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relaciones internacionales > sem 4 parcial 1 > Flashcards

sem 4 parcial 1 Flashcards

1
Q

Between the 2 radical poles, social constructivists see themselves as occupying the

A

middle ground

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2
Q

_____ _____ describes a compromise using the play on words “a stalling between 2 fools”.

A

Stephen Fry

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3
Q

diferences between realism, liberalism and constructivism

A

realism: international anarchy is permissive because of the war?, conflict
liberalism: is there an international society?, cooperation
contructivism: anarchy is what states makes of it

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4
Q

In 1989 ______ _______ proposed to call constructivism to those applications that were trying to explain the world under construction that was observed at the end of the Cold War

A

Nicholas Onuf

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5
Q

is a “social theory of international politics” that emphasizes the social construction of world affairs as opposed to the claim of (neo)realists that international politics is shaped by the rational behavior of egoist actors who pursue their interests to maximize their benefits

A

constructivism

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6
Q
  • German born political scientist
  • Solidified social constructivism in 1992 with “Anarchy is what states make of it”
  • Socially constructed world
A

alexander wendt

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7
Q

“Anarchy is what states make of it” by

A

alexander wendt

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8
Q

Human beings are always situated in particular contexts which

A

form their actions, they also reproduce, or construct, their world through their actions

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9
Q

Constructivism theory discusses the issue of

A

anarchy in the international system

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10
Q

key actors of constructivism

A

states

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11
Q

the differences in the actors between constructivism and others

A

individuals

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12
Q

recognizes the significance of non-material power as well as material power because the 2 powers connect and interact to build the world order

A

constructivism

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13
Q

non material powers

A

influence
culture
education
ideologies

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14
Q

an be understood as a threatening power as well as protecting power for the states

A

state military power

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15
Q

international politics is not governed purely by power and interests. Norms also matter, like:

A
  • sovereignty
  • non intervention
  • balance of power
  • use and possession of nukes
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16
Q

prefer to speak of an international society rather than an international system

A

constructivism

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17
Q

key concepts of constructivism

A

social meanings, identities and beliefs and social norms

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18
Q

The variables of interest to scholars (military power, trade relationships, institutions) are not important because they are objective facts of the world, but rather

A

social meanings

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19
Q

Constructivism focuses on how ideas, norms, values, and identities and created and constructed, how they develop, and how they change the way states comprehend and react to their situation.

A

identities and beliefs

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20
Q

A standard of appropriate behavior for actors with a given identity (Katzenstein 1996, 5). States that conform to a certain identity are expected to comply with the norms that are associated with that identity

A

social norms

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21
Q

constructivism father

A

alexander wendt

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22
Q

Alexander Wendt proposes that the structures have 3 elements:

A
  1. Intersubjective understandings
  2. Material resources
  3. practices
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23
Q

is the ability of someone to act, whereas structure refers to the international system that consists of material and ideational elements

A

agency

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24
Q

States determine the _______ of
international anarchy

A

nature

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25
Q

Constructivism argues that identities
and interests in international politics are

A

not stable, they have no pre-given nature.

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26
Q

anarchy is what states
make of it” seems to “build a bridge” between

A

(neo)realist “truths” and neoliberal/
(neo)idealist “truths.”

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27
Q

constructivism contradicts its own argument
that identities and interests are always in flux by

A

by making the character of international
anarchy dependent on what states decide to make it, constructivism produces the identity of the state as decision-maker, and this identity cannot be changed.

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28
Q

they have three things in common, Wendt claims that all these theorists agree that

A

(1) states are the dominant actors in international politics
(2) rationalism is the theoretical disposition through which they explain international
state interactions
3) security is defined in “self-interested” terms

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29
Q

wendt suggests about rationalism

A

“rationalism offers a fundamentally behavioral conception of both process and
institutions: they change behavior but not identities and interests”

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30
Q

The problem with rationalism, then, is that

A

it takes the identities and interests of states as given, thereby welcoming questions about changes in state
behavior but not being open to questions about changes in state identities and interests.

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31
Q

Wendt believes he will be able to recover

A

process among states – processes that may
transform international anarchy from either necessarily conflictual (for (neo)-realists) or cooperative (for neoliberals) into “what states make of it”

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32
Q

according to wendt there are at least two structures that explain state behavior in international politics.

A
  1. international anarchy
  2. “the intersubjectively constituted
    structure of identities and interests in the system
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33
Q

are the basis of interests”

A

identities

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34
Q

are the basis of interests”

A

identities

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35
Q

is a relatively stable set or ‘structure’ of identities and interests”

A

institutions

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36
Q

are fundamentally cognitive entities that do not exist apart from actors’ ideas about how the world works”

A

institutions

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37
Q

was the first to introduce the concept of constructivism into the IR theory debates.

A

nicholas onuf

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38
Q

is the view that actors have fixed interests and that the structure constrains their behaviour.

A

individualism

39
Q

is the view that the structure that constrains behaviour is defined by the distribution of power, technology, and geography

A

materialism

40
Q

constructivism is best compared with

A

rational choice

41
Q

is a social theory that offers a framework for understanding how actors operate as they attempt to maximize fixed preferences under a set of constraints.

A

rational choice

42
Q

the view that structures cannot be decomposed into the individual units and their interactions because structures are more than the sum of their parts and are irreducibly social.

A

holism

43
Q

: the social understanding of the self in relationship to an ‘other’.

A

identity

44
Q

There are things whose existence depends
on human agreement, and things whose existence does not

A

social facts

45
Q

examples of social facts

A

Money, refugees, terrorism, human rights, and sovereignty

46
Q

are an attempt to capture how things
are done, to situate these ‘doings’ within a social context.

A

practices

47
Q

the belief that they are acting according
to and pursuing the values of the broader international community, for reasons of identity and interest.

A

legitimacy

48
Q

all actors and states crave for

A

legitimacy

49
Q

promotes equality and justice for all women, so that
women’s expectations and opportunities in life are not
unfairly curtailed solely on the basis of being a woman.

A

feminism

50
Q

is also an analysis of power and its effects

A

feminism

51
Q

was the most visible origin of women’s global organizing for the twentieth century

A

Te International
Women’s Year Conference of 1975, held in Mexico City

52
Q

in 1975 the United Nations formally designated 1976–85 as the

A

United Nations Decade for Women

53
Q

challenged conventional economic and social development programmes by proving that women were essential to productive as well as reproductive processes and to developing nations’ economic and social progress

A

Ester Boserup’s book Women’s Role
in Economic Development, published in 1970

54
Q

Feminism is concerned with

A

equality, justice, and the
elimination of women’s subordination and oppression

55
Q

Feminist scholars such as

A

Marysia Zalewski, Ann Tickner, Jan Jindy
Pettman, and V. Spike Peterson

56
Q

is one of the ways that the United Nations measures the degree of inequality within and across states

A

Representation of women

57
Q

an empirical variable that explains social,
political, and economic inequalities, whereby gender is
understood as the biological (sex) difference between
men and women.

A

gender

58
Q

rests in social, political, and economic hierarchies

A

power

59
Q

a social construct that exists in social practices,
identities, and institutions.

A

gender

60
Q

is an effect of discourses of power

A

gender

61
Q

is defined less by its theorization of gender, as it
encompasses at least two of the approaches critical
and poststructural in its scope

A

postcolonial feminism

62
Q

challenges the content of International
Relations, but it does not challenge its fundamental epistemological assumption

A

liberal feminism

63
Q

advocate that the rights and representation conventionally granted to men be extended to women

A

liberal feminist international relations

64
Q

question liberal feminisms for relying too faithfully on the neutrality of their methods, and for their vision of power as a positive social good that can be successfully redistributed without fundamental social change

A

critical feminist international relations

65
Q

pay particular attention to the unequal diffusion of global capital accumulation.

A

critical feminist international relations

66
Q

The system of male domination

A

patriarchy

67
Q

is the assumption of the sameness of all women’s
experiences by virtue of being female.

A

gender essentialism

68
Q

‘link(s) everyday life and local gendered contexts and ideologies to the larger, transnational political and economic structures and ideologies of capitalism’

A

postcolonial feminism

69
Q

draws most specifically from
the scholarship of Judith Butler

A

poststructural feminism

70
Q

make other do what you want through force or repercussions

A

hard power

71
Q

examples of hard power

A

o Military, Economic Sanctions, etc.

72
Q

other way to call social meanings, identities and beliefs and social norms

A

institutions, interests and identities

73
Q

convince others that what is good for you is good for them, influence

A

soft power

74
Q

examples of soft power

A

o Relational power (friends)
o Structural power (influence economic or social structures e.g. democracy, capitalism, etc.)
o Cyber power
o Social and Cultural power

75
Q

challenge the realist and liberal paradigms that argue and justify the operation of an international system that keeps man in a superior position taking some advantage over women in status quo that is unique unflattering and oppresive

A

goal of feminism

76
Q

Founder of feminism

A

J. Ann Thickner

77
Q

challange of feminsim

A
  • Show the absence of women in the IR theory and practice
  • This absence is visible in the decision-making
78
Q

wave 1

A
  • Wave 1: Right to vote (1850-1930)
79
Q

wave 2

A

Wave 2: Right for reproductive control, equal pay 4 equal work, no fault divorce, sanctions against marital rape (1960-1990)

80
Q

wave 3

A
  • Wave 3: Celebrate diversity, combat inequalities of age, gender, race, sexual orientation, economic status, or level of education (1990- )
81
Q

was first published in 1958 by its creator A.F.K. Organski, in his textbook, World Politics (1958)

A

power transition

82
Q

comes from a Latin phrase meaning: ‘the existing state of affairs’.
The term status quo rather describes a factual or legal situation at a given moment in time.

A

status quo

83
Q

power transition model

A

dominant nation
great powers
middle powers
small powers
colonies

84
Q

international system of power transition

A

is hierarchically organized

85
Q

great powers that are satisfied with the benefits and the rules by which it is run. They give support to the dominant one

A

friendly satisfied powers

86
Q

States whose objective is to change or put an end to the current system. They want to change status quo but they can be deterred

A

potential revisionists

87
Q

states who are considered as great rivals and cannot be deterred

A

implacable enemies

88
Q

are those powerful and dissatisified great nations who have grown in power after the imposition of the existing international order

A

challenges

89
Q

The conditions for a peaceful international order are present when

A

the dominant State has a large power advantage over any other single State and most combinations of countries dissatisfied with the status quo in the second tier.

90
Q

instability is likely only during periods of relative parity among potential competitors

A

instability

91
Q

The dominant State needs to recognize the

A

the reality of the changing power relationship and prepare to resist such change.

92
Q

The closure of the power gap engenders fear on the part of the leaders of the dominant State, that the challenger will:

A
  • Surpass the dominant country
  • Become increasingly unwilling to accept a subordinate position in the international order
  • Challenge the leadership and rules of the international order.
93
Q

how to satisfy a great power

A

the increase in military expenditure and comparison of alliance portfolios of contender and cominant power

relaciones internacionales (3 decks)

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