Power-Sharing (Consociationalism) Flashcards

1
Q

What is consociationalism?

A

A grounded normative theory that – through power sharing – promises to provide a solution to societies which possess deeply ethnical division and political instability.

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2
Q

What is the argument of consociationalism?

A

Political stability is linked to positive force of normative integration and cross-cutting social cleavages which encourage moderate attitudes and actions.

“Majority rule is not only undemocratic but also dangerous”

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3
Q

Two main aspects of consociationalism

A

(1) a plural society with segmental cleavages

(2) the segmental elites cooperate through consociational structures.

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4
Q

What are the 9 areas of constitutional choice

A

Somewhat ‘guidelines’ Lijphart sets out that DDS’s should follow where applicable to their case = counters Horowitz’s claim that Lijphart’s model is ‘one size fits all’

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5
Q

Four main characteristics of Consociationalism:

A

Grand Coalition =
- Elites from each community come together to rule in favour of the interests of the society
Mutual Veto =
- Any one group can essentially veto a policy. Serves as a safeguard for minorities, giving them the power to stay relevant in parliamentary affairs
Proportionality =
- The idea that decision making is done at the highest level for the proportional public.
- Only at this level do elites realise what must be done to help their cleavages.
- Decision making is done behind closed doors to avoid politicians views causing conflict below
Segmental Autonomy =
- Creates a sense of individuality for groups as minorities rule themselves in a federal-like way if applicable
- Lijphart does not mention it, but this would be crucial to stop the mutual veto ending in deadlock

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6
Q

What is the overview of Northern Ireland?

A
  • Conflict began 1968 and was nicknamed ‘the troubles’
  • Between Protestant majority and catholic minority
  • Stretched for around 30 years
  • Majority Protestant wishing to remain part of UK, whilst minority Catholic hoped to join the Republic of Ireland
  • Mobilisation of terrorist organisation’s such as the IRA led to UK military intervention
  • A once hopeless case now stands to be one of the most successful cases for DDS and the consociationalist model two sides became unified
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7
Q

What are the Pro’s of the Northern Ireland case?

A
  • Grand Coalition: Allowed voicing for extremist groups which led to narrowing of policy differences
  • Elites had a greater power to influence those fighting unlike the ‘moderates’ would have had in a centripetalism model
  • Integrationalists argue consociationalism is unfair as group identities are privileged over other groups = HOWEVER, d’Hondt was ‘difference binding’: meaning it operated according to representation strength won by parties in Assembly – not their national identity
  • Any party entitled to seats in the Executive if met d’Hondt quota (meaning different sides could take control of different social areas e.g. David Ford = department of justice and Stephen Farry department for employment and education)
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8
Q

What are the cons to the Northern Ireland case?

A
  • Although all ‘extremist’ parties have to come to an agreement, any other new party with enough seats could come into the negotiations (mutual veto plays a problem here)
  • Ministerial positions not guaranteed and so anti-settlement parties may form part of the government which results in a larger executive coalition than legislative coalition (WHAT?!)
  • Senior coalition partner can cause government to become immediately unviable if withdrawing their support
  • Slower government action on controversial topics and deadlocks with veto power of all parties
  • Lines may become blurred as to what the public wants and what two major parties may want
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9
Q

What is the overview of the Rwanda case study?

A
  • Conflict between Hutu and Tutsi which dates back to Belgium colonisation times whereby Tutsi were privileged due to skin tone
  • The two were actually very similar, speaking the same language and living among one another
  • Before introduction of multipartyism, once independent, was single-party, militant, authoritarian rule under Hutu control with President Habyarimana
  • Root problem of deeply rooted horizontal inequalities
  • Habyarimana refused return of many Tutsi refugees
  • Return force of RPF took over Rwanda and Hutu fled
  • Genocide occurred
  • If Northern Ireland represents the best case, Rwanda is the worst
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10
Q

Why did consociationalism fail in Rwanda?

A
  • Consociationalism led to zero-sum game scenario: winner takes all scenario, with state being the prize-outlook which can be deadly for power-sharing.
    ¬ why accommodate an enemy when you can have it all?
    ¬ RPF got almost all of their conditions seen to
  • Credible Commitment Problem: RPF was aware of its larger military capabilities than the Hutu Governments and were prepared to return to the battlefield if adequate settlement was not reached – so how are the other parties meant to feel secure?
  • Habyarimana was unbelievably indecisive and teetered between hardliners and moderates and could not unify the government
  • No core moderates to withstand the pressure of extremist outbidders
  • Lack of Will to Accommodate – RPF only showed this, offering a post-Habyarimana regime based on rule of law and society free from ethnicity
  • CDR (Committee for the Defence of the Revolution) became a “spoiler”: used the negotiations as a façade to build support
  • Habyarimana referred to the Arusha Accords as a ‘piece of paper’- lack of credible commitment obvious and had to be dragged to the negotiation table
  • Arusha Accords had the unintended consequence of pushing power-sharing to a winner-takes-all game, which is potentially violent
  • Violence was never mitigated during negotiation talks
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11
Q

What are some alternatives to consociationalism

A

Integrationalism
- Government by the moderates (excludes extremists and is easily shacken)
- Weighted majority vote rather than mutual veto and federalism (excludes the minority)
- Equality of opportunity rather than quota’s and positive discrimination
Partition (Lijphart argues could be used instead)
- The action of being divided
- May be the only way to prevent bloodshed
- Problem is people don’t usually neatly divide into two distinct regions, making partition difficult

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12
Q

Critiques of consociationalism

A
  • Lijphart’s solution cannot bring stability, only deadlock and immobilism. = Lijphart counters this by saying policies may take longer to pass, but that policies are also less likely to be repealed in four years.
  • Some theorists, such as Horowitz, argue that the theory of consociationalism institutionalises and exacerbates the ethnic tensions in divided societies, causing a deeper strain on the ethnic divide itself
  • “Quality of democracy” challenged as there is an absence of opposition and mutual veto gives too much power
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