Racism Flashcards
Reducing Violence & Investing - Brookings Institution - 2021
The recent rise in violent crime, particularly the nearly 30% increase in murders in 2020, is largely concentrated in disadvantaged neighborhoods with pre-existing high rates of gun violence, challenging claims that protests or progressive policies are to blame. Research shows that place-based interventions, such as renovating vacant lots (Studies conducted in Philadelphia found that renovating vacant lots and rehabilitating vacant buildings in high-poverty areas resulted in significant reductions in violent crime, with one study showing a 29% drop in violent crime following these efforts), repairing homes (Another study in Philadelphia demonstrated a 21.9% reduction in total crime due to structural repairs to homes of low-income residents in majority-Black neighborhoods), and urban greening (the presence of street lighting, painted sidewalks, and public transportation decreased homicide odds by 76% in one study), can reduce violence, while economic factors like unemployment and income inequality are strongly linked to crime rates.
Community-based programs, workforce development initiatives, and efforts to improve social cohesion have also proven effective in lowering gun violence, yet these grassroots organizations remain underfunded compared to law enforcement, underscoring the need for a holistic, long-term approach to reducing crime through economic and structural improvements. Youth workforce development programs have been shown to reduce youth involvement in violence by up to 45%. Programs like Advance Peace, which hire formerly incarcerated residents to mediate conflicts, have contributed to significant drops in gun homicides in cities like Stockton and Sacramento.
Elimination of Cash Bail Seems to be Working - Illinois Times - 2023
Since the elimination of cash bail in Illinois, Sangamon County (Sangamon County is located in the central part of Illinois. Its county seat is Springfield) Jail’s daily population has decreased by one-third, without any significant rise in crime rates. Judges now rely on detailed information to decide whether to release or detain defendants before trial, with hearings held daily (Court hearings are now held every weekday in Sangamon County in which judges rule whether newly arrested criminal defendants are detained until trial or released with conditions and mandates that they show up for future court dates. Some charges don’t qualify for detention at all. Other charges justify detention only if judges rule a defendant is a threat to public safety or a flight risk). Though some officials, like Sheriff Jack Campbell, remain skeptical of the law, citing concerns over repeat offenders, others, including public defenders and criminal justice reform advocates, argue the system has improved fairness by reducing unnecessary pretrial incarceration for low-income individuals. Data is still being collected to assess the long-term effects of the law. Sangamon County judges are agreeing with prosecutors almost 70% of the time when the State’s Attorney’s Office has requested detention.
The impact of anti-DEI legislation
Conservative legislators in multiple states, including Alabama, Florida, Idaho, Indiana, North Carolina, North Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, and Wyoming, have initiated measures targeting diversity programs in state agencies, schools, and private companies, with at least 10 states already implementing restrictions on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI). These policies vary but often prohibit state funds from supporting diversity-based initiatives, like those seen in Alabama, or outright ban diversity offices in universities, as in Texas. Proposed restrictions in other states have faced scrutiny, with critics arguing they impede progress on addressing inequality. (They contend that such restrictions limit access to information and resources for marginalized groups, leading to the underrepresentation of these groups in higher education and perpetuating longstanding social inequities. Additionally, they argue that these policies can result in self-censorship among educators, who may avoid discussions on race, gender, and sexual orientation in classrooms due to fear of repercussions such as job loss or lawsuits from parents. Overall, critics argue that these measures hinder the advancement of initiatives intended to rectify historical discriminatory practices and promote inclusivity.) Supporters claim these measures combat what they perceive as divisive indoctrination, echoing concerns about censorship and halting progress in addressing social inequities, particularly in higher education. Some universities have disbanded DEI-related offices and programs to comply with these restrictions, which have faced legal challenges, with some judges blocking enforcement due to First Amendment concerns. (Judges have blocked Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’ “Stop WOKE” Act in Florida from restricting race-related training or programs in the workplace and higher education, arguing that the law’s restrictions are unenforceable and violate the First Amendment).
When DEI is gone: A look at the fallout at one Texas university - ABC - 2024
Universities across the U.S. have been impacted by anti-DEI legislation, such as Texas’ SB 17, which led to the closure of diversity offices, job losses, and the discontinuation of programs designed to support marginalized students. At the University of Texas-Austin, the loss of these resources has left students, especially undocumented and temporary status students, without vital support systems like Monarch, which previously provided mental health resources, career guidance, and scholarships. Now, student-run organizations have stepped up to fill the gap, but the burden of offering these services has fallen on the students themselves, straining their capacity to meet the needs of affected groups.
The legislation, signed by Gov. Greg Abbott in 2023, prohibits DEI offices at public universities, aiming to ensure merit-based advancement. Supporters of the law argue it prevents universities from advancing political agendas, while critics say it undermines support for historically marginalized groups. Students have voiced concerns that the closures have left them without essential resources and created a chilling effect on discussions around race, gender, and sexual orientation in academic settings. Some fear these changes mark the beginning of broader anti-DEI efforts.
Jews & Hispanics - Chat GPT
“Jewish” isn’t a race in the traditional biological sense, but Jewish identity can encompass elements of ethnicity, religion, culture, and shared history.
Religion: At its core, Judaism is a religion, with people identifying as Jewish by practicing Jewish laws, customs, and rituals.
Ethnicity and Culture: Many Jewish people share ethnic and cultural elements, including traditions, language (like Yiddish or Hebrew), and historical experiences. This has created distinct Jewish ethnic groups, like Ashkenazi, Sephardi, and Mizrahi Jews, each with unique cultural traits.
Race and Genetics: While not a “race” in the strictest sense, some studies have shown that Jewish groups share certain genetic markers due to historical separation and intermarriage patterns. However, Jewish people belong to various racial backgrounds, including Black, White, Asian, and more.
The concept of Jewish identity is complex and varies widely among individuals and communities, but it generally isn’t limited to a single race.
Many Jewish people, particularly Ashkenazi Jews (those from Central and Eastern Europe), are generally classified as white, especially in Western societies. However, Jewish identity is diverse, and Jewish communities exist worldwide with a broad range of racial and ethnic backgrounds.
Here’s a quick look at the major groups:
Ashkenazi Jews (European origin): Many Ashkenazi Jews are perceived as white, particularly in Western countries.
Sephardi Jews (Spain, Portugal, North Africa, and the Middle East): While often considered “white” in some Western contexts, many Sephardi Jews are of Mediterranean or Middle Eastern descent.
Mizrahi Jews (Middle Eastern origin): Mizrahi Jews are from places like Iraq, Iran, Yemen, and other Middle Eastern countries, often with darker skin tones than European Jews.
Ethiopian Jews (Beta Israel): Ethiopian Jews are Black, reflecting African ancestry.
Jewish identity encompasses a range of racial backgrounds, influenced by the diverse places where Jewish communities have lived historically. In today’s multicultural world, Jewish people are racially diverse, though many, particularly in the U.S. and Europe, might be viewed as white by societal standards.
The concept of “race” is complex and has evolved over time. Traditionally, race has been used to classify people based on physical characteristics, such as skin color, facial features, and ancestry. However, these categories are socially constructed rather than biologically grounded; genetic studies show that human variation doesn’t conform neatly to racial categories.
Historically, racial categories have included:
Caucasian (White): Originally from Europe, North Africa, and parts of the Middle East. Physical traits often associated with this group include lighter skin tones, varying eye and hair colors, and a range of facial features.
Mongoloid (Asian): This category includes people from East Asia, Southeast Asia, the Arctic, and Indigenous populations of the Americas. Traits often include varying skin tones, straighter hair, and a distinct set of facial characteristics.
Negroid (Black or African): This category generally refers to people of Sub-Saharan African descent. Physical traits often include darker skin tones, a broader range of hair textures, and other facial features distinct to populations in Africa.
Australoid (Indigenous Australian and Pacific Islander): This includes Indigenous Australians and some Pacific Island groups. They often have darker skin tones and other distinct features from populations in Africa, Asia, and Europe.
“Hispanic” is not a race but rather an ethnic category that refers to people with cultural ties to Spanish-speaking countries, primarily in Latin America and Spain. Hispanics can belong to any race, as Latin America is incredibly diverse. The term includes people with ancestry that may be European, Indigenous, African, Asian, or a mix of these backgrounds.
Here’s a breakdown of racial backgrounds within the Hispanic category:
Mestizo: Many Latin Americans are mestizo, meaning they have a mix of Indigenous and European ancestry. This mixed-race background is very common in countries like Mexico, Central America, and much of South America.
Indigenous: Many Hispanic people are of Indigenous descent, tracing their ancestry to the native peoples of the Americas. Countries with significant Indigenous populations include Bolivia, Peru, Guatemala, and Mexico.
Afro-Latino: Afro-Latinos have African ancestry, often due to the transatlantic slave trade. Large Afro-Latino populations exist in countries like Brazil, the Dominican Republic, Colombia, and Cuba.
European: Some Hispanic people, particularly in Argentina, Uruguay, and parts of Chile, have predominantly European ancestry. These individuals may be racially categorized as white.
Asian: There are also communities of Asian descent in Latin America, particularly in countries like Peru and Brazil, where people have Chinese, Japanese, or Filipino heritage.
In the U.S., Hispanic or Latino identity is a separate ethnic category that people of any race can select on forms and censuses.
In some ways, being Hispanic is similar to being Jewish, in that both are considered ethnic identities rather than races, yet both can overlap with various racial identities. Here’s how the comparison plays out:
Ethnicity over Race: Both Jewish and Hispanic identities are ethnic or cultural categories, not strictly racial ones. They encompass shared cultural practices, languages, and histories but are not limited to one racial group.
Diverse Racial Backgrounds: Both Hispanic and Jewish people can belong to multiple racial backgrounds. Hispanic people might be of European, Indigenous, African, or Asian descent, and Jewish people can also be racially diverse, including those of European (Ashkenazi), Middle Eastern (Mizrahi), North African, Ethiopian, and even Asian backgrounds.
Religion and Culture: Judaism is both a religion and a cultural identity, so Jewish people can practice Judaism or identify culturally without religious observance. Similarly, Hispanic identity often includes shared cultural aspects like language (Spanish or Portuguese) and customs, which aren’t necessarily tied to any one race.
Historical Experiences and Diasporas: Both Jewish and Hispanic people share histories of migration and diaspora. Jewish communities have historically settled across many countries, leading to varied racial appearances, languages, and customs. Likewise, Hispanic identity spans across Latin America and beyond, leading to regional diversity within a shared cultural framework.
In essence, both identities are broad and encompass a range of racial, cultural, and ethnic backgrounds, which makes them complex and diverse categories that go beyond simple racial definitions.
Where did we get the idea that only white people can be racist? - Peter Wood - National Association of Scholars
The defense of incoming Boston University professor Saida Grundy’s tweets labeling white college males as a “problem population” reveals a significant shift in how racism is understood by some academic and activist circles. Grundy’s supporters argue her comments are not racist but rather provoke needed discomfort about white privilege, with defenders using the hashtag #isupportsaida to emphasize this perspective. This defense reflects a widespread, if controversial, belief within the diversity industry that racism can only exist when backed by structural power. Consultants like Shakti Butler promote this idea to universities, suggesting that only whites, as members of a historically dominant group, can be racist, while racial biases or hostilities expressed by minorities are expressions of justified anger rather than racism.
This definition of racism has roots in movements like the Black Panthers and has gained traction with certain scholars and activists who reject the traditional concept of racism in favor of one that excludes the possibility of “reverse racism.” Critics argue this view distorts the reality of racial prejudice and overlooks significant legal and social progress that has dismantled much of America’s historical racial hierarchy. Redefining racism solely as “a system of advantage based on race” discounts the role of racial biases that don’t fit neatly into systemic oppression models. They contend that this narrow view fosters a new form of racism by allowing the categorization and division of groups based solely on race, perpetuating hierarchy under the guise of equity and overlooking the complexities of social inequity beyond race alone.
Saida Grundy’s comments about white college males being a “problem population” were meant to provoke discussion on privilege and systemic inequalities in higher education. Her statement highlighted what she saw as a reluctance within “white America” to confront or critique white male privilege and its impact on educational and societal structures. Grundy likely intended to challenge dominant narratives that overlook the ways in which privilege shapes the experiences and opportunities of certain groups, arguing that this privilege often goes unexamined, particularly in elite academic settings. However, her remarks stirred controversy because critics viewed them as unfairly targeting white males and as potentially racist, while supporters argued they were a way of bringing awareness to issues of racial and gender privilege.
The Fallacy of Reverse Racism - Socialist Worker - 1987
The article critiques the idea of “reverse racism,” arguing that racism is not just individual animosity but a systemic oppression rooted in economic and social structures that disadvantage Black Americans. This systemic racism manifests in higher Black unemployment rates, poverty, wage disparities, and ongoing segregation in schools and neighborhoods, issues that go beyond personal biases and are maintained by capitalist systems to keep the working class divided.
Throughout history, accusations of “Black racism” have often been used to discredit Black activists and nationalists who resist this oppression. Figures like Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X, who advocated for Black pride and self-defense, were labeled as “racists” to detract from their criticisms of segregation and police violence. The civil rights era saw debates about self-defense versus nonviolent protest, with some activists endorsing armed resistance against violent oppression. Black organizations and nationalist movements advocating for independent Black leadership were often seen as threatening and faced backlash from both liberals and conservatives.
The article argues that these charges of “Black racism” distract from addressing the roots of racial inequality, which lie in capitalist exploitation. Calls for racial unity from liberals often ignore the need for systemic change, focusing instead on superficial peace. Socialists, by contrast, advocate for a working-class unity based on recognizing Black oppression and supporting Black self-determination. True solidarity requires acknowledging the unique struggles of Black Americans and fighting the capitalist system that perpetuates racial divisions.
