Post-Thatcher Flashcards

1
Q

Riddell (1997-2010) (1)

A
  1. Riddell provides the case for Clause IV (CIV) being a troublesome element in the Party’s history as far back as Gaitskell, who tried to reform it. The issue was not the executive desire to remove CIV, but more-so the declined ability of the Union to challenge/ even to accept the changes in the climate of the 1990s. Knock on effect from Thatcher? The link could be explored
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2
Q

Robinson & Twyman (1997-2010) (2)

A
  1. Data on the notion of progressive- its general lack of a solid definition among the public, and misinterpretation as just a force for modernisation. 2. Critically important information is the representation of David Cameron as in front of Miliband and Tony Blair as a modernising force
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3
Q

Toye (1997-2010) (2)

A
  1. what is new in new labour is the forces of Old Labour are so weak. It is the dominance and self-confidence of modernisers, not their novelty, which distinguishes the Blair Party from predecessors2. Shift in the balance of powers
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4
Q

Meredith (1997-2010) (1)

A
  1. Defends equality under labour, suggests Crosland’s revisionist nature would have adapted to the economy and globalisation in same way as NL
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5
Q

Hall (1997-2010) (2)

A
  1. New Labour has succumbed to a sweeping view of globalisation, which provides ‘dubious legitimacy’ of the third way project. 2. Globalisation is treated as if it were an irresistible force of nature.
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6
Q

Fielding (1997-2010) (4)

A
  1. Core values thesis- Blair’s old/new dichotomy reflects ill informed prejudices 2. Society changed:-1979 - 32% in manufacturing - 1997 - 18%-Service - 58%-75%-Trade unions - 12 mil to 7 mil. 3. Compared to 1979 - Unions much weaker and so less able to resist Labour leadership’s long-standing desire to pander to capitalismLRC was only committed to improving the legal position of trade unions in capitalism. 4. Considered that the party’s failure to fully embrace grater levels of state control was at the root of its electoral malaise. The former, called revisionists, represented by Gaitskell, broke through with Industry and Society in 1957, failed to win in 1959.
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7
Q

Hickson (1997-2010) (1)

A
  1. Rejection of Meredith - conception of equality of opportunity fails to recognise underlying socio-economic inequality2. Key division - interpretation of democratic inequality and social justice3. Social justice allows for the sense of an undeserving poor, democratic equality recognises that a low-performance strata of society is inevitable, and to some extent, desirable.
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8
Q

Bognador (1997-2010) (2)

A
  1. Defender of Blair, on the account of globalisation, individualism and knowledge based economy. 2. Evidences how education was bolstered, still essentially Labour.
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9
Q

Lee (1997-2010) (3)

A
  1. Labour triangulated its position in politics to allow to win its support, at the cost of value-based politics2. Poplar and Canning Town = C2 and DE Voters - declined by 21.1% in 20053. Labour’s historical social constituency has been collapsing. The simple but not insubstantial answer is that fewer C2 and DE voters and fewer people in the North of England and in Greater London feel a strong affinity for Labour
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10
Q

FSB (1997-2010) (1)

A
  1. The language of class changed, but too simple to say this was simply the result of appealing to the middle class - about appealing to the new working class
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11
Q

Driver (1997-2010) (2)

A
  1. Provides models and explanation of how Labour has been moving right since Gaitskell. Model of significance - catch-up accommodation and the movement of the centre groundNL Showed little respect for Labour’s sacred cows: state ownership, economic planning, Keynesian Demand management, full employment, tax-and-spend welfarism and close links to trade unionsBrown - Iron Chancellor - found extra resources for health and education2. Does the loss of public ownership as a means of socialist policy constitute a loss of socialist goals? Tudor Jones, 1989 - YES - ‘For what is at stake is not the outmoded instrument of policy. Public ownership has meant more to Labour than that. Since 1918 it has played a central role in the party’s thinking, programmes and strategy’ - Jones also criticises how far Blair’s central arguments that socialism is ethical rather than an economic doctrine
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12
Q

Crime (1997-2010) (8)

A
  1. Tough on crime, tough on causes of crime2. Poor parenting3. Low school achievement4. Drug and alcohol abuse5. Unemployment6. Care in the community7. Homelessness8. Lack of facilities for young people
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13
Q

Major - what was the 1992 Election described as?

A

“Not so much a victory, more an escape” - Robin Cook

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14
Q

What were the rough edges of Thatcherism from a ‘92 perspective?

A

Homelessness, childcare

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15
Q

What was Kinnock credited with achieving?

A

Shrewd, ruthless, effective party manager - “taken the knife to the Militant, reduced the policy making role of the trade unions and cast off the doctrinal incubus which had haunted the party in the early 1980s and made it unelectable. Focus:- Social injustice- Class war (failed to shake - led to downfall)

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16
Q

What of the labour apparatus remained crucially untouched?

A

the union block vote

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17
Q

What was the Tory response to the failings of the 1997 election?

A

Focus on appeal to core Conservative vote - The trouble was that the Conservative core vote was too narrow, being based on the over-65s and the geographically and socially immobile, to act as a springboard for electoral revival. In 2001, there were actually swings away from the Tories among the professional and managerial classes, 25- to 34-year-olds and ethnic minorities, groups from which they already had low levels of support in 1997.

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18
Q

What was the core appeal of the Tories post Major?

A

“Tebbit trinity” of Europe, immigration and taxes, or what Tim Bale calls “the politics of the 19th tee”

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19
Q

How many % points behind Labour in 2005? (Tories)

A

3%

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20
Q

Selsdon - the net Blair effect

A
  1. Economic and welfare policy managed by Gordon Brown, not Blair2. Economic, constitutional and welfare reform were the legacies of others, like Irvine and John Smith3. The second Blair government was a ‘crazy salad’ mixing traditional labourite beliefs in high spending with a Wilson belief in managerialism and a neo-thatcherite attention to the markets
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21
Q

New Labour Term Summary (Selsdon)

A

First term - policy-lightSecond term - little achieved constitutionally/ transport,

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22
Q

Major (Bogdanor) - Who is he compared to?

A

Baldwin- Both unexpected leaders- Formidable - Controversial - Baldwin - “of the utmost insignificance”- Conciliator- Good negotiator- Plagued by foreign policy

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23
Q

How many heard of Major before 1990?

A

2%

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24
Q

Major’s qualifications

A

“Never has so much been written about so little”

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25
Q

What position were the Tories in in 1992?

A

10% behind in opinion polls

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26
Q

What, according to Bogdanor, did Major benefit from?

A
  • Major’s lack of grandeur helped him- Elected more of because of who he wasn’t- 1995 Tory leadership - wasn’t Redwood - believed to be a loser
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27
Q

What did The Sun present Major as?

A

A turnip

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28
Q

Where was there internal conflict in Tory ranks? (1999)

A

Between Major, Hague and ClarkeClarke - fear of moving too far right

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29
Q

What did Major claim about the EU?

A

it had “phoney threats to delay enlargement”

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30
Q

What did Robin Cook call 1992?

A

“No so much a victory, more an escape”

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31
Q

What was Kinnock remembered for?

A

“shrewd, ruthless and effective party manager… taken the knife to militant… cast off the doctrinal incubus which had haunted the party”

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32
Q

What did the Observer claim was the death knell of Kinnock?

A

Although a modernising force, failed to cast off the language of class war… failed to abolish union block vote

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33
Q

What were concerns in 1992?

A

Root-and-branch reforms were required to fix the anomaly in the system which allowed for the Conservatives to remain in power for 17 years

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34
Q

What were the strains of Thatcherism in its final years?

A

Alienation and deep demoralisation

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35
Q

Facts about the 1992 election

A
  • Highest vote ever gained for political party - 14 million votes - more than Thatcher, Blair- 1992 - FPTP saw lack of working majority DESPITE highest number of votes - v important
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36
Q

What has happened to Major?

A

Often seen as a holder of the throne during the interregnum between Thatcher and Blair. Only 3 PMs actually held office longer than Major

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37
Q

What were the three greatest achievements of Major?

A
  • Kept Britain in Europe- Held Tories together - survived the ratification of Maastricht - Reformed public services
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38
Q

Why was Maastricht so difficult to ratify?

A

Danish had a referendum on Maastricht, British called for same.

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39
Q

What concessions did Major get from Maastricht?

A
  • on monetary union, for Parliament to decide - Social chapter - standards for welfare - more symbolic than anything - Without opt=outs, would not have been ratified - Tactical mistake - waited for ratification till after election
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40
Q

What destroyed the party?

A

Being forced out of the ERM in sept 1992 - interest rates raised to 15% - black wednesday - Fixed exchange rate system - Due to reunification of Germany - could not sustain rate at which joined - Then adopted floating poundNever again polled above 40%

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41
Q

Why was it good for Labour to lose 1992?

A
  • 1992 = Lucky for Labour to lose - Labour more committed to ERM than Tories- If Labour won - would’ve been party of devaluation - 1951, 1967, 1992
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42
Q

What did Major do to the public services, what was Labour response?

A

Extend right of choice to public sector to mirror private.- Testing in state schools- Grant aided schools (resurrected as academies)- Self managing trusts- Job Seeking Allowance (resurrected)Labour opposed, but resurrected

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43
Q

What was Major recognised as in regards to Blair

A

“father of New Labour”

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44
Q

Keith Joseph statement

A

…strengthen choice and responsibility for the individual and the family: humanising market forces to make a compassionate society; spreading the ownership of wealth and prosperity in such a way as to facilitate personal saving and the transfer of modest amounts of personal wealth; concentrating social provision on those in genuine need, thus asserting our credentials as a compassionate party with a record of effective care.’ - Joseph

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45
Q

Major FP

A
  • Corollary - traditional FP should remain unchanged - no intervention - could not afford to be international policeman- American view - Bosnia - deliberate ethnic cleansing - aided and abetted by Mislosovich -to expand Serbia - Blair took this view- Major - ancient hatreds - one side as bad as other, not get involved - in politics not to be distracted by utopian settlements-
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46
Q

How many open graves in Bosnia?

A

125,000 in open graves in Bosnia

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47
Q

Public opinion towards foreign policy

A
  • 2/3 supported dispatch of troops- 1/2 wanted airstrikes
48
Q

Why was 1997 less of a landslide than presented?

A
  • Been moving that way since 1992- Little real political change with change in government
49
Q

Did Blair repudiate anything of Thatcher?

A

Bar foundation schools and GP funding, no.- Privatisation remained, and added to- no ground given to Trade Unions- PFI extended

50
Q

Blair’s weakness?

A

Not confronting powerful figures front on

51
Q

Issue with New Labour?

A

Being too heavy on communication, light on policy. Not many true Blairites - appointed anathematise men such as Frank Dobson to Health. Not until term 2 when Blairites took office (like Adonis, Heywood, Stevens)

52
Q

Clarke- Labour FP

A
  1. Bush and Clinton lent on Germany as the key decision maker (major years)2. Clinton caused disruption in Downing Street by recognising Gerry Adams3. Tories were blighted for being complacent over Rwanda and Bosnia - Labour successful with Kosovo, not so much Iraq Afghan4. ‘liberty, democracy, tolerance and justice’.5. Hard edges to FP desires: Russia and post-commies6. Africa - efforts to help Zimbabwe, Somalia, DR Congo, HIV/AIDs, environment, union etc.7. Dwarfed by IRAQ
53
Q

O’Leary on higher education

A
  1. Fees were anathematic to education education education2. Had to be done to reverse ‘efficiency gains’ which saw funding drop per capita by 36% between 1989 and 19973. Dearing Report identified £9 billion deficit4. Overall though, students felt betrayed by the imposition of tuition fees, while staff felt undervalued and expected more investment, particularly in the early years of Blair’s premiership.
54
Q

Stewart on Equality and Social Justice

A
  1. Poverty doubles during 17 yrs2. the four values ‘essential to a just society’ to be ‘equal worth, opportunity for all, responsibility and community’3. Labour commitments - welfare-to-work, investment in childcare, education and health funding4. : the level of pen- sioner poverty has fallen steadily and substantially, from 29% in 1996/7 down to 17% in 2005/6, measured after housing costs, representing a fall of more than 40%5. Under John Major the lower income groups did best in relative terms, but growth was very low for everyone
55
Q

What happened to the top 10% under Labour?

A

the share of wealth owned by the richest 10% of the population rose from 57% to 63% in the two decades to 1996, and then from 63% to 71% in the following seven years under Labour; the share belonging to the top 1% also increased sharply.

56
Q

What did micro-simulation by Sefton demonstrate?

A

the gini-coefficient in 2004/5 was lower than it would have been if the 1997 tax-benefit system had been left in place and only adjusted for inflation: the reduction in the Gini compared to that scenario is about one-third of the size of the rise of the previous twenty years

57
Q

Smithers on schools

A
  1. What conflict hampered development? Brown, his wanted to devote the available money to his own pet, but costly, scheme of tax credits. There was also a dire shortage of teachers and it was feared that school staffing was near to collapse.2. Brown interested in skills and employment /Blair - targets and diversity3. In 2006, 59.0% of pupils obtained five good GCSEs or equivalent against 45.1% when Labour came to power
58
Q

Failed guarantees to teachers?

A

a minimum of 10% of the school week free of classroom duties, but unfortunately it did not fund schools to appoint the necessary extra teachers, so raising the prospect of assistants doing the actual teach- ing. This was fiercely opposed by the National Union of Teachers who

59
Q

Spencer on Immigration

A

Labour, like Tories, believed that tough immigration controls were essential for good race relations.Issues with Immigration:- backlog of 52,000 asylum seekers (went up to 84,000 in 2002)- Blair’s commitments to rapid and severe cuts (Feb, 2003 Newsnight - half no.)- 40% of the UK public in 2006 rated immigration the most important area of concern- Difference between asylum and economic migration- ID cards supposed to be benign for employers to est. immigration status- Equality more of hot topic due to Stephen Lawrence

60
Q

Crafts - Industrial policy

A
  • ‘industrial policy’ reached its apogee in the 1970s.- Labour productivity growth has been underpinned by the adoption of the new technology of the ICT age- Market services rather than manufacturing have been central to productivity outcomes and this has meant that, in contrast to conventional wisdom in the late 1980s, the United States has seemed a more relevant model than Japan.
61
Q

Selsdon - Economic policy

A

Labour devalued sterling in 1949 and 1967, and saw it depreciate sharply in 1974–6. Labour extended public ownership marginally in 1964–70 and 1974–9, and massively in 1945–51. Labour increased income tax rates in all three periods, reducing the post-tax income of top earners most. It was here that the contrast with Blair’s administrations was starkest. Sterling appreciated by some 14 % in his decade

62
Q

Why was Labour more aligned to Tories initially

A

get the bad news out first’. Blair and Brown obeyed this tenet to the letter.When the lid came off, in 1999, it was not long before health spending came to be raised sharply. But a hasty John Reid, the then Health Secretary, was cleverly outmanoeuvred and succumbed to the wiles of the British Medical Association.

63
Q

Kuhn - Media Management

A
  • the Blair era was characterised by the twenty-four-hour news cycle, an explosion of media outlets, notably rolling news channels and internet websites, a phalanx of journalists hungry for insider infor- mation and a broad range of political actors,- three key features: centralisation, professionalisation and politicisation.- Blair centred attention on himself- Jo Moore scandal - good day to bury bad news
64
Q

What did Campbell often do?

A

Certain correspondents, for example, were given advance notice of material that the government wished to bring into the public sphere in the expectation that in return the government would receive positive coverage.

65
Q

How did Campbell politicise management

A

ordering civil servants, flooding SPADS

66
Q

Areas where Murdoch did not bow to Labour

A

Sun - Europe - described in 1998 as “most dangerous man in Europe” and in 2003 as “Surrenders Britain to Europe”

67
Q

How much money went to Exchequer over Labour’s time?

A

95% - high centralisation

68
Q

Blair- 1997 electoral system

A

Blair inherited a party that was already heading for victory thanks to the Conservatives’ misfortunes on ‘Black Wednesday’ in 1992. He benefited crucially from a biased electoral system that ensured that the heaviest loss of electoral support ever suffered by a Labour government did not stand between him and his third electoral victory.

69
Q

Kavanagh on Blair

A

Not everything started with Blair. He inherited most of his constitutional programme from the previous Labour leader John Smith. Indeed, Andrew Gamble has argued that the programme was less a new agenda than the completion of an agenda dating back a hundred years- Stronger political direction to No.10- New units focused on innovation and implementation- Larger media apparatus- Listening to voters rather than Party

70
Q

Riddell

A

an economist from Mars ‘would conclude that the same government had been in charge throughout the second half of the 1990s’

71
Q

Was Blair presidential?

A

No -increasingly opposed by Brown

72
Q

Hattersley

A

New Labour far cry from Croslandite conception of ends justifying means

73
Q

What happened after 2001?

A

with the first-term pledge to match the Conservatives on public finances gone, Brown could start spending. The NHS, schools and other public services saw large infusions of cash.

74
Q

Labour education information

A

per pupil funding up 48% (55% by 2008)35,000 more teachers172,000 more teaching assistants18% rise in teachers’ pay1,106 new schools; others refurbishedfive good GCSEs with English and maths up from 36% to 45%truancy unchanged despite fines and prison for parentsa quarter of 16 to 18-year-olds still not in education or trainingemployees receiving job-related training unchanged on 15%university tuition fees introduced then raised to £3,000 p.a.first-time higher education students up 44,000 to 283,000

75
Q

Fallacy of labour on education

A

Looked at another way, that means that more than one in five children have spent six or seven years in primary school without learning to read and write properly.

76
Q

How much spent on education every week according to Coughlan?

A

£1.2bn on education every week.

77
Q

Quiet revolution in education

A

huge increase in support workers, such as teaching assistants - up by 172,000. To put it into context, that’s like recruiting an additional workforce that is bigger than the army, navy and air force put together.

78
Q

Education capital funding

A

Capital investment has increased eightfold since 1997.

79
Q

Gini coefficient details

A

from .26 in 1979 to 40 in 2009 - raised from 37 in 97. From IFS, UK; with housing costs accounted for

80
Q

Thatcher’s greatest achievement?

A

“New Labour”, and the dubbed “sons of Thatcher”

81
Q

How were new NHS buildings financed?

A

NHS new hospitals being built are to be funded out of the Private Finance Initiative

82
Q

National Minimum Wage

A

April 1999 the rate really was minimal–leaving many workers working for poverty pay

83
Q

Evidence of the return to Old Labour post 2001

A
  • Promises in 2001 to spend unprecedented amounts on health, education and transport prompted the belief of death of New Labour- Michael Jacobs - 1997-2001 - caution to show the electorate Labour could be trusted. 2001 onwards, resumption of social democratic means - free to advance.
84
Q

NHS 2002 investment - Daily Mail response

A

NHS investment in 2002 saw criticism - return of old labour - the Daily Mail - 18 April, and ‘wringing of the middle class’

85
Q

What was the SEU

A

Social Exclusion Unit - focus on the ‘underclass’ - 10% of pop. responsible for crime, drugs and single parenthood

86
Q

What was Blunkett’s philosophy?

A

David Blunkett - ‘passing cash from one section of the community to another’ merely confirmed the poor in their poverty.

87
Q

What was Mandelson’s philosophy?

A

Mandelson - ‘intensely relaxed about people getting filthy rich’

88
Q

What did Brown do stealthily? Like a ninja??

A
  • abolished dividend tax credits and advance corporation tax - £7 billion in 2000- phased out mortgage interest tax relief on married couple’s allowance
89
Q

2000 tax….

A

Tax contentious- petrol tax protests endorsed in 2000 made difficult to consider income tax rises

90
Q

What was the 2000 agenda

A

March 2000 Agenda - ‘better public services for the many, not tax cuts for the few”

91
Q

Who resigned over the pursuit of the middle class voter?

A

Resignation of Kilfoyle over the pursuit of middle class southern voters at the expense of core vote shows how the shift in focus occurred.

92
Q

Miliband

A

Ralph Miliband - Parliamentary Socialism, 1961 - Labour’s history - never been committed to radical transformation of the economy because it was a party of ‘modest social reform’ ‘irrevocably rooted’ in capitalism (Miliband, 1972)

93
Q

Pelling

A

Henry Pelling- at point of origin, Labour was a ‘curious mixture’ of political idealists and hard-headed trade unionists.

94
Q

Heffernan

A
  • High tide - the advance of the left halted, 1981-4- Interregnum - Kinnock’s quest for control, 1984-5- Realignment - the right consolidates its authority, 1985-7- Transformation - the Policy Review and after, 1987-94- Consolidation - the Blair reformation, post-1994
95
Q

Kinnock - major redirection

A

Policy Review of 1987

96
Q

Bogdanor IS stats

A

80% earn income through knowledge-based occupations - creative, technical or service occupations.

97
Q

Bogdanor Labour reversal

A

New Labour reversed the traditional outlook insisting on strong economy as a precondition of effective social policy, rather than the other way around

98
Q

Labour market compared to EU

A

2007 - 75% of labour force in work - above EU average of 64%

99
Q

Oppressive/ liberating policies

A
  • Terrorism - global and networked, distinction between domestic and FP disappeared- HRA, FOIA, Gay Relationships legalisation
100
Q

What did Thatcher believe in, if not ideas?

A

Nevertheless, everything she did was animated by a social ‘philosophy’

101
Q

McKibbin

A

Ross McKibbin - Mr Blair more closely resembles the party of Ramsay MacDonald and Philip Snowden - orthodox, treasury-dominated economic policy

102
Q

What started the change in the Labour party?

A

1978 with the establishment of the Labour Coordinating Committee (LCC) and accelerated by the conference ‘After the Landslide’.

103
Q

What did Blair stop attending due to concern with appearance?

A

Durham Miners’ Gala

104
Q

Fielding’s perspective on clause IV

A
  • Pragmatically applied in a case-by-case basis (Mandelson)- Never fully implemented- Nationalisation in 1945 did not reference CIV (self-referential perhaps?)
105
Q

Marquand

A

Failings of the Labour Party was not becoming the progressive alliance of pre-WWI liberalism

106
Q

Gould on Blair and Gaitskell

A

Remarkably similar

107
Q

Fielding on social equality

A

Remains traceable to European counterparts and to predecessors

108
Q

Slanderous terms for Blair’s New Labour

A

Thatcherism Mark II

109
Q

Potential personal thesis?

A

Major as Thatcherism Mark II, Blair as Thatcherism Mark III- Is entirely possible to forge links that do not exist i.e. remarkable parity between Joseph and Blair

110
Q

What arguments could be brought in to assess Blair?

A

Webb- Aristocratic embrace

111
Q

Issues with core values

A

What distinguishes a value? Could suggest Hardie’s Pacifism = doctrineAttlee’s beliefs = nationalisationHowever, if the core value is social justice - then becomes an abuse of wordsBLOODY WHIGGISH TENDENCIES M9

112
Q

Gould - first voices of modernising descent

A

Douglas Jay (implacable extremists of the Gaitskell coterie) Wrote a radical book - The Socialist CaseHowever… Firm believer in physical controls

113
Q

Tactical/ presentational

A

Predated Blair - mainly Kinnock

114
Q

What has remained de facto stable?

A

Acceptance of mixed markets has been de facto Labour policy

115
Q

Straw limitations to private ownership (what should remain state governed?)

A

gas, water, electricity, railways, healthcare, scientific research

116
Q

Areas further privatised

A

National Air Traffic System,Commonwealth Development Corporation

117
Q

Characteristic of Labour administrations

A

times of economic woe