Religion, Renewal and Choice Flashcards
Davie (2013) From Obligation to Consumption
late modern society
religion is moving away from obligation and towards consumption or choice
for example, in england infnat baptisms used to be an obligitaory rite of passage, but now only a minority of babies are baptised.
however there is an increase in the number of adults choosing to be baptised through individual choice
Davie ‘Beliving without belonging’
religion is not declining but taking a different more privatised form.
people are reluctant to belong to organisations but still hold religious belifs.
beliving without belonging
Davie ‘Vicarious Religion’ Spiritual Health Service
religion practised by a minority (clergy) on behalf of the majority, who experience religion second hand.
pattern typical of Britain and Northern Europe, low levels of attendance, many still identify with the churches
Europe, national churches are public utilities, ‘Spiritual Health Service’ for everyone, whenever they need. using churches for rites of passage such as weddings and funerals & major national occasions, like the public mourning over the death of Princess Diana in 1997.
Secularisation theory assumes that modernisation affects every society in the same way causing the decline of religion, Davie questions this:
Instead of a single version of modern society, she argues there are multiple modernities. Britain and America are both modern societies, but with very different patterns of religion, especially in relation to church attendance - high in America, low in Britain, but accompanied by believing without belonging.
Neither believing nor belonging
Voas and Crockett (2005) don’t accept Davie’s believing without belonging.
Evidence from 5,750 respondents shows that both church attendance and belief in God are declining together.
If Davie was right, there would be higher levels of belief.
Bruce (2011) adds that if people are not willing to invest time in going to church, this reflects the decline in beliefs. When people no longer believe, they no longer wish to belong, and so their involvement in religion diminishes.
Believe in belonging
2011 Census results show that 63% of people identified themselves as Christian, which supports the ‘believing without belonging’ view. However, Abby Day (2007) found that very few of the ‘Christians’ she interviewed mentioned God or Christianity. Their reason for describing themselves as Christian was not religious, but simply a way of saying they belonged to a ‘White English’ ethnic group. As Day puts it, they ‘believe in belonging’. Describing themselves as ‘Christian’ was actually a non-religious marker of their ethnic or national identity.
Spiritual shopping
Hervieu-Léger (2000; 2006) personal choice and the decline of obligation.
there has been a dramatic decline in institutional religion in Europe.
because of ‘cultural amnesia’: for centuries, children used to be taught religion in the extended family. Nowadays, we have lost the religion that used to be handed down from generation to generation, few parents teach their children about religion.
Instead, parents today let children decide for themselves what to believe.
trend towards greater social equality has undermined the traditional power of the Church to impose religion on people from above. young people no longer have a fixed religious identity imposed on them through socialisation.
Hervieu-Léger spiritual shoppging
while institutional religion has declined, religion itself has not disappeared.
Instead, individual consumerism has replaced collective tradition. People today now feel they have a choice as consumers of religion:
- they have become spiritual shoppers. Religion = individualised, ‘do-it-yourself’ beliefs that give meaning to our lives and fit in with our interests and aspirations.
Religion has thus become a personal spiritual journey in which we choose the elements we want to explore and the groups we wish to join. As a result, Hervieu-Léger argues, two new religious types are emerging:
- Pilgrims are like those in the holistic milieu in the Kendal Project They follow an individual path in a search for self-discovery, for example exploring New Age spirituality by joining groups, or through individual
‘therapy’. The demand is created by today’s emphasis on personal development. - Converts join religious groups that offer a strong sense of belonging, based on shared ethnic background or religious doctrine. groups re-create a sense of community in a society that has lost many of its religious traditions. As in the Kendal Project, these include evangelical movements and also the churches of minority ethnic groups.
As a result of these trends, religion no longer acts as the source of collective identity that it once did. However, Hervieu-Léger notes that religion does continue to have some influence on society’s values:
For example, the values of equality and human rights have their roots in religion, she argues. Such values can be a source of shared cultural identity and social solidarity, even for those who are not actively involved in religion.
Hervieu-Léger’s views can be related to the idea of late modernity:
This is the notion that in recent decades some of the trends within modern society have begun to accelerate, such as the decline of tradition and increasing individualism.
This explains the weakening of traditional institutions such as the church, as well as the growing importance of individual choice in matters of religion.
Postmodern religion:
Lyon (2000) agrees with Davie that believing without belonging is increasingly popular. traditional religion is giving way to new religious forms that demonstrate its continuing vigour.
postmodern society has a number of features that are changing the nature of religion. These include globalisation, the increased importance of the media and communications, and the growth of consumerism.
Globalisation, the media and religion
growing interconnectedness of societies, which has led to greatly increased movements of ideas and beliefs across national boundaries.
media saturated postmodern world, with images and messages globally, compressing time and space to give us instantaneous access to the ideas and beliefs of previously remote places and religions.
Religious ideas have become ‘disembedded’
the ‘electronic church’ and televangelism disembed religion from real, local churches and relocate it on the Internet, allowing believers to express their faith without physically attending church - an example of how the boundaries between different areas of social life become blurred in postmodern society.
As a result, religion becomes de-institutionalised - detached from its place in religious institutions, floating in cyber-space. Removed from their original location in the church, religious ideas become a cultural resource that individuals can adapt for their own purposes.
The internet offers religious groups and individuals new opportunities. Helland (2000) identifies two types of online religious activity:
Religion Online – A one-way, top-down communication where religious organizations use the internet to share official messages without interaction, similar to traditional church communication.
Online Religion – A more interactive, community-driven form of ‘cyber-religion’ that exists mainly online, allowing individuals to engage in discussions, virtual worship, and shared spiritual experiences.
critiscms of hellands oline religious activity
While postmodernists see online religion as a potential replacement for traditional faith, research (Hoover et al., 2004) suggests it typically complements, rather than replaces, offline religious practices.
Religious consumerism:
In postmodern society, religion has become a consumer choice. Hervieu-Léger describes individuals as ‘spiritual shoppers’, selecting religious beliefs that suit their needs rather than committing to a single tradition. Lyon argues that religion has shifted to the sphere of consumption, where people engage with multiple religious practices without strong institutional loyalty.
Ammerman (1987) found that American Christian fundamentalists attended different churches for various needs, such as worship, counselling, and childcare.
As Berger notes, exposure to diverse religious beliefs weakens traditional religions’ authority, leading to a decline in ‘meta-narratives’—absolute truths. However, postmodernists like Lyon believe religion is not disappearing but evolving, as new spiritual movements emerge to fit modern consumerist lifestyles.
Self-Religions and the New Age
New Age spirituality emphasizes personal discovery, autonomy, and inner self-connection, rejecting obedience to external religious authority. It promotes individualism, where individuals freely choose their own spiritual truths, often through spiritual shopping and mixing beliefs from various sources. This has led to the concept of ‘self-spirituality’ or ‘self-religion’, where religious meaning is personally constructed rather than dictated by traditional institutions.
Re-Enchantment of the World
Lyon criticizes secularization theory for assuming religion is in decline. Contrary to Weber’s prediction of increasing rationalization and disenchantment, Lyon argues that we are in a period of re-enchantment, marked by the rise of unconventional spiritual beliefs and practices. While traditional religion has declined, especially in Europe, non-traditional religion is growing in the West and resurging globally.
A Spiritual Revolution?
Traditional Christianity is declining, giving way to holistic spirituality and New Age beliefs focused on personal development and subjective experience. This shift is reflected in the rise of the spiritual market, with books, courses, and therapies like meditation and crystal healing becoming popular.
Heelas and Woodhead (2005) studied Kendal, Cumbria, distinguishing between:
* The congregational domain (traditional and evangelical Christianity).
* The holistic milieu (New Age spirituality).
Findings from 2000 showed 7.9% attended church, while 1.6% participated in holistic spirituality. Traditional churches were losing support, while evangelical churches remained stable.
Key Trends: Explanation of Traditional churches were losing support, while evangelical churches remained stable, by Heelas and Woodhead
- The “subjective turn” – Society now values inner exploration over external religious authority.
- Decline of traditional religion – Duty-based faiths are out of sync with modern individualism.
- Evangelical success – While maintaining discipline, evangelical churches also emphasize spiritual healing and personal growth.
In the spiritual marketplace, the most successful movements appeal to personal experience rather than rigid doctrine, reflecting a broader cultural shift.
The Weakness of the New Age
While some argue that religion is changing rather than declining, Bruce challenges this by highlighting several weaknesses of New Age spirituality:
- Problem of Scale – New Age movements are too small to replace traditional religion. For example, in Kendal (1851), 38% attended church, while today only 3,000 people attend instead of the needed 14,500. The 270 participants in the holistic milieu are far from filling this gap.
- Socialisation of the Next Generation – New Age beliefs struggle to pass to future generations. Only 32% of New Age parents report their children sharing their beliefs. Additionally, many women in the holistic milieu are childless, and husbands often do not share their wives’ beliefs, making transmission difficult.
- Weak Commitment – Glendinning and Bruce (2006) found that while people may dabble in meditation, astrology, and alternative medicine, few take these beliefs seriously or integrate them into daily life.
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Structural Weakness – New Age spirituality’s individualistic nature prevents it from becoming a strong, unified movement. It lacks:
External authority (e.g., a church hierarchy) to enforce commitment.
Consensus, as people can believe whatever they want.
Evangelism, since enlightenment is seen as personal rather than something to spread.
Religious Market Theory
Stark and Bainbridge (1986) advocate for religious market theory (or rational choice theory), which criticizes secularisation theory for being Eurocentric, focusing only on religion’s decline in Europe and not its ongoing vitality in places like America. They argue that secularisation theory distorts both the past and future, wrongly assuming a “golden age” of religion and predicting a future where everyone will be atheist.
Instead, they propose that:
People are naturally religious, and religion meets human needs, so overall demand for religion remains constant, even though preferences for specific types of religion may change.
Humans seek rewards and avoid costs, making religious choices based on weighing the benefits and costs of available options.
Compensators and Religious Market Theory
Compensators:
According to Stark and Bainbridge, religion provides compensators—promises of supernatural rewards when real-world rewards are unavailable. For instance, immortality is unattainable, but religion offers life after death as a compensator. Non-religious ideologies like humanism and communism don’t offer supernatural compensators, making them less attractive.
The Cycle of Renewal:
In contrast to secularisation theory, which predicts continuous decline, Stark and Bainbridge propose a cycle of decline, revival, and renewal. Religions go through cycles of growth and decline, with sects and cults filling gaps when established religions decline. They argue that secularisation theory overlooks the growth of new religions and religious revivals.
Religious Competition:
Stark and Bainbridge argue that religious competition operates like a market, where churches are like businesses. Instead of diminishing religion, competition leads to improvements in religious offerings. Churches that meet the needs of their members will thrive, while those that don’t will decline
America vs. Europe in Religious Market Theory
Demand vs. Supply:
Stark and Bainbridge argue that religion thrives when there’s variety to choose from, as consumers can select what best meets their needs. In contrast, in regions with a religious monopoly (one dominant church), religion tends to decline due to lack of competition and incentive to improve.
America:
Religion is strong in the USA because there has never been a religious monopoly. The Constitution ensures freedom of religion and the separation of church and state, encouraging a variety of denominations. This creates a dynamic religious market where religions grow or decline based on consumer demand.
Europe:
In Europe, the dominance of official state churches (e.g., the Church of England) has restricted competition, leading to decline. The lack of choice has contributed to a weakening of religious participation.
Supply-Led Religion
Stark and Bainbridge’s theory is supported by various studies showing that religious participation is largely influenced by the quality and variety of religious options available. Examples include:
Televangelism: Hadden and Shupe (1988) argue that the rise of televangelism in the 1960s showed that religious participation was supply-led. The commercial funding of religious broadcasts created competition, and evangelical churches thrived by offering a prosperity gospel that met consumer demand.
Asian Religions in the USA: Finke (1997) notes that the 1960s lifting of immigration restrictions in America allowed religions like Hare Krishna and Transcendental Meditation to grow, providing more choices in the religious marketplace and increasing participation.
Criticisms of Religious Market Theory
Bruce (2011) argues that diversity and competition do not necessarily increase religious demand. He points out that diversity has coincided with religious decline in both Europe and America. Bruce also claims Stark and Bainbridge misrepresent secularisation theory, which doesn’t argue a “golden age” of religion or predict universal atheism but instead suggests long-term decline in religion, especially in Europe and America.
Norris and Inglehart (2011) found that countries with a religious monopoly, like Ireland and Venezuela, have high religious participation, while religious pluralism in countries like Holland and Australia often correlates with low participation. This contradicts Stark and Bainbridge’s theory that diversity boosts religious participation.
Beckford criticizes the theory for being unsociological, as it assumes people are naturally religious without explaining the reasons behind their religious choices.
Norris and Inglehart’s Critique and Existential Security Theory
Norris and Inglehart (2011) reject religious market theory, arguing that it only applies to America and fails to explain religiosity variations between different societies. They claim that there is no evidence linking religious choice to religious participation, as Stark and Bainbridge suggest.
Instead, Norris and Inglehart propose Existential Security Theory, which argues that variations in religiosity are due to differing levels of existential security—the feeling that survival is secure enough to be taken for granted.
Key points of their theory:
Insecure societies (poor, facing risks like famine, disease, etc.) have high religiosity because religion provides a sense of security.
Wealthier societies (with high standards of living and less risk) have lower religiosity due to greater security.
Thus, the demand for religion is not constant as Stark and Bainbridge suggest, but varies by income and security. Poorer societies and individuals in wealthier societies, facing more insecurity, tend to be more religious, explaining why developing countries remain religious, while wealthier Western countries have become more secular.
Norris and Inglehart argue that global population growth undermines the trend towards secularisation. While wealthy, secular Western countries have low population growth, poorer, religious countries experience high population growth. As a result, while rich countries are becoming more secular, the majority of the world is becoming more religious.
Europe vs. America in Religiosity
Norris and Inglehart argue that secularisation is increasing in Western Europe because these societies are secure and equal, with well-developed welfare states that reduce poverty and insecurity.
In contrast, the United States remains more religious due to its greater inequality, inadequate welfare systems, and individualistic culture, which leads to higher levels of poverty and insecurity, thus creating a greater need for religion.
They explain that while America is more religious than Europe, it is still less religious than poorer countries due to the insecurity people face, consistent with their theory that religiosity is linked to levels of insecurity.
State Welfare and Religiosity
Gill and Lundegaarde (2004) support Norris and Inglehart’s argument, finding that countries with higher welfare spending tend to have lower levels of religious participation. European countries, which spend more on welfare than the USA, are also more secular.
Historically, religion provided welfare for the poor, especially in poorer countries. However, with the rise of state welfare in the 20th century, religion’s role in providing security has declined in the West.
Despite this, Gill and Lundegaarde do not expect religion to disappear, as welfare addresses material security, but does not answer “ultimate” questions about the meaning of life, which religion still provides. Thus, while welfare reduces the need for religion, it does not eliminate it entirely.
Evaluation of Norris and Inglehart’s Theory
Vásquez (2007) acknowledges that Norris and Inglehart provide a valuable explanation for varying levels of religious participation globally. However, he criticizes their approach in two ways:
They rely solely on quantitative data (income levels) and do not consider people’s personal definitions of “existential security”. Vásquez suggests that qualitative research is also necessary.
They view religion only as a negative response to deprivation, overlooking the positive reasons people participate in religion and the appeal it holds for wealthier individuals.
