Organisations Movements Members Flashcards
Churches and Sects
Weber (1920) made the original distinction between two different types of religious organisations – churches and sects
within Christianity.
However, it was his friend Ernst Troeltsch (1931), who developed these distinctions further. Sects can
be seen as a small religion that has broken away from the official established mainstream church of society, often due
to the differences in the interpretation of religious teachings. Although the definition of ‘church’ by Weber and Troeltsch
was originally based on Western Christian organisations, it can still be applicable to other faiths and in other countries
that share similar characteristics of a ‘church’.
Churches
Examples * Christianity: Church of England (England); Roman Catholics Church (Italy, Spain); Orthodox Church
(Greece, Cyprus).
Structure * A large organisation that has a formal hierarchical and bureaucratic structure with paid officials (e.g. in the
Catholic religion the Pope heads a pyramid of cardinals, archbishops, bishops and priests).
Size * Size of church membership tends to be the very large; the largest religious organisational type, e.g. millions of
people.
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Membership * Membership is inclusive, meaning it is open to all types of people and who are from all social backgrounds.
Members are predominately born into the church or self-recruited by conversion.
* Churches tend to have a particular link to the socially powerful people/upper classes. For instance, the Queen
and the Church of England.
Commitment * Makes few demands on its members – it is possible to be a member without ever attending collective worship
(becoming a member usually means no drastic life change). However, the church encourages regular attendance and
involvement.
View of society * Accepts the main values and norms of society. Often seen as the ‘official religion’ of the state—country (e.g. the
Queen being the head of state and of the Church of England). Often integrated into the social, moral and the
economic structure of society.
View of other
beliefs/religions
- Believes it has a monopoly on truth (their teachings are the only ones that are true, and theirs is the only
legitimate religion). They do not accept other religions as being true. - Its beliefs and values are accepted by the majority of the population.
Sects
Examples * Christianity: Jehovah witnesses; Unification Church (the Moonies); Amish; Peoples Temple; Branch Davidians; Quaker
Structure * There is often no hierarchal structure or paid officials, but it is more egalitarian in structure, usually under the
control of a single influential and charismatic leader.
Size * Membership size tends to be small.
- The lifespan of sects can be short-lived (possibly until the leader dies).
Membership * Membership is exclusive – entry criteria is tight, possibly through personal recommendation. Sects often
require very strong commitment from their members. They see themselves as an ‘exclusive group’ – which
usually requires a change or to withdraw from a current lifestyle.
Commitment * A high level of commitment is required. People who join tend to be from the lower working class (the poor), the
oppressed and the marginalised.
View of society * Sects often reject society and the state. They are often in conflict with/hostile to/disapproving of society’s
values and norms and aim to replace them with alternative beliefs and practises.
* They can be anti-establishment and anti-authority, and are therefore often viewed as a deviant religious
organisation.
View of other
beliefs/religions
- They may make absolute truth claims on religious beliefs (monopoly over truth claims), and are not accepting
of other religions/beliefs.
Denominations
Examples * Christianity: Baptist Church, Methodist Church, Pentecostal Church.
Structure * Quite a large organisation that has a formal hierarchal and bureaucratic structure with paid officials, although
they often also have unpaid or lay preachers.
Size * Size of membership tends to be large.
Exam questions and answers at www.sociologyzone.co.uk Section 1: Beliefs in Society 38
Membership * Membership is inclusive which means it is open to all types of people or through family tradition.
Denominations often have members from working-class and lower-middle-class backgrounds.
Commitment * They may require restrictions on their member’s behaviour (e.g. no alcohol or gambling). They tend to require
more commitment than a church. Some expect their members to go out and evangelise in the community, e.g.
as with the Pentecostal faith.
View of society * Generally, they accept the main values and norms of society. Denominations are not linked to the state. They may
have some minor differences in values with mainstream society but are not confrontational.
View of other
beliefs/religions
- Many tend not to claim a monopoly over the truth, while others do (Pentecostals). Denominations are tolerant
of other religions and beliefs.
Cults
Examples * Scientology, Christian Science, and Transcended Meditation
Structure * A cult is small and loosely organised; no formal hierarchical structure or paid officials.
- Tend to be led by practitioners, therapists or guru types leaders
Size * The size of membership tends to be very small.
* The lifespan of the cult tends to be short-lived.
Membership * Membership is inclusive which means it is open to all types of people, usually the young middle-class.
Commitment * Very loose commitments and demands are made on the individual.
View of society * Cults accept the values and norms of mainstream society.
- They tend to focus on the attributes of individuals rather than society, such as self-improvement, to become
more fulfilled and whole within the demands of modern lifestyles
View of other
beliefs/religions
- Cults do not claim to have a monopoly on the truth, and are therefore tolerant of other religious faiths.
Members may also belong to other religious faiths at the same – a blending of ideas
Ways to separate cults from sects according to Stark and Bainbridge (1985) are:
◦ Sects are usually a breakaway movement from a church whereas cults often are not. Sects tend to focus on religious ideas
whereas cults tend to focus on the individual’s personal growth (e.g. spiritually, emotionally, socially and physically). Others
tend to have a more mystical element focusing on the matters of the universe (e.g. astral projection).
◦ Sects believe have a monopoly on the truth, whereas cults believe their teachings are just one of many paths to the truth.
The definition of ‘church’ is no longer applicable
One limitation of the definition of ‘church’ is it is no longer useful in modern society, and it is more
appropriate in describing pre-modern Christian societies. This is because the many competing interpretations
of Christianity in the UK, and the development of religious pluralism (many different religions), means the
Church of England is no longer able to command universal loyalty, as there is no longer one single set of
beliefs which is reinforced by all groups in society.
The definition of ‘church’ is more applicable to non-Christian countries
The definition of ‘church’ by Troeltsch was based on Western Christian organisations. Some argue that with
western societies becoming more secular, the definition of ‘church’ will eventually no longer be applicable to
Christian societies in the West . Arguably it is more appropriate to some modern non-Christian countries, as
they demonstrate more characteristics of what constitutes a church. For example, in countries such as Iran
and Saudi Arabia, the official religion Islam is closely linked with the state, with religion controlling the state
on all political, social, moral and educational matters.
◦ A church or denomination? A further problem with the classification system is it may not reflect reality
For example, some churches that are meant to be the official state religions of a country, have lost their
influence over the majority of the population and the state, partly because of the impact of secularisation
and religious diversity becoming the norm. This means many churches are now akin to the characteristics of a
denomination rather than churches in certain countries.
◦ Eurocentric. The religious classifications are viewed as being Eurocentric, originally made by sociologists
working within a European Christian tradition and therefore they cannot be applied to non-Christian religions
such as Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism. This means the validity is only predominantly applicable to Western
European countries.
Problems of stigma
Some religious organisations such as cults and sects have generated negative connotations and public
hostility towards them. This can lead to some very peaceful sects and cults being portrayed in a negative light
such as ‘weird’, ‘bizarre’, ‘threatening’ or ‘dangerous’. No member of an unconventional religious organisation
wants to be labelled with such terms. However, some cults (such as Scientology) are becoming increasingly
influential in society. For example, celebrities who are committed sect members (such as Tom Cruise and John
Travolta) have publicly attempted to portray them in a positive manner.
New Religious Movements (NRMs)
Since the 1960s there has been a rapid growth of cults and sects, making it difficult to classify them under one particular
type. This led Roy Wallis (1984), to reject the typology outlined by Troeltsch for a number of reasons. Firstly, sect and cult
are negatively loaded as terms and imply some judgement of the organisations. Secondly, some religious organisations
did not fit neatly into the previous categories. For example, with the Hindu-based Siddha Yoga movement, one cannot be
sure if it is a cult or a sect. So instead of referring to them as ‘denominations’, ‘sects’ or ‘cults’, Wallis (1984), coined the
term New Religious Movements. This is a broader updated classification system and typology in which he divides them
into three main groups based on their relationship to the outside world.
- World-accommodating.
- World-affirming groups.
- World-rejecting groups.
- World-accommodating.
Similar characteristics as a denomination. They are often offshoots of churches. These
religious organisations are critical or dissatisfied with some aspects of wider society as well as mainstream religions
and often seek to revert back to the pure religious teachings of their faith, holding conservative beliefs (e.g. against
divorce, abortion, contraception, are anti-gay rights). Individuals feel they can redress this situation in their own lives
without cutting themselves off from the wider society.
Examples: Baptist churches, Methodist Churches, Pentecostal Churches.
- World-affirming groups.
Similar characteristics as a cult. These types of religious organisation are less religious and
focus more on human development, such as self-improvement therapies and psychologies attempting to develop
and release ‘human potential and growth’, enabling participants to become more successful members of society.
They do not require a major change from a conventional lifestyle.
Examples: Church of Scientology, Human Potential Movement, Transcendental Meditation.
- World-rejecting groups.
Similar characteristics of a sect. They are often very hostile, critical or rejecting of
mainstream society. Membership is often based on exclusive entry, often led by an influential and charismatic
leader. A high level of commitment is required and it demands its members sacrifice a great deal to be part of the
organisation; this may entail a sharp break with conventional life and significant lifestyle changes
Examples: The International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON-Hare Krishna), Branch Davidians, Peoples’
Temple and ISIS.
Stark and Bainbridge (1985), are critical of the previous typologies of religious organisations.
They suggest:
- Sects are an offshoot of an existing religion as a result of schism (split) due to differences in interpretation or
religious doctrine and practises. - Cults can be defined in terms of a new religion in society or one that is new to that particular society (e.g. Scientology
in the UK).
There are three types of cults according to their degrees of organisation:
◦ Audience cult: the least formal and organised cult, with no membership and with little interaction, but which may
hold occasional meetings. For example, astrology believers share a common belief but do not necessarily know
each other as they do not have large gatherings.
◦ Client cults: a more formal and organised cult, usually offering services to their followers — form a client/
practitioner relationship. For example, Scientology offers to clear ‘engrams’ (e.g. repressed memories of painful
experiences) for followers.
◦ Cult movements: the most formal and organised cult, demanding a higher level of commitment than other cults.
Many client cults can develop into cult movements for their most dedicated followers, e.g. members of the
Heaven’s Gate cult committed suicide when a comet crossed the sky in 1997, holding the belief such an action
would bring them to heaven.
The strengths of Wallis’s new topology.
Wallis does not argue that all religious groups will fall exactly into one of his three categories. Consequently,
he acknowledges some groups fall in the ‘middle ground’ between two or more of his types. Furthermore, his
topology avoids some of the stigma associated with grouping certain religions as a sect or a cult.
The problem of classification
Some NRMs cannot be categorised under Wallis’s classification system. For example, the Unification Churc
(Moonies) cannot be classified in the existing type because it incorporates religious ideas from a variety of
sources such as Christianity, Taoism, Confucianism and elements of other modern ideas. So it makes it difficult
to determine the type of relationship this organisation has to the outside world — world-accommodating,
world-rejecting or world-affirming
Methodological issues
Some NRMs are extremely difficult to investigate, especially those that are more deviant and secretive, where
accessibility will be almost impossible. Therefore, at times, knowledge will be based on secondary data which
makes it difficult to classify under a particular category
Stark and Bainbridge’s typology is too simplistic.
Although Stark and Bainbridge considered their own typology as superior to others, they are criticised for
being over-simplistic in their categorisation as they only consider the degree of tension between religions
and the wider society. Other factors such as the extent to which the religion tolerates other religions are not
addressed in their categorisation (McGuire 2002).
Reasons for the Growth of NRMs
Sociologists offer several explanations for the rapid growth and appeal of New Religious Movements (sects and cults)
since the 1960s:
Marginality
- Max Weber (1963), argues sects offer a theodicy of disprivilege: a religious explanation for their
disadvantage, by offering a better life in the afterlife or in a future society after a divine intervention. - Bellah gives the example of the continuing marginalisation of Black Americans since WW2 that has led many to seek refuge in NRMs, especially Black Muslims. The growth of the sect called Nation of Islam can be seen as a response to the increasing hardship of the ghetto (e.g. poverty, bad housing, unemployment). In the Black Muslim movement —
which grew especially in the 1960s — individuals found friendship and emotional support. Members were encouraged
to believe Blacks were by nature “divine” and were superior to Whites. On initiation, Blacks replaced their slave name
with a Muslim name and transformed their negative identity to a positive one. Believers were required to follow a
strict moral code (e.g. no alcohol) and were encouraged to look after each other’s welfare. Their ultimate goal was
Black supremacy.
Reasons for the Growth of NRMs
Sociologists offer several explanations for the rapid growth and appeal of New Religious Movements (sects and cults)
since the 1960s: relative deprivation
- The marginality fails to explain the popularity of NRMs amongst white, middle class males. Many NRMs, e.g. The Christian Science Movement, have a largely middle-class membership. It is possible some individuals who are affluent may feel themselves to be ‘deprived’ or ‘disadvantaged’ by comparing themselves to others, especially their reference groups such as friends, siblings and so on. If this is the case, they have experienced feelings of relative deprivation.
So whilst they don’t lack material wealth, they may feel spiritually deprived. In fact, material success can heighten these
feelings. Hence, they have joined NRMs to find peace of mind and spiritual fulfilmen
Reasons for the Growth of NRMs
Sociologists offer several explanations for the rapid growth and appeal of New Religious Movements (sects and cults)
since the 1960s: social change
-
Wilson (1982), argues the appeal of world religious movements often occurs at a time of rapid social change or disruption in society, which undermines or threatens the norms of society. This can result in producing a feeling of
social dislocation and anomie (normlessness) where guidelines for social behaviour are no longer in place. Wilson
For some, the rapid social change will seem attractive, with NRMs offering certainty, warmth and the support of a
community which gives its members a reason for living. Two explanations are given for both world-rejecting NRMs
and world-affirming NRMs
-
Wilson (1982), argues the appeal of world religious movements often occurs at a time of rapid social change
with NRMs offering certainty, warmth and the support of a
community which gives its members a reason for living. Two explanations are given for both world-rejecting NRMs
and world-affirming NRMs:
◦ World rejecting NRM. The 1960s and 1970s saw a rapid increase in urbanisation and industrialisation in Western
countries. This led to a breakdown in community and feelings of anonymity. People sought refuge in religious
groups like Hare Krishna, particularly amongst the young and affluent. In these NRMs, members are able to fin
security or friendship, as well as strong systems of faith.
◦ World affirming NRM. Bruce (1995) suggests the growth of world-affirming movements has been a response to
modernisation, especially the rationalisation of work. This is because people find it increasingly difficult to gai
satisfaction and a sense of identity from work. These NRMs offer people both success and a spiritual element to their
lives.
The research evidence against the ‘marginality’ explanation
There is research evidence that does not support the view that those from disadvantaged groups tend to join
sects. Eileen Barker (1984), found while studying the religious group the ‘Moonies’ that most members of NRMs
come from happy, middle-class homes. This suggests membership of NRMs is not only confined to the lower
levels of society. However, Wallis argues this does not contradict the marginality theory as many of the recruits
had become marginalised because they were “hippies, drop-outs, surfers or LSD and marijuana users”.
The research evidence against the ‘social change’ explanation
There is research evidence that does not support the view social change leads to people joining sects. Stark
and Bainbridge (1985), analysed the percentages in the USA in different time periods during the first three-
quarters of the 20th century. They found 16% were formed in the 1950s, a period of stability, 14% in the 1960s,
and only 3% from 1970-1977. The 1960s and 1970s were a time of social unrest with student demonstrations,
the hippie movement, black riots and the Vietnam war. This seems to question the view sects develop during
periods of social change. However, Stark and Bainbridge used a limited definition of a sect – a breakaway from
established religion. A broader definition may result in different figures and a different conclusion
Reasons why sects are short-lived
Niebuhr (1929), in a study of sects in America, found sects will either die out within one generation, or they must
reconcile with society, by ‘cooling down’ their extreme views and become a denomination. Neibuhr put forward several
reasons why sects and NRM are short-lived:
Niebuhr (1929), in a study of sects in America, found sects will either die out within one generation, or they must
reconcile with society, by ‘cooling down’ their extreme views and become a denomination. Neibuhr put forward several
reasons why sects and NRM are short-lived:
- The second generation lacks the commitment.
- Death or loss of charismatic leaders.
- The reasons for joining are no longer present.
- Too extreme.
Sects and NRMs are not always short-lived
Wilson (1959) argues not all sects disappear over time or turn into denominations; that is not the only choice they have.
Some sects continue to survive and remain as a sect. For example, the Jehovah’s Witness movement and the Seventh
Day Adventist movement are examples of long-standing and established Christian sects. According to Wilson, for a sect
to retain its sect status or become a denomination depends on what the sect offers its members to enable them to be
‘saved’ (i.e. salvation).
- Conversionist sects
- Conversionist sects are the most likely to develop into denominations. These believe the only way to salvation into
heaven is to be born again, which requires individuals to ‘convert’. Their aim is to convert as many people as possible
to God through evangelical preaching. To do this on a wide scale, they eventually have to: [1] evolve a bureaucratic
structure and a paid hierarchy of officials; [2] They must also maintain constant contact with the outside world (from
which new converts are, of course, drawn). If such sects are successful in recruiting a large number of individuals this
can turn into a denomination, e.g. The Salvation Army that has turned from a conversionist sect into a denomination.
- Adventist sects (revolutionary sect)
tend to believe in a ‘doomsday’ scenario that a divine intervention or imminent
radical transformation in the world will occur (e.g. the Second coming of Christ) where evil will be defeated. To be
‘saved’, members are required to remove themselves from the corrupt world. This separatist approach can prevent
sects from becoming a denomination, e.g. the Jehovah’s Witness movement.
- Introversionist sects
sects believe in not compromising their religious conviction to God; a compromise in their religious
practise may not guarantee them salvation. To be ‘saved’, they have to cut themselves off completely from the
outside world and remain as a marginalised community (e.g. the Amish and Mormon movements). Such disengaged
sects often remain as they are and are very unlikely to change into a denomination.
New Age Movements (NAMs)
Since the 1980s a new type of unconventional religious organisation has emerged called the New Age Movement. Although they
have very similar characteristics to cults, Heelas (1996), suggests that NAMs are primarily concerned with mind-body ideas: the
achievement of self-discovery, personal growth, self-perfection, the harnessing of inner potential and spiritual awareness, and
often involving a rejection of scientific and rational logic. The beliefs and practices are often derived from environmentalism,
alternative medicine and therapies, Eastern and Western philosophies, and psychology. For example, crystal therapy,
clairvoyance, psychic healing, feng shui, astrology, tarot, reincarnation, Wicca (witchcraft), shamanism and palmistry.
According to
Bruce (2002), some of the primary common themes of NAMs and what separates them from mainstream religions are:
◦ A belief in the notion of inner human potential – new age ideas aim to connect you with your inner-self to
maximise your potential to make you happier, healthier and more successful.
◦ Therapeutic techniques – new age ideas tend to be therapeutic. Followers of new age ideas believe this can be
unlocked by new age therapeutic techniques to improve themselves (as above).
◦ A belief in natural energy – the idea that good and bad energy exist, which can have an impact on human
behaviour. Some NAMs provide techniques to control negative energy, e.g. crystals, aromatherapy and feng shui,
and wearing metal bangles etc.
◦ Everything is connected – NAMs take a holistic approach. They see the ‘Self’ (mind, body and spirit) being
connected and influenced by the environment, the supernatural and the cosmos, as we are all part of the greater
whole.
Evaluation of New Age Movements
NAMs are not religions
A further criticism of classifying a NAM as a type of religious organisation is some sociologists have argued
many NAMs are essentially not religions. Many do not have a collective worshipping, belief or supernatural
power element to them. For example, Shiatsu massage, herbalism, mindfulness and yoga have no religious
characteristics, and therefore should not be classified as one
Reasons for the growth of the New Age Movement
Some sociologists such as Bruce (1995), see the growth of New Age Movements as a reflection of modernity rather
than postmodernity — a phase rather than a new era or type of society. While others see the New Age Movement as an
expression of postmodernity — a new era which is distinct from modernity. There are several explanations for the growth
of new age ideas in the modernity/postmodernity world:
- Provides meaning.
- Provides spiritual fulfilment and identity.
Reasons for the growth of the New Age Movement: * Provides meaning.
According to Bauman (1982), in a postmodernist society, where there has been a growing rejection
of grand narratives such as religion and science, people have lost faith in traditional sources of authority which has
left people with a void in their lives — a ‘crisis of meaning’, to their existence. Postmodernists believe the growth of
NAMs (as well as NRMs) offer individuals meaning and explanations for their existence.
Reasons for the growth of the New Age Movement:* Provides spiritual fulfilment and identity.
identity. Heelas (1998), sees the growth of New Age Movement ideas as a result of
living in a postmodern world. Some of the reasons for the growth of New Age Movements are:
◦ Consumerism: a world over-saturated by consumerism has left people feeling dissatisfied with their lives — a lack
of spirituality. The New Age Movement offers ways to achieve spiritual fulfilment in a consumer culture world
◦ Identity crisis: the decline of religious traditions, dogmas and the assimilation of cultures, class, ethnicity etc, in a
fast-changing world, has left people with a fragmented identity; people are unsure of themselves. New Age beliefs
offer a sense of identity.
Heelas sees the New Age and Modernity as linked in 4 ways:
* a source of identity (in modern society, people have a fragmented identity, New Age beliefs provide a source of authentic identity
* consumer culture (creates a dissatisfaction becuse it never delivers the perfection that it promises, new age offers an alternative way to achieve perfection)
* rapid social change (aniome, new age provide certanity and truth, like sects)
* decline of organised religion (modernity leads to securlaistaion, thereby removing the traidtional alternatives to new age belifs)
As Davie (2013) notes, there are gender differences in terms of religious practice, belief, self-identification, private prayer and many other aspects of religiosity. For example:
- Most churchgoers are female and they are more likely than men to attend church regularly. Female churchgoers outnumber males by almost half a million (Brierley, 2021).
- More women than men say they have a religion (British Social Attitudes Survey 2018).
- More women than men say religion is important to them and more women describe themselves as ‘spiritual’ (British Social attitudes
Survey, 2008). - Many fewer women than men are atheists or agnostics. Even among atheists, men are nearly twice as likely to say they definitely do not believe in life after death (Voas 2015).
- In all major faiths in the UK except for Sikhs, women are more likely than men to practise their religion (Ferguson and Hussey, 2010).
- Women express greater interest in religion and have a stronger personal commitment to it (Miller and Hoffman, 1995).
According to Miller and Hoffman, there are three main reasons for women’s higher levels of religiosity:
- By not being religious, people are risking that religion might be right and they will be condemned to hell. As men are less risk-averse than women, they are more likely to take the risk of not being religious. (Interestingly, as Davie notes, the virtual disappearance today of the dangers associated with childbirth that women had always faced throughout history, means that women in Western societies face fewer risks and may be becoming less religious as a result.)
- Women are more religious because they are socialised to be more passive, obedient, and caring. These are qualities valued by most religions, so it follows that women are more likely than men to be attracted to religion.Interestingly, men who have these qualities are also more likely to be religious.
- Miller and Hoffman note that women’s gender roles mean they are more likely than men to work part-time or to be full-time carers, so they have more scope for organising their time to participate in religious activities.
Birth and Death - Womens Religiousity
Similarly, Davie argues that women are closer to birth and death (through child-bearing and caring for elderly, sick and dying relatives) and this brings them closer to
‘ultimate’ questions about the meaning of life that religion is concerned with. This also fits with differences in the way men and women see God: men are more likely to see a God of power and control, while women tend to see a God of love and forgiveness.
Paid Work
Bruce argues that women’s religiosity is a result of their lower levels of involvement in paid work. He links this to secularisation processes such as rationalisation.
Over the past two centuries, this has gradually driven religion out of the male-dominated public sphere of work, confining it to the private sphere of family and personal life - the sphere that women are more concerned with.
As religion has become privatised, so men’s religiosity has declined more quickly than women’s.
decline of female piety
However, by the 1960s, many women had also taken on secular, masculinised roles in the public sphere of paid work, and this led to what Callum Brown (2009) calls ‘the decline of female piety’: women too were withdrawing from religion.
Yet, despite the decline, religion remains more attractive to women than to men for at least two reasons:
- Religion has a strong affinity with values such as caring for others. Women continue to have a primary role in caring for the young and old, both in the private sphere of the family and also in the kind of paid work they often do.
- Men’s withdrawal from religion in the last two centuries meant that the churches gradually became feminised spaces that emphasise women’s concerns such as caring and relationships. Woodhead (2001) argues that this continues to make religion more attractive to women.
The introduction of women priests in the Church of England in 1994 and women bishops in 2015 may have reinforced this.
Women and the New Age
Heelas and Woodhead found that 80% of the participants in the holistic milieu in Kendal were female. This may be due to the fact that women are more often involved with ‘nature’ and natural processes (for example through childbirth) and a healing role.
New Age movements often celebrate the ‘natural’ and involve cults of healing, which gives women a higher status and sense of self-worth. Similarly, Bruce (2011) argues that women’s experience of child-rearing makes them less aggressive and goal-oriented, and more cooperative and caring - where men wish to achieve, women wish to feel. In Bruce’s view, this fits the expressive emphasis of the New Age.
Women may also be attracted to the New Age because it emphasises the importance of being ‘authentic’ rather than merely acting out roles - including gender roles. Women may be more attracted than men to this because they are more likely to perceive their roles as restrictive.
The individual sphere
Similarly, women in paid work may experience a role conflict: between their masculinised, instrumental role in the public sphere of work, and their traditional expressive feminine role in the private sphere of the family. Woodhead (2001) suggests that for these women, New Age beliefs are attractive because they appeal to a third sphere, which she calls the individual sphere.
This sphere is concerned with individual autonomy and personal growth rather than role performance. New Age beliefs bypass the role conflict by creating a new source of identity for women based on their ‘inner self’ rather than these contradictory social roles, giving them a sense
Similarly, Callum Brown (2009) argues that the New Age
‘self’ religions - those that emphasise subjective experience rather than external authority - attract women recruits because they appeal to women’s wish for autonomy.
On the other hand, some women may be attracted to fundamentalism because of the certainties of a traditional gender role that it prescribes for them.
Class differences
Bruce (1996; 2011) points out that there are class differences in the types of religion that appeal to women. While New Age beliefs and practices emphasising personal autonomy, control and self-development appeal to some middle-class women, working-class women are more attracted to ideas that give them a passive role, such as belief in an all-powerful God or fatalistic ideas such as superstition, horoscopes and lucky charms.
As Bruce notes, these differences fit with other class differences in areas such as education, where the middle-class belief in the ability of individuals to control their own destiny contrasts with fatalistic working-class attitudes.
Stark and Bainbridge.
(1985). They argue that people may participate in sects because they offer compensators for organismic, ethical and social deprivation. These forms of deprivation are more common among women and this explains their higher level of sect membership:
- Organismic deprivation stems from physical and mental health problems. Women are more likely to suffer ill health and thus to seek the healing that sects offer.
- Ethical deprivation Women tend to be more morally conservative. They are thus more likely to regard the world as being in moral decline and be attracted to sects, which often share this view.
- Social deprivation Sects attract poorer groups and women are more likely to be poor.
The Pentacostal gender paradox
Pentecostalism has grown rapidly since the 1970s, particularly among the poor, with about 20% of Latin America’s population now identifying as Pentecostal. Despite being a patriarchal religion that upholds male authority in both the household and the church, it remains attractive to women. This is known as the ‘Pentecostal gender paradox’ (Martin, 2000).
Brusco (1995; 2012) argues that Pentecostalism’s emphasis on an ascetic lifestyle and traditional gender roles benefits women by challenging machismo culture. Pentecostal men are pressured to abandon irresponsible spending on alcohol, gambling, and other vices, instead providing for their families, which improves living conditions for women and children. While it does not promote Western-style gender equality, Pentecostalism offers women a means to secure greater financial stability and influence within the household.
Additionally, Drogus (1994) notes that Pentecostal teachings sometimes promote more equal marital relationships despite the official stance on male authority.
Ethnicity
The UK is a multi-ethnic, multi-religious society, with Christianity being the largest religion (63% of the population). Significant religious minorities include Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs, mainly from the Indian subcontinent, while many Black Africans and Caribbeans are Christian.
Religious participation is higher among minority ethnic groups. Brierley (2013) found that Black people in London are twice as likely to attend church as White people. Muslims, Hindus, and Black Christians are also more likely to view religion as important and attend worship weekly. Black Christians, in particular, make up 40% of Pentecostal church members. However, Modood (1994) observed a decline in religious observance across all ethnic groups, especially among second-generation individuals.
Reasons for Ethnic differneces
Ethnic differences in religiosity may stem from minority groups originating in poorer, traditional societies with higher religious belief and practice. They often maintain these patterns after migrating to the UK. However, Bruce argues that this view overlooks how religion can serve as cultural defense (preserving identity in a new society) and cultural transition (helping immigrants adapt).
Cultral Defence
Bruce (2002) argues that religion provides support and cultural identity for minorities in uncertain or hostile environments.
Bird (1999) adds that it fosters community solidarity, preserves culture and language, and helps cope with racism. Many Black African and Caribbean Christians in the UK turned to Black-led churches, particularly Pentecostal ones, after feeling unwelcome in White churches.
Brierley (2021) also highlights the rise of new London churches catering to specific languages and nationalities due to recent immigration.
Cultral transition
Religion can also be a means of easing the transition into a new culture by providing support and a sense of community for minority groups in their new environment. This is the explanation Will Herberg (1955) gives for high levels of religious participation among first-generation immigrants in the USA. Bruce sees a similar pattern in the history of immigration into the UK, where religion has provided a focal point for Irish, African Caribbean, Muslim, Hindu and other communities. However, once a group - such as Irish Catholics, for example - has made the transition into the wider society, religion may lose its role and decline in importance.
Pryce’s (1979) study of African Caribbeans in Bristol highlights both cultural defense and cultural transition. He describes Pentecostalism as an adaptive “religion of the oppressed” that encouraged self-reliance and thrift, helping migrants succeed. In contrast, Rastafarianism rejected British society, viewing it as racist and exploitative.
Reasons for age differences Voas and Crockett (2005) suggest three possible explanations for age differences in religiosity:
- The ageing effect This is the view that people turn to religion as they get older. For example, using evidence from the Kendal Project, Heelas (2005) argues that people become more interested in spirituality as they age. As we approach death, we ‘naturally’ become more concerned about spiritual matters and the afterlife, repentance of past misdeeds and so on. As a result, we are more likely to go to church.
- The period or cohort effect People born during a particular period may be more or less likely to be religious because of the particular events they lived through, such as war or rapid social changes.
- Secularisation As religion declines in importance, each generation becomes less religious than the one before it.
Age and religious participation
The general pattern of religious participation is that the older a person is, the more likely they are to attend religious services. However, there is one partial exception to this pattern: the under 15s are generally more likely to go to church than those in most of the age groups above them. This is because they may have less choice in the matter and are made to go by their parents.
However, for any given age group apart from those aged 65 and over, there is an ongoing fall in church attendance, and the fall is sharpest among the young. For example, the number of 15-19 year olds attending church is projected to fall by over 37% between 2020 and 2030, from 80,000 to 50,000. By 2030, 15-19 year olds will be a mere 2% of all churchgoers. Half of all English churches have no-one under 20 attending.
They found that in each succeeding generation, only half as many people are religious compared with the generation before it.
This is because of what Arweck and Beckford (2013) describe as the ‘virtual collapse of religious socialisation’ after the 1960s.
For example, traditional Sunday schools, which in the 1950s enrolled a third of all 14-year-olds, have all but disappeared. According to Voas (2003), even parents who share the same faith (for example, where both are Anglicans) have only a 50/50 chance of raising their child to be a churchgoer as an adult. When they are of different faiths (which are on the increase), the chances fall to one in four.
We are therefore likely to see a steadily ageing population of churchgoers. In 2015, one in three were aged 65 or over.
By 2030, this will be over four in ten and without significant numbers of young people joining the congregations, within two or three generations practising Christians will have become a very small and very old minority of the UK population.
