The Politics of Hong Kong Flashcards
Pro-Democracy Struggle vs PRC Authoritarianism
- Democracy Movement on a steady rise since 2000s
- Culmination in Umbrella Movement 2014 and 2019/2020
- Some cosmetic changes offered by Beijing throughout these years, but rejected by more and more active democracy movement
- Hardening of PRC government: idea that Hong Kong has not appreciated Beijing’s “generosity”: patience has been running out for years
- Beijing has been blocking pro-democracy politicians from elections for years
- Difficult issue: position of ordinary mainland Chinese in Hong Kong
- Culture clash: growing authoritarianism in China vs growing democratic awareness in Hong Kong
Both sides? Why has situation escalated so much in 2019/2020?
Focus on the decade of 2010s
Two stages:
- 2010-2014: peaceful civil disobedience
- 2015-2022: breakdown in trust between people and pro-Beijing authorities
In depth look at timeline June-August 2019 to trace escalation and question “both sides” narrative
19 December 1984: Sino-British Joint Declaration
- British sovereignty never recognised by PRC: UK control based on 19th century “unequal treaties”
- “Handover” of Hong Kong agreed for 1997
- Guarantees “One Country, Two Systems”: Hong Kong’s way of life to remain unchanged for 50 years (until 2047)
- From 1997: This will be rooted in the Hong Kong Basic Law
“One Country, Two Systems”
- Originally idea of Deng Xiaoping
- Hong Kong as a Special Administrative Region is part of the PRC
- Degree of autonomy: some executive, legislative and judicial independent power
- Large degree of autonomy for Hong Kong internationally: Hong Kong SAR passports, separate currency
- Human Rights and Freedoms to remain unchanged
- No socialist system, capitalism unchanged for 50 years
- Principle is rooted in the “Hong Kong Basic Law”
- Also presented as a future model for China-Taiwan “reunification”
Is Hong Kong a Liberal Democracy?
- Liberal Democracy:
– Civil rights rooted in separation of powers
– Elections with universal suffrage - Hong Kong has a Hybrid System:
– Civil rights (Basic Law)
– Only limited elections for legislature
– No full elections for Chief Executive
– = No universal suffrage
Hong Kong Basic Law
- De facto Constitution of Hong Kong SAR
- Guarantees continuation of Human Rights and Freedoms
- Determines structure of governance (structured in ways beneficial to Beijing)
- Beijing responsible for foreign affairs and defence
- Vague hints about future universal suffrage: this is major contentious issue now
Institutions: The Chief Executive
- Functions:
– Head of Hong Kong government
– Appoints and removes public servants and judges
– Implements Hong Kong laws and PRC Mainland laws regarding Hong Kong
– Sign bills and budgets - Election and accountability:
– Elected for five year term by the Election Committee
– Appointed to office by the NPC Standing Committee
– Should adhere to majority in ExCo
– Can be forced to resign by the LegCo under certain conditions
Institutions: The Election Committee
- Leans pro-Beijing
- Functions:
– “Elects” the Chief Executive - Composition:
– 300 members from industry, commerce, and finance
– 300 members from labour, social services, religious and other sectors
– 300 members representing “professionals”
– 300 members representing political institutions (LegCo, Hong Kong deputies to the NPC, etc.)
Institutions: The Executive Council (ExCo)
- Functions and structure:
– The “cabinet” of Hong Kong
– Assists the Chief Executive with policy-making
– 30 members, including Chief Executive - Election and accountability:
– Members are appointed by the Chief Executive
Institutions: The Legislative Council (LegCo)
- Functions and structure:
– The “parliament” of Hong Kong
– 70 members, elected for four years
– Questions and debates the work of the government
– May investigate and impeach the Chief Executive - Election and accountability:
– 35 members elected indirectly by constituencies consisting of professionals from various businesses and public sectors (insurance, finance, transport, education, etc) largely pro-Beijing
– 35 members elected through universal suffrage
Institutions: The Civil Service
- Functions:
– The government of Hong Kong
– Formulates implements policies
– Conducts administrative affairs
– Drafts and introduces bills, motions, and budgets - Election and accountability:
– Members undergo civil service examinations
– Examinations are trilingual
– Appointments based on technical skills and work experience
– Secretaries and Department Deputies accountable to the Chief Executive
Hybrid Electoral System: Who benefits?
- Secures interests of pro-Beijing forces over those of general population
- This has led to concentration of wealth and power at the top
- Business elite wants stability and profit, therefore relatively pro-Beijing
- Important background of pro-democracy protests: inequality
- These grievances cannot be challenges through electoral democratic process
- So lack of democracy tied to economic inequality
Stage One of the Rise of Democratic Consciousness during the 2010s
Stage One: Peaceful Civil Disobedience (until 2014)
2013: Occupy Central with Love and Peace
- Suffragist: Movement for universal suffrage
- Call for dialogue with the authorities
- Peaceful civil disobedience
- Civil disobedience as “last resort” due to Beijing’s disinterest in democratic reform
- This view shared by many: act of desperation due to lack of understanding PRC government
- Superseded by “Umbrella Movement”
Reactions to 2013 Occupy Central with Love and Peace
- Mainland China: Occupy Central “potentially violent concept” and real motive is “interference outside forces”
- Chinese media actively tries to depict protesters as extremists and under foreign control
- Pro-Beijing faction in Hong Kong: this movement is too extreme, bad for Hong Kong image
- “Bad for business”: large business groups turn against movement
2014: Umbrella Movement
- Direct cause: proposal in Beijing for pre-screening of candidates for Hong Kong Chief Executive
- Widespread feeling that government did not listen
- Civic and political awakening of Hong Kong youth
- Peaceful civil disobedience: occupation several areas of the city
- Also in essence a suffragist movement
- Movement grows due to government indifference and police violence
- Transformational social change: central role of women in movement
- Like all great social movements: art component
2014: Umbrella Movement
- Reaction authorities: Escalating police violence and heavy intimidation of movement leaders
- Organized crime involvement in harassment of protestors
- This directly leads to growth movement
- And some violent incidents from protesters as well
- Some organizers of OCLP and Umbrella Movement eventually jailed
Demosisto 2016-2020
- Political party formed by Umbrella leaders
- Nathan Law, Joshua Wong, Agnes Chow
- Goal of autonomy after 2047
- Despite election of Nathan Law to LegCo, he is disqualified over technicality
- Wong and Law jailed several times
- Joshua Wong in jail now
- Chow arrested in August 2020 (released now)
- July 2020: party disbanded due to National Security Law
Stage Two of the Rise of Democratic Consciousness during the 2010s
Stage Two: Complete Breakdown in Trust (2015-2022)
2015: Causeway Bay Bookstore Disappearances
- Oct-Dec 2015 Five employees of Causeway Bay Bookstore abducted to mainland China
- Coerced into “confessions” on camera
- Major shock in Hong Kong and internationally
- Fear in Hong Kong: extradition to PRC to face charges under legal system there
- Breach of “One Country, Two Systems”
- Likely aim: cause fear among Hong Kong intellectuals (press and media)
Carrie Lam as Hong Kong Chief Executive 2017-2022
- Background in Hong Kong civil service
- Associated with 2014 changes to CE election
- Elected after massive support from Beijing
In office:
- Jailing and persecution of pro-democracy activists
- “Disqualification” (removal) of elected pro-democracy politicians
- Pushing for the Extradition Bill that led to current social breakdown
- Beijing’s enforcer in Hong Kong at the most crucial moment in its history
- Succeeded by John Lee, even more hardline anti-democracy stance
29 March 2019: Hong Kong Extradition Bill
- “Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019”
- To allow extradition from HK to mainland China
- Direct assault on principle “One Country, Two Systems”
- Will spark protests that encompass more than just this issue
- Increase of “principled uncivil disobedience” by protestors
- 15 June: bill is “suspended”
- 4 September: bill is finally withdrawn
2019/2020 Escalation: Both sides responsible for cycle of violence?
- That’s easy conclusion if we don’t want to dig deeper
- To answer this question a closer look at the timeline of events June-August 2019 is needed
Three possible triggering events leading to escalation:
- 12 June police attack on peaceful protesters
- 21 July Yuen Long attack of protesters by organized crime gangs
- 31 August police attack on subway passengers at Prince Edward Station
12 June 2019: The start of the escalation of force
- Despite mass opposition, Carrie Lam decides to ignore concerns and table bill in LegCo
- General strike announced for the 12th by unions
- 40k people gather around LegCo to prevent entry by legislators
- Some violent clashes at entry building
- Crucial: at largely separate peaceful gathering at CITIC Tower the Special Tactical Squad (STS) kettles crowd and attacks them with tear gas, pepper spray, and rubber bullets
- Violent attacks also against journalists at scene: 26 journalists injured, one cardiac arrest
- Lam: a “blatant, organised riot”
“Five Demands, Not One Less”
- To withdraw the extradition bill
- To stop labeling protesters as “rioters”
- To drop charges against protesters
- To conduct an independent inquiry into police behaviour
- To implement genuine universal suffrage for both the Legislative Council and the Chief Executive
14-16 June 2019: Protests grow massive
- 14 June: Carrie Lam announces “suspension” of extradition bill but refuses to withdraw it
- 16 June: Civil Human Rights Front march draws a record 2 million people
- Evening: Carrie Lam issues apology for handling of extradition issue, but has already lost credibility and is seen as insincere
- Anti-police violence demonstrations continue throughout June
- Also small pro-Beijing pro-police rallies
July 2019: Further escalation
- 1 July: protesters storm and enter the Legislature
- Demonstrations almost every day
- Series of suicides leads to increased anger against government
- 14 July: journalists’ silent match against police violence aimed at press
- 15 July: police kettling of protesters inside New Town Plaza signals new stage of police intimidation and escalation of force
- 21 July: organised crime thugs join escalation of anti-protester violence in Yuen Long attack
21 July 2019: Yuen Long subway attack
- Attack inside Yuen Long station on people returning from protests
- Around 100 thugs dressed in white, linked to organised crime
- Despite many emergency calls, policy nearby stays in station
- Police enters only after 39 minutes, exactly after the thugs leave
- Police seen chatting with thugs
- No arrests made on the day, though some later
- Turning point: massive crisis of confidence in police and authorities
- Direct cause of radicalisation of some protesters
21 July 2019: Yuen Long subway attack
- Link of Yuen Long thugs with pro-Beijing forces in Hong Kong
- Pro-Beijing legislator Junius Ho seen with one of the ringleaders on evening of attack
- CCP-organised crime nexus
August 2019: Intensification of protests
- Tension increases on all sides, police brutality spirals out of control
- Also more violence from protesters
- Increasing anti-mainlander sentiment among Hong Kong population
- 31 July: PLA garrison releases provoking violent drill videos
- 28 August: #metoo rally addressing use of sexual violence by police
- 31 August: Police reaches new extreme in violence with Prince Edward station attack
31 August: Prince Edward Station Attack
- STS indiscriminately attacks people in subway carriages, some are protesters (who do not resist) and some simply commuters
- Comes to symbolize complete breakdown of trust between police/authorities and people
- In full view of journalists. Why?
- Rumors persist for days about possible killings by police in this attack (later proven untrue)
Late 2019 (Sept-Dec): Protests and clashes continue unabated
- 4 Sept: Carrie Lam announces withdrawal Extradition Bill, actually withdrawn 23 October
Unrest spreads to universities:
- Death of HK University of Science and Technology Alex Chow leads to large demonstrations in November
- Authorities launch disinformation campaign against Alex Chow
- Siege of universities: campuses blockaded by police, students harassed, tear-gassed, etc
- Increase in attacks on mainland Chinese, also students
2020
- COVID crisis leads to dwindling of protests
- Feeling has not changed
- Authorities use this time to persecute pro-democracy activists like Agnes Chow and other prominent Hong Kongers like media magnate Jimmy Lai
- May: Beijing decides to use crisis to its advantage and proposes draconian law that practically ends “One Country, Two Systems”:
- Hong Kong National Security Law
Hong Kong National Security Law
- Beijing will have power over how the law should be interpreted.
Both sides responsible for cycle of violence?
- Analysis of 65 violent incidents: Police use of force could only be justified in 5 of the incidents, according to rules of the Hong Kong police force
- Amnesty International report draws similar conclusion
- Also violence after arrest
Hong Kong now
- 200k people have fled Hong Kong since 2020
- Many critical Hong Kong residents are simply voting with their feet: leaving for UK, Australia, Taiwan, etc
- Hong Kong Security Law is used to clamp down on dissent and freedom of expression
- Large scale arrests of pro-democracy figures
- Critical legislators have almost disappeared from elected bodies
- Protesters can be sentenced to as much as 10 years in prison
- Freedom of expression at universities under extreme pressure due to Security Law
- Unions forced to disband for the same reason
- Free and critical media is slowly disappearing