitaries emerged such as the UDA.

24
Q

How did Unionists oppose the introduction of Direct Rule in 1972?

A

Unionists were universally opposed to the Proroguing of Stormont.

They demonstrated at Stormont on March 28th 1972, almost 100,000 protested.

The Ulster Vanguard Movement was established in response.

This organisation arranged strikes and shutdowns which paralysed NI for days but did not lead to the restoration of Stormont.

Some gave their support to Loyalist Paramilitaries

Loyalist paramilitaries like the UVF continued their campaign of violence

New loyalist paramilitaries emerged like the UDA.

25
Q

How did Unionists react to the power-sharing Executive of 1974?

A

Some Unionists were in favour conditionally of power-sharing. They were led by Brian Faulkner.

These Unionists entered into the power-sharing executive.

Others formed the Progressive Ulster Vanguard Party.

They fought the 1973 elections on an anti-power-sharing ticket

When the assembly was elected they disrupted the proceedings of the assembly.

When the Irish Dimension was agreed they protested against it.

When the British general election was called in May 1974 Unionist MPs resigned their seats and fought the election as a referendum on power-sharing.

The Ulster Workers Council was formed

A general strike was called in protest at the Irish Dimension to Sunningdale and Power-Sharing.

The Pro-Power sharing Unionists withdrew from the power sharing executive on May 29th 1974, ending power-sharing.

26
Q

In what ways did Unionists challenge the Power-Sharing Executive between 1973 and 1974?

A

Some Unionists were in favour conditionally of power-sharing. They were led by Brian Faulkner.

These Unionists entered into the Power-sharing executive.

Others formed the Progressive Ulster Vanguard Party.

They fought the June 1973 Assembly elections on an anti-power-sharing ticket.

When the assembly was elected they disrupted the proceedings of the Assembly.

When the Irish Dimension was agreed they protested against it.

The Ulster Worker’s Council was formed in December 1973.

When the British General election was called in May 1974 Unionists MPs resigned their seats and fought the election as a referendum on power-sharing.

A general strike was called in protest at the Irish Dimension to Sunningdale and Power-sharing.

The UDA assisted in the organisation and co-ordination of the strike.

The pro-power-sharing Unionists withdrew from the power sharing executive on May 29th 1974, ending Power-Sharing.

27
Q

In what ways did Nationalists react to the Hunger Strikes of 1980-1981?

A

As the Hunger strikes progressed Nationalists of all shades sympathised with the prisoners.

Some went on anti-H-block marches to protest at their treatment

When Bobby Sands stood for election the SDLP and Sinn Féin did not stand a candidate against him.

After Sand’s death his election agent Owen Carron was elected in his place.

Rioting took place as the hunger strikes neared death.

Many offered their support to the PIRA which enjoyed a recruitment surge again.

Huge numbers turned out for the funerals of the hunger strikers.

Sinn Féin enjoyed an electoral upturn in the aftermath of the strikes.

28
Q

How were Sinn Féin and the SDLP affected by the hunger strikes of 1980-1981?

A

Sinn Féin was able to capitalise on the electoral advances made by prisoner candidates.

They fielded candidates in local government elections.

They made considerable advances in local government elections.

Gerry Adams won the west Belfast Westminster seat in 1983.

The SDLP lost support to Sinn Féin

Their share of the Nationalist vote went down.

29
Q

How did the British government and Unionists respond to the Hunger Strikes of 1980-1981?

A

Many within the Unionist community had no sympathy for the hunger strikers

They viewed them as common criminals who had been convicted in the courts.

Unionists supported Thatcher’s unflinching attitude to the prison protest.

Some unionists even celebrated the deaths of the strikers in 1981.

The British government negotiated with the prisoners in October-December 1980.

The British government publicly opposed the hunger strike. Thatcher famously called it ‘Suicide’.

Secretly the British government was involved in talks with republicans trying to end the protest.

30
Q

How did Sinn Féin increase their support among the Nationalist population between 1981 and 1985?

A

During the Hunger strikes Sinn Féin campaigned for prisoner candidates.

Sinn Féin identified themselves with the prisoners.

They decided to take a more political route.

They entered local government elections and Westminster elections.

They used propaganda and public meetings to canvass for support.

Sinn Féin used what they called a dual strategy ‘Armalite & Ballot box’.

1983 Gerry Adams won the West Belfast seat over Gerry Fitt of the SDLP.

31
Q

How has the British and Irish governments responded to the rise of Sinn Féin by November 1985?

A

The British and Irish governments met on a regular basis to discuss NI at Anglo-Irish Summits during the early 1980s.

Sinn Féin was banned from the airwaves in the UK and Ireland.

The governments included the SDLP in their discussions.

The British government introduced Rolling Devolution to try to reach a political settlement in NI in 1981-82.

The Irish government introduced the New Ireland Forum in 1983 and 1984.

The British and Irish signed the Anglo-Irish Agreement in November 1985.

32
Q

How did Nationalists react to the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985?

A

The SDLP were broadly in favour of the Anglo-Irish Agreement as a framework to achieve their aims.

The PIRA were against it as an endorsement of Partition.

The PIRA continued their campaign of violence.

Sinn Féin regarded it as ‘copper fastening partition’ and was also against it.

Fianna Fáil were against the Anglo-Irish Agreement.

Some in the Irish Labour Party were against it as they saw it as excluding Unionists in the North.

Fine Gael the party of government in the Republic were in favour of the AIA.

33
Q

In what ways did Unionists respond to the signing of the Anglo-Irish agreement of 1985?

A

Predictably with the role for the Irish government granted in the AIA all of Unionism was against the AIA.

There was a mass Unionist rally held in the centre of Belfast on November 23rd 1985.

Unionist MPs in Northern Ireland resigned their seats forcing by-elections where anti-Agreement candidates stood.

The UUP and DUP joined forces in the ‘Ulster Says No’ Campaign.

There were daily protests outside the Maryfield Secretariat and the Anglo-Irish inter-governmental conference.

Effigies of Margaret Thatcher and Peter Barry were burned by Loyalists.

Some Loyalists turned their anger on the RUC.

A Loyalist day of action took place in March 1986 in an attempt to shut down Northern Ireland.

Ulster Resistance was formed, a paramilitary organisation to resist the AIA.