Theories of development Flashcards
How does knowledge develop?
Classically, two different philosophical extremes have been used to frame this debate, nativism and empiricism.
An extreme nativist would argue that concepts and beliefs about the world are inborn, because the amount of information available to any one infant in one type of environment is simply insufficient to enable the complex and rapid learning shown by human babies (the “poverty of the stimulus” argument).
An extreme empiricist would argue that as any one infant is unable to anticipate what kind of environment it will be born into, the mind is initially a “blank slate” upon which experience can then write. All knowledge must be learned via interaction with the world.
As we will see, human development appears to follow a position in between these two extremes.
There are some innate “constraints on learning”, but these can be viewed as dependent on the way that our sensory systems code the information available in the environment.
Meanwhile, the “stimulus” available from the world is much less impoverished than might be supposed.
Piaget’s theory on how is knowledge developed
his theory the primary causal mechanism for building knowledge was the adaptation to and refinement of existing cognitive “schemes” (or knowledge structures) by the environment. Knowledge was constructed by the child as a consequence of their active experiences of the external world.
Piaget suggested that the cognitive system would naturally seek equilibrium, and that cognitive development was caused by two processes.
These were accommodation and assimilation. Accommodation was the process of adapting cognitive schemes for viewing the world (general concepts) to fit reality. Assimilation was the complementary process of interpreting experience (individual instances of general concepts) in terms of current cognitive schemes.
As every cognitive equilibrium can only be partial, every existing equilibrium (stage) must evolve towards a higher form of equilibrium (stage) - towards a more adequate form of knowing. This process of evolution was thought to drive cognitive development.
Piaget proposed four major cognitive stages in logical development, corresponding to four successive forms of knowing.
These were sensory-motor cognition, pre-operational cognition, concrete operational cognition and formal operational cognition.
During each of these stages, children were hypothesised to think and reason in a different way. Each stage was thought to require fundamental cognitive restructuring on the part of the child. Subsequent experimental work has shown that children can “pass” the tasks intended by Piaget to capture the fundamentals of reasoning in each stage at earlier ages than envisaged in the original theory.
A key insight for the field has been that ‘pure’ measures of reasoning, in which logical abilities are measured independently of the context in which they are required, are more or less impossible to devise. When familiar, ‘child-centred’ materials are used, and when attention is paid to linguistic and non-linguistic aspects of the experimental set-up, then even very young children may pass tasks assumed to test the abilities of adolescents. Similarly, in certain contexts, adults can appear to lack basic principles of logic.
Vygotsky focused on
Vygotsky focused on the complementary roles of language and of culture in cognitive development. While Piaget focused on how the individual child constructed knowledge for herself,
Vygotsky argued that knowledge originated in socially meaningful activity. Knowledge was also shaped by language. Language played an essential role in the organisation of ‘higher psychological functions’ such as reasoning. Language was seen as the primary ‘symbolic system’ that children could respond to psychologically. Language hence mediated cognition.
Vygotsky argued that cognition developed prior to language, as demonstrated by the cognitive activities of babies. However, ‘the most significant moment in the course of intellectual development .. occurs when speech and practical activity, two previously completely independent lines of development, converge’. This convergence was marked by egocentric or inner speech. Inner speech was seen as fundamental in organising the child’s cognitive activities.
Vygotsky argued that language was as important as action in attaining goals, and that language and action were part of ‘one and the same complex psychological function’.
What does language enabled
Language enabled children to disconnect themselves from the immediate, concrete situation and to generate possibilities and plans for solving problems. Language was also thought to play a role in controlling the child’s own behaviour. For example, by speaking of her intentions, the child guided her actions. Finally, language enabled children to ask adults to help them, thus acting as a problem-solving tool.
zone of proximal development
Cambridge interview
The importance of learning from others to cognitive development was recognised in the concept of the ‘zone of proximal development’.
While acknowledging that it was important to measure a child’s actual level of development, for example via tests of mental function, Vygotsky argued that it was important also to investigate how much further a child could go under the guidance of a teacher.
He gave the example of two children who entered school aged 10 years, and who could deal with standardised tasks up to the degree of difficulty typical of the 8 year level. These two children would have a mental age of 8 years. However, suppose the experimenter then showed them different ways of dealing with some of the problems. Suppose that with assistance one child could deal with problems up to a 12-year-old’s level, the other with problems up to a 9-year-old’s level. Vygotsky argued that mentally these children were clearly not the same. They differed in terms of their zone of proximal development (ZPD).
Vygotsky argued that the ultimate natural ZPD was play.
Vygotsky argued that the ultimate natural ZPD was play. Play and the world of the imagination fulfilled a crucial psychological function in development. For example, play enabled children to realise desires that could not otherwise be fulfilled (e.g., being the mother).
Vygotsky argued that the defining characteristic of play was the creation of an imaginary situation. Play was not simply symbolic, because of the role of motivation. Play also involved rules of behaviour, hence supported the development of self-regulation.
Vygotsky argued that play provided a critical bridge between the perceptual/situational constraints of early childhood, and adult thought, which was totally free of situational constraints.
John Bowlby
Thirdly, we consider the theory of John Bowlby, who recognised the important role of emotional and social experiences in development.
He argued that a ‘warm, intimate and continuous’ relationship with the mother (or other primary caregiver) was essential for mental health. At birth infants prefer the mother’s voice and the mother’s smell, as these are most familiar.
However, the important factors in becoming a ‘preferred attachment figure’ are proximity and consistency. Babies quickly learn to prefer the faces, voices and smells of their most consistent and warm caretakers. These specific attachments are very important for healthy psychological development.
the important factors in becoming a ‘preferred attachment figure’
The important factors in becoming a ‘preferred attachment figure’ are proximity and consistency. Babies quickly learn to prefer the faces, voices and smells of their most consistent and warm caretakers. These specific attachments are very important for healthy psychological development.
Internal working model (Psychological expectations)
Bowlby argued that the consistency of early attachment experiences is critical for the development of children’s “internal working models” (psychological expectations) of their value as a person who is deserving of love and support from others.
If these interactions are characterised by consistency and warmth, the baby is described as showing “security of attachment”. If an infant consistently experiences caretaking that fails to be contingent on their needs, or that is not characterised by warmth, then the attachment is said to be “insecure”.
Similarly, if an infant consistently experiences caretaking that is erratic and neglectful, so that sometimes caretaking is contingent on their needs and sometimes it ignores those needs, attachment is also insecure. Infants who are insecurely attached to their caregivers still prefer those caregivers over other people. The term “insecure attachment” refers to the fact that the infant cannot rely on those caregivers responding appropriately to their cries and smiles - or responding at all.
Mary Ainsworth, a student of Bowlby, devised the ‘strange situation’ to enable the experimental measurement of attachment security.
When attachment is insecure, children develop different “internal working models” of the self.
Two main types of insecure attachment are identified in the literature.
“Insecure-avoidant” infants appear to become resigned to their fate. They develop self-protective strategies, such as not seeking contact when the carer is close, as though to protect themselves against disappointment.
“Insecure-resistant” infants become very clingy and fight against separation, as though trying to force appropriate caretaking behaviours from the adult.
Research shows that both forms of insecure attachment are related to less positive developmental outcomes long-term.
These include social-emotional outcomes, relating to self-esteem and self-control, and also cognitive outcomes, relating to intellectual and academic achievement.
In extreme cases, usually involving parental reactions that are frightening for the infant, attachment is “disorganised”.
In extreme cases, usually involving parental reactions that are frightening for the infant, attachment is “disorganised”. Caretaking is so unpredictable that an infant cannot find a way of organising her behaviour to get her needs met.
The internal working model developed in response to such caretaking is often that the child is flawed in some way, and does not deserve love and support from others. Such children are at risk for mental health disorders, including depression, oppositional-defiant disorders or conduct disorders.
Healthy attachment relationships do not have to be with the genetic parents. Relationships depend on learning. Learning that your social overtures will be met with contingent responsiveness and warmth are the key factors required for babies to develop secure attachments. Grandparents, foster parents and older siblings can all be sources of secure attachments. Similarly, research does not suggest that separation from the mother following birth (for example, for a medical procedure) prevents “bonding” with the infant. The psychological relationship or “bond” that mothers and other caretakers form with infants grows over time, via learning. Consistency, responsiveness and warmth are the key attributes.
