Politics Flashcards

revision

1
Q

Procedural Democracy: Joseph Schumpeter (1942) - Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy

A

if a couple of key institutional procedures exist in a system - such as voting and fair party competition - then a system can be classed as democratic.
• Such theoretical approaches are often called ‘procedural’ or ‘electoral’.
• Schumpeter argued ‘the will of the people’ is unhelpful concept. Suggested there is no such thing as the ‘common good’ and so his approach is highly pragmatic
• Focused instead on the need to institutionalise competition for political leadership, whilst not trusting the majority of citizens with any decision-making power
• His oft-quoted definition describes democracy as a system ‘for arriving at political decisions in which individuals acquire the power to decide by means of a competitive struggle for the people’s votes’ (Schumpeter 1942, p.269).

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2
Q

Katz, 1997

A

■ Majoritarian Liberalism
Benthamite – regular elections, fear of elites
*Schumpeterian – fear of masses
■ Pluralist Liberalism
Madisonian – separation of powers, factions are problematic
*Polyarchy – factions are part of democracy, power is diffuse, capacity to act and organise is important (i.e. freedom to) [See Dahl]
■ Veto Group Liberalism
Concurrent Majorities – minority group veto
Consociational democracy – government by elite coalition, proportional representation

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3
Q

Polyarchy- Robert Dahl (1956;1961;1989)

A

■ ‘given the undeniable inequalities in society, who actually governs in a democracy?’ (Dahl 1961, pp.4–5).
■ Dahl argues that democracy is an unobtainable ideal, and that the idea of polyarchy is more useful for looking at systems of governance.
■ With this idea, the government was not a closed and self-sufficient institution, but actually mediated between other powerful and vested interests. There are numerous centres of political power at play.
■ Polyarchy has two broad dimensions. The first is the same as Schumpeter’s core concept of democracy: contestation. However, the second is considerably overlooked in Schumpeter’s approach: participation.
■ Citizens must have access to information that is not state-sanctioned, they must have freedom of expression, and they must be able to join association groups – the bedrock of civil society – without intrusion by the state.
■ Furthermore, the ability to vote must be free, fair, equal and available to all.

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4
Q

2017 General election

A
  • Theresa May calls an early election in 2017 (Fixed Term Parliament Act): Conservative Party increase vote by 5.5% but lose 13 seats and overall majority
  • Government supported by the DUP. Labour Party increase vote by 9.6% and win 30 seats
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5
Q

Brexit

A
  • EU referendum – Leave wins (52%) compared to Remain (48%)
  • “In a 52-48 referendum this would be unfinished business by a long way.” Nigel Farage, May 2016
  • Turnout 72.2%
  • Article 50 Supreme Court Decision
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6
Q

Recent Upsets: Uk

A

• EU Parliamentary Election 2014, UKIP win (26.6% of the vote)
The first time a non-major political party has ever won a UK election
Turnout 35.6%. Different electoral system (proportional in England)
• The General Election 2015: Opinion polls put it neck-and-neck and predict a hung parliament. Conservative Party actually win a (slim) majority
• Jeremy Corby wins Labour leadership election
New voting rules for leadership contests. Corbyn wins despite being a backbench rebel with limited public profile. Membership numbers soar and the social movement Momentum is created
Corbyn survives leadership challenge

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7
Q

Recent Democratic upsets- International

A
  • Trump – wins electoral college (306-232) but Clinton wins the popular vote
  • Happened in 2000 – Al Gore won popular vote but Bush became President
  • FPTP results in UK 1951 (Labour higher vote) and 1974
  • Marine Le Pen in France and Geert Wilders in the Netherlands
  • South Korean President Park Geun-hye is impeached after major corruption scandal
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8
Q

Waves of democracy- Huntington, 1993

A
  • First wave: began in 1820s and ended in 1920s. A total of 29 democratic countries functioned during this time.
  • reverse wave’: starting with Mussolini’s Fascist regime in Italy, a reverse trend began in 1922 and reduced the number of democracies to 12.
  • The second wave: driven by decolonisation, by the end of this wave in 1960 there were 36 democratic countries in the world.
  • reverse wave: 6 democracies failed between 1960 and 1975 as some entered the Communist sphere and others succumbed to authoritarian takeovers.
  • The third wave: primarily focusing on the former Communist bloc and the fall of the Berlin Wall. It also saw the emergence of new democracies in Latin America and in parts of South East Asia and Africa.
  • The third reverse wave: arguably beginning in the mid-1990s with democratic ‘backsliding’ in countries such as Russia, Venezuela, Bolivia, Georgia and Thailand.
  • The fourth wave (?): some commentators likened the mass protests of the Arab Spring that started in 2010 to a potential fourth wave of transitions.
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9
Q

Sartori, 1987- paradox of liberal democracy

A

■ Liberalism pivots on the individual and calls for freedom (“vertical impetus”) yet democracy pivots on society and calls for equality (“horizontal urge”): Sartori (1987, p.384)

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10
Q

Feminist critiques of liberal democracy

A

Political equality, Participation and Individualism

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11
Q

Feminist critique of lib dem- Political equality

A

■ Sexual division of labour leaves women unable to equally take part in civil life
■ Liberal democracy: “concedes only the formality of political equality, while ignoring or indeed condoning the social inequalities that are associated with the market economy” (Phillips 1992: 72)
■ Also, Pateman (1985: 71), “the ‘free and equal individual’ is, in practice, a person found much more rarely than liberal theory suggests”

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12
Q

Feminist critique of lib dem- Participation

A

■ Liberal democratic history associated with minimal, representative participation. This focus on individualism struggles to conceptualise collective action
■ Participation can be a democratic good – allows for the “continuing process of creating one’s identity, constructing one’s interests and forming one’s political views’ (Phillips 1992: 76)
■ But – participation is by no means equal…

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13
Q

Fem critique of lib dem- Individualism

A

■ In liberal democracy the individual is the basic unit in political life – Iris Marion Young (1989) argues this is flawed
■ The problem is that historical and philosophical accounts of liberalism and the development of the political have built into their accounts the individual as male (the person to read on this is Carole Pateman)
■ Young argues against universal rights and argues there should be group differentiated rights according to degrees of oppression

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14
Q

Deliberative democracy

A

Democratic legitimacy ‘in terms of the ability or opportunity to participate in effective deliberation on the part of the subject whose subject to collective decisions’ (Dryzek 2002:1)
• Greatly increased role for citizens. Approach harks back to ideas of direct democracy
• Deliberation expects the active participation of those affected by a collective decision to discuss, debate and communicate about that decision in a consequential way
• It should involve two-way communication and engagement, so that anyone involved could change their position on the issue at hand – this means it must be free of any manipulation in the form of threats, lies, abuse, command etc
• Cohen (1989, p.33): ‘…ideal deliberation aims to arrive at a rationally motivated consensus - to find reasons that are persuasive to all who are committed to acting on the results of a free and reasoned assessment of alternatives by equals

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15
Q

representative liberal democracy- • Fishkin (1991, pp.1–2

A

a ‘…forced choice between politically equal but relatively incompetent masses and political unequal but relatively more competent elites.’ (Fishkin, 1991)

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16
Q

Deliberative democracy limitations

A

) how can we be sure that a ‘free and reasoned’ debate is occurring amongst ‘equals’;
• 2) what happens if a ‘rationally motivated consensus’ is not reached;
• 3) what about ideological domination and ‘false beliefs’?
• Przeworski (1998, pp.140–141) answers:
• 1) realistically, we simply cannot provide such a forum;
• 2) if there is no consensus we are left with the unavoidable and ‘vulgar’ fact we have to vote, and that the vote will go against many;
• 3) actually ‘deliberation may lead people to hold beliefs that are not in their best interest’ quite a lot of the time.

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17
Q

Radical/ Agnostic democracy

A
  • “The political” – antagonisms inherent in all human society, taking many different forms, emerging from diverse social relations
  • “Politics” – the ensemble of practices, discourses and institutions that seek to establish a certain order and organise coexistence
  • Politics is not about arriving at a rational consensus reached without excluding anyone (i.e. deliberation) – because that is impossible
  • A political community requires an “us” and a “them” – there can be no community without such boundaries
  • A singular unity (‘will of the People’) is impossible and consensus is always temporary
  • Identities are relational – radical democracy is anti-essentialist – and so the ‘us’ and ‘them’ are open to challenge and redefinition
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18
Q

theoretical approaches to citizenship

A
  • Liberal
  • Communitarian
  • Civic Republican
  • Post-National
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19
Q

origins of citizenship theory

A
  • Historical origins of Ancient Greece and Rome
  • Hobbes (1588-1679)
  • Locke (1632-1704)
  • Rousseau (1712-1778)
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20
Q

Transnationalism and Flexible Citizenship

A
  • Circulations of money, people, identities, ideologies, experiences, knowledge
  • Influence constructions, expectations, experiences and behaviours of citizenship
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21
Q

Shadow citizens and the exclusions of citizenship

A
  • The partial provision and realisation of rights
  • The exclusion of indigenous and other groups: Utopia
  • The denial of territory and denial of citizenship: The Chagos Islanders
  • Differential rights
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22
Q

Citizenship by Investment

A

• The Elite buying citizenship from other countries, passports in excess of $100,000. Used for transnational identities and ways of tax evasion etc. I.E. Cypriot citizenship- cosmopolitan?? Global?

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23
Q

Citizenship education

A

what are British values etc, British citizenship test
• Pedagogy and intention
• Education for Citizenship/Citizenship Education
• Historically contingent
• Multiple agents involved
• Formal and informal educational encounters and institutions
• Learning as socio-temporal process through understandings of relationships and ways of being are developed and consolidated
• From intent to reception – the issue of context and everyday lived experience
• Normative messages and expectations reworked, disputed and disrupted

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24
Q

Institutions to make good citizens

A
  • Ie Scouts, DofE, girl guiding, woodcraft folk etc
  • The aim of the Scout training is to improve the standard of our future citizenhood, especially in Character and Health; to replace Self with Service, to make the lads individually efficient, morally and physically, with the object of using that efficiency for service for their fellow-men. (Baden-Powell 1919, 33–4)
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25
Q

The boundary problem

A

the relationship between democratic participation and democratic decision turns on a paradox of scale – on the problem of how to institutionalize effective citizen participation in functionally complex, socially differentiated, and spatially and numerically extensive societies.”
• “Democratic theory has a persistent problem addressing the significance of its own implicit geographical implications. This is particularly the case with respect to the conceptualization of borders and boundaries…a key issue in determining the identity and scope of democratic rule

Barnett and Low, 2005

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26
Q

Associated issues with the boundary problem

A
  • Deciding whether to put a new international airport near a capital city
  • Building a nuclear plant near the borders of a neighbouring country
  • Ecological damage - whether in terms of pollution, threats to the ozone layer or the ‘greenhouse effect’ - does not acknowledge national boundaries
  • Deciding to save resources by suspending foreign food aid
  • Deciding to suspend or step up military aid to a political faction in a distant country
  • (Held 1991, pg.142)
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27
Q

Can you let democracy decide/solve the boundary problem

A
  • We would need to make a prior decision regarding who are entitled to participate in arriving at a solution… Democracy, which is a method for group decision-making or self- governance, cannot be brought to bear on the logically prior matter of the constitution of the group itself, the existence of which it presupposes (Whelan 1983
  • Dahl has argued, this ‘anything goes’ approach leads to ‘absurdities’: ‘It is undeniable that in the United States, southern blacks were excluded from the demos. But surely to that extent the South was undemocratic: undemocratic in relation to its black population…On Schumpeter’s argument, arguably Britain was already a ‘‘democracy’’ by the end of the eighteenth century, even though only one adult in twenty could vote’ (1989
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28
Q

• Affected interests

A

everyone who is affected by the decisions of a government should have the right to participate in that government’ (Held 1970

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29
Q

• Coercion principle

A

all those subject to binding collective decisions should have a say in the making of those decisions. On the coercion principle, democratic justification is owed not in virtue of simply having interests affected but in virtue of being subject to the state’s coercive power. (See Song 2012

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30
Q

Consequences of affected interests and coercion principle

Abizadeh, 2008

A

Abizadeh argues that democratic theorists should abandon the ‘implausible picture of the demos as a pre-politically constituted, really existing corporate entity’ and accept that the demos is ‘inherently unbounded’ (2008,) leads to cosmopolitanism

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31
Q

Cosmopolitanism- Held, 2009

A

cosmopolitanism can be taken to refer to those forms of political regulation and law-making which create powers, rights and constraints that go beyond the claims of nation-states and which have far-reaching consequences, in principle, for the nature and form of political power.”

  • Cosmopolitan principles are the principles of democratic public life, stripped of one crucial assumption…that these principles can only be enacted effectively within a single circumscribed, territorially based political community. Held 2009
  • At the heart of a cosmopolitan conception of global order is the idea that citizenship can be based not on an exclusive membership of a territorial community but on general rules and principles that can be entrenched and drawn upon in different settings
  • The meaning of citizenship thus shifts from membership in a community which bestows, for those who qualify, particular rights and duties to an alternative principle of world order in which all persons have equivalent rights and duties in the cross-cutting spheres of decision-making which can affect their vital needs and interests
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32
Q

Song, 2012, critique of cosmopolitanism

A

the state is important because of the following three conditions of democracy:
 Equal rights and liberties
 Equal opportunities for political influence
 Solidarity
 And challenges cosmopolitan approach on issues of size and stability
• Democratic governance becomes more difficult over great distances, because ‘the populace has less affection for its leaders when it never sees them, for the homeland, which to its eyes, is like the world, and for its fellow citizens, the majority of whom are foreigners to it’ (Rousseau 1987

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33
Q

• Size and Stability

A

Rousseau: demos should not ‘be too large to be capable of being well-governed, nor too small to be capable of preserving itself on its own’.

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34
Q

• Size and solidarity

A

The more the social bond extends the looser it becomes, and in general a small state is proportionately stronger than a large one’.

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35
Q

Solidarity from a deliberative perspective

A

 People must listen to and understand one another and be willing to moderate their claims in the hope of finding common ground
 Such democratic activity cannot be realized by individuals solely pursuing their own self-interest; it requires a willingness to have one’s opinions be influenced and revised in light of deliberation with others. If I relinquish a position I feel strongly about now in order to reach an outcome that has widespread support, I expect others to reciprocate in the future. This necessarily implies some degree of solidarity. See Song 2012

36
Q

Thin centred ideologies

A

 Ideologies that is insufficient to contain comprehensive solutions for the full spectrum of socio-political problems – compare to the grand ideological families (communism, liberalism etc).
 Abstain from offering their own brand of programmes about, say, social justice, or the conditions for individual development.
 Either restrict themselves to a narrow core, becoming single-issue or at most double-issue political advocacy discourses, or borrowed from, and appended themselves to, other ideologies to thicken out.
 “A thin-centred ideology implies that there is potentially more than the centre, but the populist core is all there is; it is not a potential centre for something broader or more inclusive.” (Freeden, 2017, p.3

37
Q

Populist core

A
  1. “The people” are a single unit – antipluralist: “an imposed singularity of folk representation” (p.9)
  2. “Monopolistic ownership of the national timeline” – i.e. we were here first (and that matters) (p.4)
  3. Visceral fear of imported change in law, customs, and people (p.4)
    Freeden, 2017
38
Q

Implications of the populist core

A

 It can rapidly respond to political events
 Exists ‘in a state of permanent ideational emergency and manufactured crisis.” (p.6)
 “…feeds on a sense of beleaguerment” (p.6) Freeden, 2017
 At Best a “Phantom ideology’. Freeden, 2017, 10

39
Q

Muller, 2016

A

populism seems to solve a problem to which liberal democracy has no real answer – namely, the problem of what should constitute the boundaries of “the people” in the first place
 “…it is a necessary but not sufficient condition to be critical of elites…” (p.2)
 “…populists are always antipluralist (moralized anti-pluralism):
 Trump: “the only important thing is the unification of the people – because the other people don’t matter”
 “…populism is always a form of identity politics (though not all versions of identity politics are populist).”

40
Q

Populism and democracy

A

 A degraded form of democracy – and so the danger comes from within
 Populism is simple: democracy is complex (Dahrendorf 2003 – see Muller 2019, p.11)
 “Populism is something like a permanent shadow of modern representative democracy, and a constant peril.”
 Peril or corrective?
 Peril: Liberals worried about illiberalism, exclusion, marginalisation, xenophobia, nationalism
 Corrective: Democrats worried about technocracy, distant elites, unrepresentative governance
 Cas Mudde (2013): “an illiberal response to undemocratic liberalism

41
Q

Populism in practice

A

 Attempts to hi-jack state apparatus
 Corruption and mass clientelism
 Systematic suppression of civil society
 Difference to authoritarianism is that populists can do this in the open – followers would argue “they’re doing this for us.”

42
Q

Postmodern populism

A

o Blurring and fusion of politics and entertainment through mass and social media—from TV to Facebook and Twitter
o E.g. Leftist populism like Podemos in Spain emphasizes process of politics and uses television to that effect rather than offering many detailed policy prescriptions. In Italy there is the 5StarMovement.
o Along with an effective leader, it is this reliance on media technologies, what we refer to as ‘postmodern populism’, that is presumed to offer mediation that replaces place-based social influences

43
Q

3 major problems with populism

A
  • ‘the people’ is a eighteenth century idea
  • populism denies the inevitability of politics as a means of managing the interface between the centripetal (shrinking globe) and centrifugal tendencies (increasing identities etc) everywhere at work.
  • We have nested spatial identities – local, regional, national
44
Q

Party campaigns

A

o Parties were once considered ‘mass’ or ‘catch-all
o Shift as parties centralised and became top-down
o Campaigning eschewed local activists to focus on mass-media messaging and consultancy-led branding
o Political communication, control, and power, with the elites
o Election campaigns become ‘highly professional affairs, involving public relations consultants and media specialists
o Professional parties draw on the expertise of ‘a permanent staff of communications and marketing professionals’

45
Q

digital developments in election campaigns

A

could ‘open up’ the campaign space vs. exacerbate centralising dynamic
• Digital affordances seen to further fuel elite control, with external consultants, technology companies and external data brokerage firms working with central party elites.
• Parties’ adoption of ‘new ICTs may be promoting a more centralized mode of operation and a narrowing of their support base’
• The ‘analytics turn’ in campaigning has enabled ‘logics of top-down presentational professionalism’

46
Q

Non-party campaigns

A
  • “Democratic intermediaries” (Edwards 2006)
  • Three functions:
  • Preference –> Momentum, Grime4Corbyn
  • Information –> GE2017, Turn Up, Rize Up
  • Interactional –> Swap My Vote, Campaign Together, Crowdpac
  • Possible to do multiple functions (i.e Momentum
47
Q

Satellite Campaigns- ‘“Doers” not “joiners”’ (Scarrow 2015)

A

• Mark Wallace (ConservativeHome - September 5th 2017): “How many disparate groups can you think of who were allied to or sympathetic to Labour in the course of the election? Count unions, charities, pressure groups, campaigning social media communities, and crowdfunded advertising campaigns, and you’ll realise there are a lot. In the online war, that gave Labour two things: reach and trust… Compounding the impact was the fact that people are more likely to trust a message from a group which is (at least nominally) outside the orbit of a party HQ, and which they’re engaged with in their regular life outside election time.”

48
Q

Whats different for non-party organisations

A

digital..
o …helps enable the transition back and forth between being a party-sympathizer to carrying out the role of a party-activist, blurring the lines between models of party membership and affiliation
o …greatly reduces the resource costs required to organise and therefore mobilise (outside of parties)
o …allows for message amplification and ‘organic sharing’
o …promotes innovation in a way that regulations and party structures restrict
o …allows for perma-campaigning (i.e. Momentum release weekly videos)

49
Q

Using the ‘digital turn’ to challenge critiques at electoral geography

A
  • Utility of interviews, focus groups (general qual methods) to understand the practice of digital engagement in campaigning
  • A focus on institutionalized politics & An omission of some of the major political actors in the electoral process
  • Take seriously the role of non-party campaign organisations
  • Take seriously the role of digital media platforms
50
Q

Implications of the digital turn on electoral geography

A
  • Engage with political actors that are highly digital in nature – has digital precipitated a clash of campaign ‘logics’ (i.e. formal and informal?)
  • Think about the scalar interaction of campaigning in a way that accounts for the possibilities and infrastructure of key digital platforms (within parties and across organisations)
  • Consider also scalar and digital concerns operating within electoral law
  • Consider contingency of political actors – is this Corbyn only?
51
Q

Encountering citizenship

A
  • Gendered citizenship

- Landscaped citizenship- ie soviet bloc

52
Q

Invited and invented spaces

A

o Invited spaces of participation
o Invented spaces of participation
o Closed spaces of (non)participation
o The question of participation (as tyranny)
o Power and power relations in participation
Think about the fluidity and limits of these invited and invented spaces.

53
Q

Virtual realms of citizenship

A

o Digital citizenship and wired citizenship
o Techno-optimists and techno-pessimists
o Use by activists and by governments
o Blurring of concrete and virtual worlds: the intersections of citizenship practices and spatialities
o Think about online petitions etc…active participation in the digital realm?

54
Q

Re-bordering of citizenship

A

o Not only at national borders but surveillance and policing beyond and within
o Re-bordering through re-education
o Re-bordering through surveillance
o Linguistic nationalism
Citizenship tests…Life in the UK a guide for new residents.

55
Q

Emotional citizenship

A

o Belonging and ‘longing to be’
o Emotional investments to citizenship at multiple levels
o The (emotional) costs of precarity and temporariness
o Deployment of markers of identity as moments – touchstones – of connection
o Migrations and belonging- Windrush

56
Q

Migrant Citizens

A

o Strategies and practices of presence and absence
o (In)accessibility of rights
o Creating spaces of/connections to home/land
o Strategic (in)visibilities and (in)audibilities

57
Q

Depriving citizenship

A

o Through enforcement and detention: the creation of spaces of ‘haunting’
o Stripping ‘undesirables’ of citizenship
o Shamima Begum, BBC, 2019

58
Q

(Practicing Citizenship) as

A

o Process and tool of struggle
o Tool of state repression and control
o Mix of possibility and control
o “Without a validated, dignified and respected sense of self, the steps to a full and active citizenship are limited and restricted. An individual must first consider themselves to be worthwhile within society, but crucially a belief must exist that this worthwhile citizenship is also recognised by and reflected back by the state” (Gaskell, 2008: 225
Reciprocity and respect- New Labour, respect agenda.

59
Q

When is there no perceived reciprocity

A

o “You get discrimination against the coloureds wherever BEE [Black Economic Empowerment] is concerned because they look at the surname and if you don’t have [an African] surname, you don’t get the job. People, they talk about housing, education, jobs, they’re feeling they - the coloured - are discriminated against”. (Adrian, interview 24/05/2005)

o “Today, affirmative action advantages the black person. Where do us coloureds fit in? You
see now I get upset because when we struggled, I was a black person but now the struggle
is over and we’re looking at the new South Africa. Now, I’m not black enough” (interview
06/06/2005)

60
Q

Vulnerable and ecological citizenship

A

o Bernardo surveyed the wreckage from a hillside pasture above his neighbourhood, Loteamento Boa Esperanza. Some 60 ruined two-storey houses lay directly below us, the result of a 2007 landslide from which, with one exception, their owners had fled permanently, forbidden to return by the Civil Defence. Now six years on, the city still reeling from a series of deadly landslides in 2011, Bernardo seemed resigned to the low expectations and rule-of-chance that deep uncertainty brings. While the risk of another landslide at an unknown future moment hung large over the neighbourhood, the more pressing danger was children and teenagers messing about in the overgrown rubble

61
Q

Active and Activist citizenship

A

o From active to activist
o “Rather than asking ‘who is the citizen?’ the question becomes ‘what makes the citizen?’” (Isin, 2009: 383)
o “that to be a citizen is to make claims to justice: to break habitus and act in a way that disrupts already defined orders, practices and statuses.” (Isin, 2009: 384)
o The role of dissident citizenship practices
o “the practices of marginalised citizens who publically contest prevailing arrangements of power by means of oppositional democratic practices that augment or replace institutionalised channels of democratic opposition when those channels are inadequate or unavailable” (Sparks, 1997: 75)
o Insurgent citizenship – citizenship from below, from the streets
o “The actions of a few hundred demonstrators seemed to silence the claims of nearly 100 000 other demonstrators. Students, however, asserted that they were merely exercising their rights and responsibilities as citizens. Clearly, different ideas about citizenship were operative in these exchanges”

62
Q

Insurgent Citizenship

A

o “As neoliberal practices privatize the city, insurgent citizenship challenges the hypocrisy of neoliberalism: an ideology that claims to equalize through the promotion of formal political and civil rights yet, through its privatization of life spaces, criminalizes citizens based on their consumption abilities. Insurgent citizenship is a strategy employed by the poor to hold city officials accountable to their civil and political rights to decent housing conditions, as well as to the city itself, and to reclaim their dignity despite the hypocrisy” (Miraftab and Wills, 2005: 202)
o Acts, actions and Activists

63
Q

What do we mean by scale

A

o a ‘vertical’ differentiation in which social relations are embedded within a hierarchical scaffolding of nested territorial units stretching from the global, the supranational, and the national downwards to the regional, the metropolitan, the urban, the local, and the body. (Brenner 2005, 9)
o the spatial level, local, national, or global, at which [a] presumed effect of location is operative. (Agnew 1993, 251, emphasis in original)

64
Q

Transnational circulations

A

o Ideas and knowledge about citizenship are mobile
o Used to promote political agendas (esp. democratisation)
o From broadcast to circulation

65
Q

The greater good- Utilitarianism

A

version of consequentialism, which states that the consequences of any action are the only standard of right and wrong.
Includes all of the good and bad produced by the act, whether arising after the act has been performed or during its performance.

66
Q

Sovereignty, empire and the body politic

A

o 1991 military coup in Haiti triggered surge of refugees heading to the USA
o Intercepted by the US Coastguard and held in a site of exception
o Witnessed a vivid culmination of a longer history of entwining of power, politics, eugenics and epidemiology to construct the national ‘body’ politics

67
Q

Performance society and productive citizens

A

o “youth citizenship is crucial for development outcomes… by enhancing the human and social capital of individuals, by promoting government accountability for basic service delivery, and by enhancing the overall climate for investment and private decision making” (World Bank, 2007: 161)

68
Q

Engaging citizens

A

o “Citizen engagement is important because it helps to create citizens… People have to learn about those rights [of citizenship], people have to learn their skills to make a difference. And how do you learn that? You learn by starting with engagement.” (Gaventa, 2015)

o “Citizen Engagement should not be thought of as new and optional tool. Rather, it is an ancient concept with a long history, and should be considered both an obligation for legitimate governments, and as a hallmark of good citizenship” (Gigler, 2015)

69
Q

New South African Citizens

A

What we teach is kids in
school. They go back to their communities, and that’s a different
thing. They can’t live out what you teach them here, because the
parents and the grandparents, they’ve got different views, you
see. They say: ‘Ag, you say that and must do that. You learn out of
the books and so on. They taught you that, but this is real life’”
(Ronald, 29 January, 2009).

70
Q

The public sphere

A

o “[t]he bourgeois public sphere may be conceived above all as the sphere of private people come together as a public” (Habermas [1962] 1989: 27)

71
Q

History of Civil society

A

o “civil society as public power allied to justice” (Cicero)
o First generation of civil society organisations – 1807-1945
o Second generation– 1945-1950s
o Third generation – 1960s/70s
o Fourth generation – 1980s/90s to present

72
Q

Defining Civil society

A

o “the sector of voluntary action within institutional forms that are distinct from those of the state, family and market…consist[ing] of a large and diverse set of voluntary organisations, often competing with each other and oriented to specific interests. It comprises non-state actors and associations that are not purely driven by private or economic interests, are autonomously organized, and interact with the public sphere; and civil society is independent from the state, but is orientated toward and interacts closely with the state and the political sphere” (Paffenholz and Spurk)
“compris[ing] the relationships and activities that make up our life at grass-roots levels of society, in families, communities and voluntary associations, independent of both government and the commercial world” (Civil Society Australia)

73
Q

Role of civil society

A

o “to advance socio-economic and environmental justice by developing critical knowledge about, for and in dialogue with civil society” (Centre for Civil Society, UKZN)

74
Q

Civil Society Organisations

A

non-state actors whose aims are neither to generate profits nor to seek governing power. CSOs unite people to advance shared goals and interests. UNDP collaborates with CSOs whose goals, values and development philosophies are in accord with its own” (UNDP)

75
Q

Donor definitions of who is civil society

A

o “a social domain which is not part of the state or the market, where citizens come together to negotiate their relations with the state, with each other, and with private firms and international institutions in governance” (Commonwealth Foundation)

o “Non-governmental organisations, community based organisations, youth organisations, indigenous people’s organisations, trade unions, service organisations, faith-based organisations, academic institutions, and cooperatives” (UNDP).

o “Non-state, non-profit organisations operating on non-partisan and non-violent agendas, can exist at local, national and international levels” (EU).

o KEY ISSUE: governmentality and discourses of civility

76
Q

Challenges to CSO’s working in conflict/ post-conflict zones

A

o Restrictions on funding reaching ‘banned’ or ‘terrorist’ groups
o Restrictions on use of funds for events that (may) involve those connected with ‘banned’ group
o Example: USAID funding for Civil Society and challenges in Lebanon

77
Q

Participation, civil society and citizenship

A
o	Civility (formal politeness and courtesy in behaviour or speech), incivility (rude or unsociable speech or behaviour.) and uncivil society (catch-all term civil society with values different from their own.)
o	Ie Rochdale council ban swearing
78
Q

Governmentality and governing power

A

o Michel Foucault (1926-1984)
o Governmentality as:
o The logics of government by the state = The Art of Government
o Forms of governing others and the self = Generalised Power (Conduct of Conducts)
o ‘problem is to see how men govern (themselves and others) by the production of truth’ (Foucault 1991, 79)

79
Q

Civil society in the UK

A
163,763 general charities (36.7 billion income)
165 Unis (26.5 billion income)
3,339 co-ops- 24.2 billion income
80
Q

Civil Society in South Africa

A

o Championed on the one hand as a crucial component of democracy, and derided on the other as a Western theoretical irrelevance
o “One of the major reasons why civil society in Africa is widely misunderstood is the fact that Western political thought has dominated the debate on the topic” (Söderbaum, 2007: 323)
o “the most common view [in Africa] is that civil society refers to those intermediary associations which are capable both of representing the country’s various groups and of countering the state’s hegemonic ambitions” (Chabal and Daloz, 1999: 19

81
Q

Legal statutes of Civil Society

A

o Uganda: Non-Governmental Organisations Bill, 2015
o Monitoring and regulation (through registration) of who is an NGO
o State-appointed board to ‘guide’ NGO activities and “strengthen and promote the capacity of NGO and their mutual partnership with government” (2015: 1) to deliver a ‘harmonised’ view of national development
o South Africa, Nonprofit Organisations Act, 1997
o “To provide for an environment in which nonprofit organisations can flourish; to establish an administrative and regulatory framework within which nonprofit organisations can conduct their affairs”
o Any non-state, nonprofit can apply to be registered, that is established for a public purpose
o Must provide financial and other reports to encourage and ensure compliance, high standards of governance, transparency and public accountability
o Change from apartheid policy, where legislation used to monitor and curtail NGOs

82
Q

Civil society typologies-Miller, 2000

A

o Repressive- Ethiopia, Zimbabwe (early 2000’s)
o Competitive- USA
o Disciplined- Canada
o Manipulated- Singapore, Eastern Europe
o Contentious- Apartheid South Africa, Uganda

83
Q

Civil society in Rwanda

A

o In Rwanda, a national NGO is legally defined as “an organisation which is comprised of natural persons or of autonomous collective voluntary organisations whose aim is to improve economic, social and cultural development and to advocate for public interests of a certain group, natural persons, organizations or with the view of promoting common interest of their members”.
o Registration can be refused, or cancelled, if there is “convincing evidence that the organisation intends to jeopardize security, public order, health, morals or human rights” or if the organisation “does not comply with its mission”.

84
Q

Donors, civil society and professionalisation

A

o “this ‘civil society’ agenda is primarily used by transnational development actors to transmit narrow neoliberal agendas to developing countries, rather than exploring and supporting alternative forms of social democracy therein” (Hickey, 2002: 842)
o Danger of being used to promote a particular view of citizenship, civil society and development
o Professionalisation of CSO/NGO sector as linked to particular development agenda

85
Q

Civil Society repression and marginalisation

A

o Singapore
o Dangerous Societies Suppression Ordinance, 1869, repealed in 1889.
o Societies Ordinance enacted,1889, provided for the registration and regulation of societies.
o Societies Act,1967, replaced this.

The Registry of Societies (ROS) administers the Societies Act and Regulations. ROS is currently a unit under the Ministry of Home Affairs, and functions to:

a) Administer the Societies Act & Regulations
b) Establish and administer a repository of documents and information submitted by registered societies and provide access to the public to such documents and information